Nineteenth Century Capitalism Flashcards

1
Q

When was the term imperialism’ coined?

A

During the 19th C economic debate

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2
Q

When was there a rapid increase in imperial prosperity?Why?

A

From 1780+ Because London replaced Amsterdam as the financial capital of the world due to the French Wars.

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3
Q

What was Britain the first to achieve?

A

Self-sustained modern economic growth: Britain was the ‘workshop of the world’.

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4
Q

What percentage of the world’s coal output, according to P. Bairoch, was from Britain in 1830-1860-1880?

A

71% - 57% - 49%

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5
Q

What percentage of the world’s iron output, according to P. Bairoch, was from Britain in 1830-1860-1880?

A

75% - 52% - 43%

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6
Q

What percentage of the world’s industrial output, according to P. Bairoch, was from Britain in 1830-1860-1880?

A

10% - 20% - 23%

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7
Q

According to P. Cain, what percentage of British imports went to the empire 1854-57? And exports?

A

24% imports, 30% exports

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8
Q

According to P. Cain, what percentage of British imports went to the empire 1909-13? And exports?

A

25% imports, 35% exports

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9
Q

How were exports to the empire in 1854-57 distributed?

A

48% to settlements, 32% to India, 52% to other colonies.

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10
Q

How were exports to the empire in 1909-13 distributed?

A

50% to settlements, 33% to India, 17% to other colonies.

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11
Q

What was the shift that occurred in economic practise in the 19th Century?

A

A shift from a mercantilist practise to capitalist.

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12
Q

Who is the traditionalist historian for capitalism and nineteenth century expansion?

A

J. Hobson

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13
Q

Who are the revisionist historians for capitalism and nineteenth century expansion?

A

J. Gallagher and R. Robinson

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14
Q

Briefly outline J.Hobson’s argument:

A

1870s underconsumption- demand failed to meet supply, further expansion needed

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15
Q

What was J.Hobson’s thought on the Scramble for Africa?

A

It was the rich searching for money, not representative of GB as a whole but of the metropolitan elite.

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16
Q

Briefly outline J.Gallagher and R.Robinson’s argument?

A

Informal Empire received more investment as it was less volatile. Formal empire was a last resort to control an entity

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17
Q

What is a quote from the Imperialism of Free Trade?

A

By informal means if possible, or by formal annexations when necessary, British paramountcy was steadily upheld.

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18
Q

Who encouraged free trade imperialism in the nineteenth century?

A

Third Viscount Palmerston, Henry J. Temple. He encouraged a nationalism and improved foreign policy

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19
Q

Who coined the term gentlemanly capitalism?

A

Cain and Hopkins, they were heavily influenced by Thatcherite politics of the 1980s.

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20
Q

Who were gentlemanly capitalists?

A

The financial aristocracy of the City, who held strong ties to Westminster- they had an intent to change Britain from the ‘workshop’ to the ‘trading room’.

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21
Q

List three benefits of formal imperial control:

A
  1. Exclusion of other powers. 2. Cultural diffusion. 3. Monopoly
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22
Q

List three limitations of formal imperial control:

A
  1. Expensive. 2. Economic interconnectedness. 3. Accountability
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23
Q

List three benefits of informal imperial control:

A
  1. More lucrative and flexible. 2. Less resentment at GB. 3. Cheaper.
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24
Q

List three limitations of informal imperial control:

A
  1. Less prestigious. 2. No exploitation. 3. No market monopoly
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25
Q

What should be remembered about pros and cons of both formal and informal imperial control?

A

They are situationally dependent. For example China was informal simply because of its size.

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26
Q

Is formal the aim and informal the vehicle to facilitate such? Or the other way?

A
  1. The goal is always formal no matter the motivation.

2. Informal was the aim, with formal being an unhappy conclusion of Imperialist control to sustain the economy.

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27
Q

How did G. Barton and B. Bennett define an informal colony to be in 2010?

A

‘ [one nation] able to strongly influence policies in a foreign country critical to the more powerful country’s interests’.

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28
Q

Between 1815-1880, what amount of credit was accumulated abroad?

A

£1,187,000, no more than 1/6 in the formal empire

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29
Q

What was the overseas investment total in 1854?

A

Approximately £190-230 million

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30
Q

What did P. Cain write regarding the nature of Empire from the 1830s onwards?

A

‘Flourishing connections with ex colonies … [show] trade could only be secured by the use of power’.

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31
Q

When was the Oceania economic depression?

A

mid-1880s, they had been integral from the 1850s up until this point, when their role was supplemented by South Africa.

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32
Q

According to P. Cain, what are the two periphery suppliers?

A

Capitalist Neo-Europes, tropical peripheries.

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33
Q

What are the limitations of the tropical periphery outlined by P. Cain?

A

1850+ it was clear that European technology was incompatible with the tropical climate.

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34
Q

When was the rapid growth of P. Cain’s ‘Neo-Europe’?

A

1790-1913, yet despite this growth it still relied heavily on London.

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35
Q

What is a contemporary source for the centre-periphery relationship of empire?

A

Thomas Brinley: ‘When Britain caught a cold, the periphery caught pneumonia’.

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36
Q

When was the trade deficit in primary produce most substantial?

A

1870s, yet the periphery remained largely constant in its multilateral exchange of goods and services.

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37
Q

What was the increase in land productivity in the periphery frontier 1850-1920?

A

70% land productivity increase to 376million hectares

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38
Q

How does A. Webster characterise informal empire?

A

‘Informal persuasion rather than costly aggression’ as it was more palatable to late-18th Century liberalism.

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39
Q

What does A. Webster note about the links between politics and economics regarding informal empire?

A

GB at the centre of the world economy meant countries were dependent. Dependency meant political leverage used in return for market access.

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40
Q

What is an example of the informal empire not always being directly economic exploitation?

A

The acquisition of the Cape was a strategic gain to protect the route to the Indian Ocean.

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41
Q

J. Robinson and R. Gallagher argued that the peripheral circumstances dictated imperialism, not changes in London. What is A. Webster’s take?

A

A. Webster argued that circumstances were the vehicle, the metropole the instigator, for imperial changes.

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42
Q

What was the traditionalist historiography of the Empire’s economic changes?

A

The empire was mercantilist, then Laissez-faire (Adam Smith) free trade not imperially run. No anti-imperialism, but ‘new’ imperialism.

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43
Q

What is the revisionist historiography of the Empire’s economic changes?

A

Economic growth cyclically relied on overseas expansion. Anti-imperialism was really informal British hegemony.

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44
Q

When did Britain begin the attempt at shifting some informal territories to formal ones?

A

1870s+

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45
Q

What does A. Webster suggest led to the last resort, and what is this?

A

Internal chaos left no option but outright annexation.

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46
Q

How were informal relations facilitated according to J. Gallagher and R. Robinson?

A

Informal relations were facilitated via indigenous collaborators.

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47
Q

Who described the edge of empire as a ‘turbulent frontier’?

A

J. Galbraith coined the term ‘turbulent frontier’.

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48
Q

Whose work exemplifies the destabilising consequences of commercial relations?

A

Khoo Kay Kim’s study of the Western Malay States: the guise of Chinese tin mining led to civil war (1860s/70s) compelling formal control.

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49
Q

Who argued that obstacles to the spread of British power were more significant than originally supposed?

A

D. Platt, claims that poor transport, communication and resistance meant 19th century imperialism was just ‘vague influence’ until new imperialism.

50
Q

Who claimed that informal control is too loose a term due to Britain’s limited ability to assert authority?

A

M. Lynn claimed that informal control is too loose a term due to Britain’s inability to assert authority.

51
Q

Who debated whether decolonisation was an attempt to lighten the imperial load? What else to they criticise?

A

J. Darwin. He was also critical of there ever been coherent official goals in The City.

52
Q

What does J. Darwin’s term ‘bridgehead’ encompass?

A

‘Bridgehead’ means the collective presence of British in the periphery territories dictating the extent of ability for informal or formal control.

53
Q

Which two historians strongly stress that we cannot react metropolitan economic developments as a motor of imperialism?

A

P. Cain and A. Hopkins.

54
Q

Who claim that capitalism rapidly modernised economies?

A

P. Baran and A. Frank. The modernisation was fourfold: 1. agriculture, 2. cheap labour, 3. division of labour, 4. capital accumulation.

55
Q

Who stresses the significance of the Anglo-Argentine connection?

A

H. Ferns.

56
Q

According to H. Ferns, when was the Anglo-Argentine connection most significant?

A

1806-1914. in 1880-1914, Argentina was more important than Egypt and China, and perhaps even India.

57
Q

What is a direct quotation from H. Ferns’ works on Anglo-Argentine relations?

A

‘Anglo-Argentine political relations were notable for a low temperature and a seeming relaxation’.

58
Q

What does H. Ferns argue to be the 4 methods Britain achieved the subordination of less developed communities?

A
  1. conquest, 2. intervention with a provisional native government, 3. consent at occupation, 4. establishing of extraterritorial privileges.
59
Q

What is a primary source for British intent behind intervention?

A

Castlereagh to the Cabinet (May , 1807)

60
Q

What did Castlereagh say to the Cabinet in May 1807?

A

‘We should not present ourselves in any other light than as auxiliaries and protectors … the particular interest which we should be understood alone to propose ourselves should be … the opening to our manufactures of the markets of that great continent’.

61
Q

What was the legal foundation for Anglo-Argentine relations?

A

The February 1825 Treaty of the United Provinces of the Rio de la Plata.

62
Q

Between 1824-34, how much money was raised in London for Argentine investment?

A

At least £23 million.

63
Q

What was the extent of investment in Argentina by 1890?

A

£174 million was being invested in Argentina by 1890.

64
Q

What does D. Mclean claim regarding mid-19th Century British trade?

A

‘On the basis of economic domination, [Britain] controlled an empire of informal sway’.

65
Q

What is D. Mclean’s take on informal empire?

A

Informal empire itself is irrefutable, yet does not fit control via economic domination.

66
Q

What was the relationship between European politics and British economic expansion?

A

British trade began competing with now equal European rivals (caught up with industrial revolution), creating diplomatic tension, exaggerating economic enterprise.

67
Q

How does D. Mclean characterise the Anglo-Turkish relationship?

A

Economic concessions on the one side, financing of government on the other.

68
Q

How does D. Mclean characterise the Anglo-Chinese relationship?

A

As a preservation of the status quo established by the Manchu dynasty until 1911, it was in severe decay and externally vulnerable.

69
Q

How can we stress the British preservation of the Manchu dynasty in China?

A

Through the protection of the Yangtze Valley.

70
Q

What should be stressed about the political-financial relations in British policy?

A

They cannot be dogmatically precluded as an economic heresy. Though finance was how the foreign office functioned.

71
Q

According to D. Mclean, why did informal empire develop?

A

Informal empire developed in response to immediate problems on the imperial frontier, not commercial penetration.

72
Q

In 1900, what percent of global capital movements were controlled by London bankers?

A

75% of global capital movements were controlled by London bankers by 1900.

73
Q

Who claim that the policies of Whitehall reflect the merchant classes?

A

R. Dacey and K. Murrin.

74
Q

What do R. Dacey and K. Murrin note about the difference between informal and formal imperialism?

A

Britain chose the carrot over the stick.

75
Q

What does J. Hobson stress about the role of finance in imperialism?

A

‘finance was the governor of the imperial engine.’

76
Q

How can we depict that expansionism sometimes failed?

A

With the 1840, 1857 Opium Wars in China trying to break economic self-sufficiency.

77
Q

What did the Opium Wars eventually lead to?

A

The Opium Wars contributed to the Taiping Rebellion (1850-64) where southern provinces occupied the Yangtze Valley.

78
Q

What did Lord Clarendon claim in 1870 regarding China?

A

‘British interests in China are strictly commercial’, or at least ‘for the protection of commerce’.

79
Q

Who coined the term gentlemanly capitalism?

A

P. Cain and A. Hopkins.

80
Q

According to the gentlemanly capitalism thesis, where was policy formed?

A

Policy was formed in ‘charmed circles’ of “new men” of the service sector who were tied to old landed elites.

81
Q

According to P. Cain and A. Hopkins, when did finance have a greater impact than industry on imperialism?

A

1850-1945.

82
Q

Who corroborates the gentlemanly capitalism thesis?

A

T. Veblen. Claimed that ‘gentlemanly investors’ controlled all spheres from 1850+.

83
Q

What is the disparity between industry decline and financial rise?

A

Decline in manufactured goods exports occurred, but a rise in ‘invisible’ services occurred until 1914 due to better adaptation to free markets.

84
Q

Between 1865-1912, what fraction of the £6 billion in London markets went to foreign enterprise?

A

2/3 of the £6 billion in London markets went to foreign enterprise in the latter half of the 29th century.

85
Q

What does J. Hobson describe The City to be?

A

J. Hobson describes The City as the ‘moneyed class.’

86
Q

What was free trade dependent upon according to P. Cain and A. Hopkins?

A

Free trade was dependent upon the spread of the sterling, which was dependent upon the maintenance of the gold standard.

87
Q

What was the limitation of The City’s political influence?

A

The City, despite their relations with Whitehall, could not compel fiscal orthodoxy.

88
Q

How can we corroborate the theory of gentlemanly capitalism?

A

The Bank of England’s court of directors was made up entirely of City leaders

89
Q

How did the Bank of England perpetuate the “club” of The City?

A

The Bank of England refused to bail out the start-up Gurney’s in 1866 yet bailed out Baring’s in 1890.

90
Q

When was the threat of the bimetallism movement (introduction of silver to the gold standard) to the British role in free trade?

A

1880s.

91
Q

When was the most significant loss of capital assets and competitiveness?

A

WWI, Britain depended upon London being a ‘world city’, yet war upset the ‘delicate web’ of credit.

92
Q

When did British markets turn more domestically once again?

A

In between the 2 world wars.

93
Q

When was the rejection of the Gold standard forced?

A

In the 1929-31 crisis.

94
Q

Who coined the term millocracy? What was it?

A

K. Marx. It was the cotton trade power in India leading to the creation of a capitalist aristocracy.

95
Q

What should be noted about the intent of the coining ‘gentlemanly capitalism’?

A

The coining gentlemanly capitalism is intended to be non-ideological, rather it is a testable echelon.

96
Q

What does A. Offer describe the new historiographical approach to Nineteenth Century economics to be?

A

A. Offer calls the new approach ‘imperial accountancy’

97
Q

Which two historians wrote studies of imperial accountancy?

A

M. Edelstein and L. Davis & R. Huttenback.

98
Q

What does New Economic History aim to do?

A

New economic history aims to show the rational nature of controversial institutions. e.g. American slavery.

99
Q

What did L. Davis and R. Huttenback compare to other European powers?

A

‘the fiscal burden of imperial defence’, that is, the British paying for defence but the empire paying less than they should.

100
Q

What was M. Edelstein’s sample?

A

566 1st and 2nd class equity preference and debenture securities (domestic, colonial & foreign) 1870-1913.

101
Q

What was the time period evaluated by M. Edelstein?

A

1870-1913.

102
Q

What did M. Edelstein record from his 566 samples?

A

From his sample, M. Edelstein recorded year-end market value, annual dividend/interest paid, capital gains/losses added up to calculate the realised rate of return.

103
Q

In comparing domestic and overseas investments, what is clear?

A

Similar investments performed better overseas- 4.6% return domestic .vs. 5.7% return overseas.

104
Q

What does the 1.1% return rate work out as in revenue flow?

A

The meagre return rate difference between domestic and overseas investment works out as 24% in revenue flow- a large amount.

105
Q

What was the property income from abroad in 1914?

A

9% total of GDP, domestic and foreign discrepancy was 2% income.

106
Q

How do L. Davis and R. Huttenback criticise M. Edelstein’s study?

A

They criticise Edelstein’s dependency on financial markets because of market manipulation protecting contemporaries from comparable risks.

107
Q

What was L. Davis and R. Huttenback’s sample?

A

482 British firms (domestic, colonial and foreign).

241 public, 234 private, 7 railways.

108
Q

According to L. Davis and R. Huttenback, in what period did the empire pay better than domestic investment?

A

1860-1912.

109
Q

In what period did domestic returns out perform overseas ones?

A

1885-1904.

110
Q

What were the domestic, imperial and foreign return rates from 1860-1912?

A

Domestic (5.7%), imperial (6.3%), foreign (5%).

111
Q

When were contemporaries avoiding overseas investment?

A

1890-1905.

112
Q

What fraction of Edwardian portfolio investments were overseas?

A

2/3 (25% empire, 42% foreign) approx.

113
Q

Why is L. Davis and R. Huttenback’s sample problematic?

A

The sample is problematic as it constructed rates of profit from internal sources which were often the result of accounting malpractice or not consistently available.

114
Q

What is the problem with uniform inflation and deflation in historical study?

A

Asset adjusting for depreciation and inflation are derived from contemporary conventions and subjectivities. uniformity will not be appropriate for each individual firm.

115
Q

How does A. Offer characterise L. Davis and R. Huttenback’s study?

A

As ‘an unsystematic sample’.

116
Q

What was the largest comparable risk for investors?

A

The ‘country factor’ according to A. Offer. That is, the risk in break down of international order.

117
Q

What was the British defence expenditure?

A

2.95%, high- but not crippling.

118
Q

If the empire paid its fair share of defence, how much would British taxes have dropped?

A

20%.

119
Q

What percentage of portfolio investment did self-governing colonies attract?

A

70-90% of all investments.

120
Q

By how much did imperial bonds outperform British consols?

A

By 60%.