Political Communication Flashcards
Politics in the age of mediation Scheme: McNair 2007
- Political organisations: Parties, Public organisations, Pressure groups, Terrorist organisations, Governments -> Media = Appeals, Programmes, Advertising, Public Relations
Media -> Political organisations = Reportage, Editorials, Commentary, Analysis - Citizens -> Media = Opinion Polls, Letters, Blogs, Citizen journalism
Media -> Citizens = Reportage, Editorials, Commentary, Analysis
Definition of political communication (McNair 2007: 4)
-> Purposeful communication about politics
This includes:
1. All forms of communication undertaken by politicians and other political actors for the purpose of achieving
specific objectives.
2. Communication addressed to these actors by nonpoliticians such as voters and newspaper columnists.
3. Communication about these actors and their activities, as contained in news reports, editorials, and other forms of
media discussion of politics.
Where did most of the post-its go and why?
Politics is mediated (Mazzoleni & Schulz, 1999)
* Media are the dominant source of information about
politics (and society).
* Communication is central to politics – some even say
politics is communication…
* … and politics increasingly relies on (mass) media to
communicate with the public-at-large.
Political communication’s major changes
- Mediation is a descriptive statement: it describes the
situation of the crucial intermediary role media play nowadays. - Mediation also has a normative component: is this a good or a bad thing? (Mazzoleni & Schulz)
-The ‘irresponsible media complex’
-Media bias
Two major trens/shifts in society that are relevant
for any discussion on political communication
- Media proliferation: compared to a few decades ago, citizens can now consume content through an ever increasing variety of media.
- Audience fragmentation: this allows citizens to select which content to (not) attend to. In turn, this leads to a fragmentation of the mass audience into smaller ‘sub’ audiences.
These trends influence the impact media can have on the public
some scholars believe that these trends lead to smaller media effects (minimal effects), due mainly to (partisan) selective exposure.
- Political news less likely to reach all but the most interested (and hard to persuade) voters;
- Political news is less likely to reach citizens who disagree with it, as they self-select out of incongruent news (partisan selective exposure).
But: politics is mediated, so any impact on media (and it’s effects) also matters for politics.
- Politicians may have a harder time reaching the public at large, but an easier time reaching specific subgroups in society.
- However, this oftentimes also means that they’ll need to play by media’s (new) rules…
Kaid et al. suggest that we may view political ‘reality’ as
comprising three categories (1991):
- First, we may speak of an objective political reality, comprising political events as they actually occur
- There is then a subjective reality – the ‘reality’ of political events as they are perceived by actors and
citizens - Third, and critical to the shaping of the second category of subjective perceptions, is constructed reality, meaning events as covered by the media.
(in: McNair 2007, 11)
McNair: Democracy rests upon three principles
- Constitutionality: the rules need to be clear (of elections / power
held by representatives / …). - Participation: a substantial proportion of the people should participate.
- Rational Choice: breaks down into two conditions
- There should be meaningful alternatives (if all parties/candidates have the exact same policies, what choice do citizens really have?)
- Citizens need to be able to make a rational choice.
Conclusion: To be able to make rational choices, the public needs to be informed and educated about political matters.
- An informed & knowledgeable electorate is therefore crucial for the functioning of democracy.
- Public Sphere (Habermas): the place where public and politics engage in debate with one another.
- Collectively shared information allows individual political opinion to become collective public opinion.
- Why is all of this important in a course on PolCom?
- Because the mass media constitute one of the key (if not the key) components of democracy’s public sphere.
- It is through the mass media that most people get informed about politics: politics is mediated!
Five functions of the media in an ‘ideal-type’ democratic society
- Information
- Education
- Platform for political discourse
- Act as a watchdog of government
- Channel for the advocacy of political viewpoints
(McNair 2007: 19-20)
Public sphere: scheme
State + Public Sphere + People (overlaping circles)
What is a good public sphere?
Different normative approaches to the public sphere, each based on different prescribed goals for that public sphere.
Ferree et al. (2002) discuss four such approaches:
* Representative Liberal
* Participatory Liberal
* Discursive Theory
* Constructionist
These approaches determine who should speak, what content should be discussed, how communication occurs (style), and the outcomes of discourse.
Representative liberal
The ultimate authority in society rests with the citizens, who decide who is accountable to them … but they do not need to participate in public discourse on policy issues.
* Who? Elite dominance (public representatives) and
proportionality (proportional to their importance).
* What? Free marketplace of ideas – restrictions on
content are suspect.
* How? Detachment (arguments driven by cool
reason) and civility.
* Outcome? Closure – once a matter has been decided through discourse, the system moves on.
Participatory liberal
This approach seeks to maximize the participation of citizens in the public decisions that affect their lives.
* Who? Popular inclusion and rejection of expertise –
voices of ordinary citizens should be present – and
empowerment.
* What? Diversity, empowerment of citizens.
* How? Rejection of detachment & civility
* Outcome? Rejection of closure, for fear that this is
premature (pseudo-consensus).
Discursive
Similar to Participatory Liberal, but key emphasis on
deliberation – popular inclusion is a means to an end in this approach.
* Who? Popular inclusion and rejection of expertise.
* What? Better ideas should prevail over weaker ones.
* How? Mutual respect (willingness for dialogue,
consensus seeking). Civility to some extent, but it may be necessary to take extreme/offensive stands.
* Outcome? Closure: once the best idea for public policy is agreed upon, it should be removed from the public’s agenda.
Constructionist
This approach questions existing arrangements and
categories to see if they conceal hidden inequalities.
* Who? Popular inclusion and recognition of differences.
* What? Creativity in bringing new ideas forward,
seeking out grassroots perspectives (!= Participatory Liberal, which expects the grassroots to mobilize themselves).
* How? Deliberativess and civility, insofar as they do not diminish popular inclusion.
* Outcome? Closure is deeply suspect – it can
suppress diversity of expression.
What is a good public sphere?: table, Ferree, M. M., Gamson, W. A., Gerhards, J., & Rucht, D
- Representative liberal:
-Who participates? Elite dominance, Expertise, Proportionality;
-In what sort of process? Free market-place of ideas, Transparency;
-How ideas should be presented? Detachment Civility;
-Outcome of relation between discourse and desicion-making: closure - Participatory liberal:
-Who participates? Popular inclusion
-In what sort of process: Epoerment
-How ideas should be presented: Range of styles
-Outcome of relation between discourse and decision-making: Avoidance of imposed closure - Discursive:
-Who participates? Popular inclusion
-In what sort of process: Deliberative
-How ideas should be presented: Dialogue, Mutual respect, Civility
-Outcome of relation between discourse and decision-making: Avoidance of premature, non-consensus-based closure - Constructionist: -Who participates? Popular inclusion
-In what sort of process: Empowerment Recognition
-How ideas should be presented: Narrative creativity
-Outcome of relation between discourse and decision-making: Avoidance of exclusionary closure; Expansion of the political community
What is a good public sphere?: debates / critiques
These different normative approaches to the public sphere underly many of the debates / critiques on what journalists and media do.
For example, there has been much ado about media’s shift towards more ‘popular’ formats to report on politics and public policy.
Depending on your approach, you may favor or dislike each of these trends.
McNair’s critique on the functioning of the media
- The failure of education
* For Bobbio, one of the great ‘broken promises’ of liberal democracy is the failure of the education system to produce rational voters, a failure which he sees reflected in the growing political apathy characteristic of such democratic exemplars as the US.
* slightly cynical response to a political process in which it may appear to the individual citizen that his or her vote does not matter.
* For Jean Baudrillard, the guru of post-modern nihilism, voter apathy is viewed as an intelligible strategy of resistance to bourgeois attempts to incorporate the masses into a ‘game’ which they can never really win. - Absence of choice
A further limitation on democracy is often argued to be the absence of genuine choice, or pluralism. - Capitalism and power
Socialist and Marxist critiques of liberal democracy are more fundamental, arguing that the real loci of power in capitalist societies are hidden behind formal political procedures: in the boardrooms of big business; in the higher reaches of the civil service and security apparatus; in a host of secretive, non-elected institutions. - The manufacture of consent
if the information on which political behaviour is based is, or can be, manufactured artifice rather than objective truth, the integrity of the public sphere is inevitably diminished.
Politicians, however, also seek to conceal information from citizens, sometimes for reasons of what is called ‘national security’, and sometimes to avoid political embarrassment.
In 1962 Daniel Boorstin coined the term ‘pseudo-event’ in response to what he saw as the increasing tendency of news and journalistic media to cover ‘unreal’, unauthentic ‘happenings’. - The limitations of objectivity
For a variety of reasons, it is argued, the media’s political reportage is biased and flawed – subjective, as opposed to objective; partisan, rather than impartial.
4 macro-level frameworks for comparative political communication research: Pfetsch & Esser (2014)
- Media systems
- Political communication systems
- Political information environments
- Political communication processes
Political communication in comparative perspective
- Political communication processes = ordered systems consisting of structures AND actors
- Macro level: patterns of interaction of media and political actors as social system
- Micro level: interactions of media and political actors as individuals or organizations
- Political communication systems occur on different
geographic levels
= “the quantitative supply of news and public affairs content provided to national audience by routinely available sources” (Esser, 2012).
- Diversity of communication channels is seen as favorable
Discuss the following statement by Pfetsch & Esser (2014, 92):
-> ”This is ironic in so far as it suggests that a system with more political pluralistic media options provokes the opposite of diversity, namely that most people gravitate toward sources they politically agree with.”
Comparative campaign studies: Barbara Pfetsch and Frank Esser
National election campaigns are probably the most popular subject in comparative political communication research. This is because they are clearly relevant to the democratic process, fulfill the important criterion of functional equivalence across
systems, and are easy to manage for researchers due to their clear starting and ending point. (Национальные избирательные кампании, вероятно, являются самой популярной темой в сравнительных исследованиях политической коммуникации. Это связано с тем, что они имеют очевидное отношение к
демократическому процессу, отвечают важному критерию функциональной эквивалентности в разных системах и легко управляемы для исследователей благодаря своей четкой начальной и конечной точке.)
A key challenge for scholars comparing campaign styles has been to find a theoretical explanation for ostensibly similar trends in clearly dissimilar environments. An important advancement was thus to “contextualize” seemingly global trends in national campaigns. (Ключевой задачей для ученых, сравнивающих стили кампаний, было найти теоретическое объяснение якобы схожих тенденций в явно несхожих
условиях. Таким образом, важным достижением стало Барбара Пфетш и Франл Эссер “контекстуализировать” кажущиеся глобальными тенденции в национальных кампаниях.)
(1) Swanson and Mancini’s (1996)
Interestingly, many studies comparing election communication were unable
to demonstrate stark differences in campaign style (Swanson and Mancini 1996), marketing orientation (Lees-Marshment et al. 2010), the use of advertising (Raid
and Holtz-Bacha 2006) or web campaigning (Kluver et al. 2007), and consequently did not succeed at attributing differences to the impact of country-specific contextual conditions. (Интересно, что многие исследования, сравнивающие предвыборную
коммуникацию, не смогли продемонстрировать разительных различий в
стиле кампании (Swanson and Mancini 1996), маркетинговой ориентации
(Lees-Marshment et al. 2010), использовании рекламы (Itaid and Holtz-Bacha 2006) или интернет-кампании (I’ uver et al. 2007), а следовательно, не смогли объяснить различия влиянием специфических условий в конкретной стране.)
(2) The thesis that the Internet has led to a push toward a postmodern era is at the heart of recent studies about e-campaigning. (Тезис о том, что Интернет привел к наступлению эпохи постмодерна, лежит в основе последних исследований, посвященных электронным кампаниям.)
Both studies conclude that the Internet has not leveled the playing field for smaller parties or minor
candidates (no “equalizing” effect) and that the Internet is still only a supplement (“add-on”) in the repertoire of mainstream parties. (Оба исследования пришли к выводу, что Интернет не выровнял условия игры для небольших партий или второстепенных кандидатов (нет “уравнивающего” эффекта) и что Интернет по-прежнему является лишь дополнением (“add-on”) в репертуаре основных партий.)
Large resources still matter and the use of the Internet rather reinforces existing hierarchies and campaign trends. (Крупные ресурсы по-прежнему имеют значение, и использование Интернета скорее укрепляет существующие иерархии и тенденции кампании).
The most revolutionary potential of the Internet seems to lie
in the area of fundraising and mobilizing loyalists (Lilleker and Jackson 2012) (Наиболее революционный потенциал Интернета, по-видимому, лежит в
области сбора средств и мобилизации лоялистов)
structural filters and cultural
restraints limit so-called Americanization trends, and that campaigns around the
world are not necessarily converging but still follow different national logics. (На основании сравнительных исследований мы пришли к выводу, что структурные фильтры и культурные ограничения ограничивают так
называемые тенденции американизации, а кампании по всему миру не обязательно сближаются, но все еще следуют различным национальным логикам.)
Comparative studies of politician-journalist relationships: Barbara Pfetsch and Frank Esser
One strong strand of research
refers to the inquiry into journalism culture defined by journalists’ normative beliefs and professional values. This research stimulates a reflection about the
meaning and consequences of journalist’s predispositions for how they perceive and report politics under the influence of different political and cultural contexts.
Another trajectory is devoted to the comparative analysis of how journalists and politicians interact and how their respective attitudes shape different political communication cultures (Одно из сильных направлений исследований связано с изучением журналистской культуры, определяемой нормативными убеждениями и
профессиональными ценностями журналистов. Эти исследования
стимулируют размышления о значении и последствиях
предрасположенности журналистов для того, как они воспринимают и освещают политику под влиянием различных политических и культурных
контекстов. Другое направление посвящено сравнительному анализу того, как взаимодействуют журналисты и политики и как их соответствующие установки формируют различные культуры политической коммуникации.)
For one, a lively theoretical debate about the nature of global journalism raised awareness for the implicit national containment of journalism culture (Reese 2008) and the fact that the available
concepts needed to be striped of the cultural undercurrents of Western notions (Hanitzsch et al. 2011). In addition, Hanitzsch (2007) developed a theoretically
integrated and normatively less biased framework for the study of journalism culture that combines professional, ethical and epistemological dimensions (Например, оживленные теоретические дебаты о природе глобальной журналистики привели к осознанию неявного национального сдерживания журналистской культуры (Reese 2008) и того факта, что имеющиеся концепции необходимо очистить от культурных подтекстов западных представлений.Кроме того, Ханицш (2007) разработал теоретически интегрированную и нормативно менее предвзятую структуру для изучения журналистской культуры, которая объединяет профессиональные, этические
и эпистемологические измерения).
Media and politics: studying the tango. 3 aspects of power struggle
How ? (= research on media logic, sound bites, infotainment) → shift towards media logic (mediatization)
Who ? (= research on media bonuses and media bias)
What ? (= research on agenda-setting and framing)