Political Economics Flashcards

1
Q

Basic set up and assumptions of Downsian model of electoral competition

A
  1. 2 office-seeking parties compete in election (only objective = gain political office)
  2. Uni-dimensional political choice (over level of government spending (g))
  3. Citizens vote for party whose proposed level of g gives highest expected utility
  4. Voting costless, so ‘paradox of voting’ avoided and turnout = 100%
  5. Single-crossing property (if median voter prefers 1 proposal over other, at least ½ of electorate will agree)
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2
Q

Factors that influence extent to which Downsian electoral competition delivers outcome closer to social optimum

A
  1. Degree of inequality aversion in SWF
  2. Skewness of income distribution
  3. Turnout
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3
Q

P+T’s standard model of electoral competition:

assumptions about policy-maker?

A
  1. Choose g
  2. Finance g through proportional tax
  3. Each citizen taxed at rate t (no targeting)
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4
Q

P+T’s standard model of electoral competition:

assumptions about individual policy preferences?

A
  1. Single-peaked

2. Satisfy single-crossing property

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5
Q

P+T’s standard model of electoral competition:

how re-write individual consumption term?

A

Ci = (1-t) * yi

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6
Q

P+T’s standard model of electoral competition:

how re-write tax rate term?

A

t = g / y

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7
Q

P+T’s standard model of electoral competition:

intuition for why preferred level of government spending decreases w/income?

A

proportional taxes mean richer citizens pay larger % of tax burden, but receive same g

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8
Q

When does Downsian electoral competition produce an efficient level of government spending in line with utilitarian normative benchmark?

A

Income of median voter = average income (only true when turnout = 100% and the income distribution is symmetric)

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9
Q

Verba et al (1995)

A

Individual turnout strongly correlated w/income

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10
Q

Evidence that individual turnout strongly correlated w/income

A

Verba et al (1995)

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11
Q

UK turnout in 2017 general election?

A

63%

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12
Q

Why is P+T’s ideological model of voting a probabilistic voting model?

A

Vote share depends on the value of delta (random event from perspective of candidates)

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13
Q

Why is there platform convergence in P+T’s ideological model of voting?

A

Both candidates face symmetric problems

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14
Q

Result of P+T’s ideological model of voting?

A

Candidates converge to favoured policy of income group w/most swing voters (rather than median voter)

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15
Q
  1. What do candidates converge to in P+T’s ideological model of voting?
  2. Which group does this relate to in their mode? Due to what assumption?
A
  1. Candidates converge to favoured policy of income group w/most swing voters (rather than median voter)
  2. Rich assumed to be less ideologically polarised and so equilibrium spending close to preferred level of rich group
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16
Q

In P+T’s ideological model of voting, when is the difference between the outcome of electoral competition and optimal spending level larger? Under what assumption?

A

Assumption - rich group least ideologically polarised

  1. Rich group larger (more votes to be gained)
  2. Rich group richer relative to middle-class (have higher stake in economic policy)
17
Q

General lessons of P+T’s ideological model of voting voting model?

A
  1. Ideological shifts in population systematically alter political power of different groups
  2. Ideologically neutral groups w/many mobile voters (willing to swing vote for small changes in economic policy) become attractive target for office-seeking politicians
18
Q

Key changes to basic model in P+T’s model of local public good provision?

A
  1. Geographically distinct groups indexed by J
    (i) But everyone has same income y
  2. Targeted, group-specific public good provision
  3. Non-targeted lump-sum taxation
19
Q
  1. How might parties behave in multi-party system?

2. Example?

A

1a. Might expect coalition-formation w/coalitions behaving in quite a “Downsian” way, converging on median voter
1b. Parties likely to ‘water down’ distinctive electoral platforms to give policy concessions and form coalitions
1c. Main predictor of coalition formation – policy/ideological distance between parties

  1. Example – Conservative/Liberal Democrat coalition in 2010