Midterm 2 Flashcards

1
Q

Regime

A
  • A formal/informal set of institutional
    arrangements that determine who has power,
    how those who are in power are chosen, and
    who can hold them accountable.
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2
Q

POLITICAL PARTICIPATION

A

Activities with the intention to affect, directly or indirectly, government action.

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3
Q

Examples of political participation

A

❏ Voting in elections
❏ Participating in protests
❏ Signing petitions
❏ Contacting office holders
❏ Volunteering for political campaigns

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4
Q

Through participation in politics, citizens can:

A

❏ express their preferences about who should govern
❏ hold governing authorities accountable for their actions
❏ let their views and grievances known to fellow citizens and governing authorities
❏ put pressure on those in power

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5
Q

Individual-level factors of elections:

A

❏ Very minor differences between men and women
❏ Propensity to vote increases with age, education, and income
❏ Political efficacy, interest in politics, and perceptions of civic duty also positively affect turnout
❏ Partisanship is also a major determinant of voting

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6
Q

Contextual factors in elections

A

❏ Compulsory voting laws lead to higher turnout
❏ Legal procedures for voting (e.g., non-automatic voter registration) and in-person voting requirements depress turnout
❏ The closer the electoral context, the higher the turnout
❏ Turnout is higher in countries with proportional representation

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7
Q

Three main theoretical
approaches to explain electoral
participation

A

❏ Social-psychological
approach
❏ Rational choice framework
❏ Mobilization theories

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8
Q

SOCIAL-PSYCHOLOGICAL APPROACH

A

❏ Focuses on individuals’ psychological and attitudinal
traits
❏ Some people are more likely to participate because “they
want to”
❏ Socialization and experience in family, schooling, and work
-> higher levels of personal efficacy, interest in politics,
and sense of civic duty to vote

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9
Q

SOCIAL-PSYCHOLOGICAL APPROACH:
PREDICTIONS

A

❏ Education -> enhanced political interest and stronger
sense of civic duty to vote
❏ Higher socio-economic status -> high sense of personal
efficacy
❏ Middle-aged individuals more likely to take social and
economic responsibilities than the young -> more interest
in politics
❏ Partisan attachments develop largely through family
socialization

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10
Q

RATIONAL CHOICE FRAMEWORK

A

❏ Rational individuals will participate in elections when
benefits of doing so outweigh any costs associated with
voting
❏ Benefit of electoral participation: Contribution to one’s
preferred candidate/party winning over others and taking
office
❏ Material costs: Money and time spent for registration,
going to polls, following the campaigns
❏ Cognitive effort: Figuring out the views of the
candidates/parties and evaluating them

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11
Q

RATIONAL CHOICE FRAMEWORK:
PREDICTIONS

A

❏ Higher levels of education and income -> more resources to afford costs of participation
❏ Higher level of education -> easier to follow and make sense of campaigns
❏ Younger adults are more mobile -> more cumbersome procedures to register and vote
❏ In general, turnout tends to be higher when the efforts of voting are low and the perceived benefits high

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12
Q

POLITICAL MOBILIZATION

A

❏ Mobilization: the process by which candidates, parties,
activists, and groups induce other people to participate
❏ Door-to-door canvassing, mail solicitations, campaign ads,
personal requests by friends, neighbors, colleagues, etc

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13
Q

MOBILIZATION THEORIES

A

-Lowering the costs of voting:
-Increasing the (perceived) benefits of voting:
-Individuals who are easy to reach by candidates/parties -> more likely to be targets of mobilization efforts -> more likely to turn out to vote
-Individuals who are most likely to respond to mobilization efforts ->
more likely to be targets -> more likely to turn out to vote

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14
Q

PARADOX OF PARTICIPATION

A

R = p*B - c
R = Net rewards of voting for an individual
p = the probability of an individual’s vote being pivotal
(changing the outcome of the election)
c = the costs of associated with voting

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15
Q

SHORTCOMINGS OF PREVAILING THEORIESpoli participation

A

❏ Social-psychological approach is less useful to explain variation in participation within social groups or across
different elections
❏ Rational choice approach: Rising costs of participation should always be followed by decreased participation, but that’s not the case
❏ Mobilization efforts have relatively limited effects on
turnout

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16
Q

COSTLY ABSTENTION IN PROTEST
PARTICIPATION (4)

A

❏ positively related to how much they care about the
protests’ potential outcomes,
❏ positively related to the size of protests - only for people
who care about the protests’ goals
❏ Repression can also drive up the costs of abstention - only
for people who care about the protests’ goals
❏ Relationship between repression and protest is non-linear

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17
Q

can Digital technologies lower the costs of participation and increase costs of abstention?

A

yes

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18
Q

How do digital technologies increase protest turnout

A

❏ Easier to organize and coordinate protests
❏ Mobilizing bystanders to protests

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19
Q

WHERE DOES CIVIL SOCIETY COME
FROM?

A
  1. Modernization theory: civil society is a product of industrialization
  2. Cultural theory: civil society is a product of liberalism
  3. Institutional theories: civil society is the product of the political rules of the game (laws,
    regulations)
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20
Q

CIVIL SOCIETY DEFINITION

A

Civil society is a realm of organized citizen activity that is autonomous (i.e. independent) of the state
- Anything from choirs to unions to charities

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21
Q

Why is civil society important?

A

 Local organizations can contribute to social and economic development
 Strong multi-ethnic associations can reduce/prevent ethnic conflict
 Can promote democracy by providing organizational muscle behind democratic movements, which constrain or keep state office holders accountable and by fostering democratic values

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22
Q

Where does Civil society come from according to putnam

A

Putnam’s answer: strong civil society is a product of history, not of liberalism or of industrialization.
Tradition of civic community in Northern Italy since 12th century
History of authoritarian rule in Southern Italy wiped out all traces of civic community
Once on a path, continuity in a path-dependent way

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23
Q

CRITIQUES OF PUTNAM’S MODEL

A
  1. Sweeping path dependent claim
  2. He makes a bottom-up argument–state institutions are shaped by civil society. But what if it is the other way around?
  3. Is social capital and strong civil society always a good thing?
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24
Q

BERMAN ON DANGEROUS CIVIL
SOCIETY

A

In the absence of strong and responsive national government and political parties, strong civil society can facilitate anti democratic actions.
Illustrative example of Weimar Germany

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25
Q

Gender

A

is a socially constructed system that creates hierarchies associated with masculine and feminine characteristics.

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26
Q

Feminism

A

refers to a political project that aims to dismantle patriarchy and oppression in all forms

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27
Q

Patriarchy

A

is a sociopolitical and cultural system which privileges masculinities over femininities

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28
Q

Intersectionality

A

refers to the ways in which gender intersects with other forms of difference — race, class, ability, religion, caste, age, etc. — to create advantage or disadvantage in different social systems.

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29
Q

Quotas for women participation

A

-Legislated quotas
-Reserved Seats
-Voluntary Party Quotas

30
Q

DESCRIPTIVE REPRESENTATION: EFFECTS
AND LEGACIES

A
  • Communist states had a stated goal of equality between the sexes, but the meaning and implementation of that goal is not straightforward. Some research:
  • Achievements: women in the labor force in all fields, not just feminine fields like elementary school teaching and nursing; state-provided child care; equality rhetoric
  • Signs of persistence of the patriarchy: women rarely occupied leadership positions; double burden; rampant sexual harassment in the workplace and no measures against it.
  • But some evidence that increasing descriptive representation has persistent effects…
31
Q

CORRUPTION DEFINITION

A

Using public office for private gain

32
Q

HOW CAN WE MEASURE CORRUPTION?

A

Perceptions, for e.g. Transparency International, de facto are used as proxies for incidence, despite the fine print.

33
Q

THE PROBLEM WITH PERCEPTION INDICES

A

Self-constitutive (truth-by-repetition) and then perpetuate stereotypes
Overestimates corruption in poor economies, underestimates in rich economies
Corruption trap
Indices are purposefully conservative and don’t capture change well
Indices are fundamentally non-comparative, because experts assess their countries in isolation

34
Q

Legacy/structural factors
that increase corruption:

A
  • Any religion other than
    Protestantism
  • Any legal system other than
    common law
  • Low level of economic development
35
Q

Institutional factors that increase corruption

A
  • Presidentialism
  • Low democratic competition
  • Lack of free media to allow citizens
    to monitor politicians
  • Federalism
36
Q

ECONOMIC CONSEQUENCES OF
CORRUPTION

A

 Corruption lowers growth. It’s like a tax, so it reduces
incentives to invest.
 Corruption affects composition of public expenditures. It
leads to more spending on construction and military
equipment, because those markets are oligopolistic and
because the market price is harder to determine for these
goods. Less spending on education and health
 Inflated budgets, because politicians put in extra funds for
rents

37
Q

POLITICAL CONSEQUENCES OF CORRUPTION

A

Mechanism: people in high corruption settings will
distrust institutions; this lowers regime legitimacy and
may increase political instability and/or undermine
democratic govt by strengthening populist/anti-dem
actors.
Administrative corruption prevents state from
implementing its laws, collecting taxes, implementing
policies. Corruption is a symptom of a weak state.

38
Q

CORRUPTION CAN BE A SYMPTOM OF A
STRONG STATE

A

 Mechanism: bureaucratic corruption can serve as a mechanism ofadmin control (hierarchy-reinforcing graft)
 Informal contract between leaders and subordinates– subordinates implement leaders’ mandate (help their re-election, help them fight opposition) in exchange for leaders ignoring their corruption.
 Defection by subordinates made harder by the fact that graft is illegal. If they stray, they go to jail

39
Q

Tasks of anti corruption institutions

A

Prevention: education campaigns, ethics training, incentives for institutions to curb corruption within their ranks, transparency reforms (e.g. Ukraine’s Prozorro)
Investigation: uncovering and exposing existing corrupt schemes
Law enforcement– specialized prosecution and specialized judiciary tasked with focusing on corruption cases, which are always complicated
Recovery of assets lost to corruption

40
Q

Types of anticorruption campaigns

A
  • Institutional anticorruption campaign
  • Educational anticorruption campaign
  • Judicial anticorruption campaign
41
Q

Przeworksi democracy Minimalist

A

-uncertain and irreversible election outcome
-repeated elections

42
Q

Maximalist definition of democracy Rueschemeyer

A

Socio-economic equality

43
Q

Mid way definition of democracy Huntington

A
  • Fair
  • Honest
  • Periodic
  • Competitive
  • Universal suffrage
  • Freedom of assembly and freedom of speech
44
Q

Polyarchy (Robert Dahl)

A

High participation and high contestation = Polyarchy
- Example USA

45
Q

Other regimes according to Dahl

A

low contestation and high participation = inclusive hegemonies
- Russia, Belarus
High contestation, low participation = competitive oligarchies
- South Africa under Apartheid
Low contestation, low participation = closed hegemonies
- North Korea

46
Q

Measuring Democracy

A

Polity Project
- 21 point scale from consolidated autocracy to consolidated democracy
Varieties of democracy Project
- expert survey
- 5 indices

47
Q

Authoritarianism variations according to Geddes

A

Military: Pinochet in Chile
Personalist: Stalin’s Russia
Party Based: Soviet Bloc

48
Q

Authoritarianism variations and their lifespan in low to high

A
  • Military
  • Personalist (lifespan of leader)
  • Party Based
49
Q

Democracy according to schmitter and karl

A

“Modern political democracy is a system of governance in which rulers are held accountable for their actions in the public realm by citizens, acting indirectly through the competition and cooperation of their elected representatives”

50
Q

Pillars of democracy according to schmitter and karl

A
  • Institutions and rules
  • Norms
  • Engaged citizens
  • Competition, but also cooperation
51
Q

Does authoritarianism have an ideology

A

NO

52
Q

Totalitarianism

A

based on a transformative or regenerative ideology

53
Q

Competitive authoritarianism

A

Constant but unsuccessful attempts to wipe out opposition, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly etc.

54
Q

REGIME OUTCOME EXPECTATIONS AFTER COLLAPSE
OF COMMUNISM IN EUROPE/USSR: PRECONDITIONS

A
  • Leninist legacy
  • Economic preconditions
  • Cultural “preconditions”
55
Q

Leninist legacy precondition

A

predicts all post-Communist states would fail at democratization, because communist regime destroyed cleavages, which could produce competitive politics after collapse. Weaker version predicts failure in the harsher communist regimes where there were no alternative elites. So prediction would be no democracy anywhere in FSU

56
Q
  • Economic preconditions for USSR regime outcome
A

poorer, more rural republics would have a tougher time consolidating a democratic regime (prediction: failure in smaller, poorer states in Balkans, Caucasus, Central Asia, success in resource-richer or earlier industrializers Russia, Central Europe)

57
Q

Cultural preconditions for USSR regime outcome

A

Russian empire had never experienced democracy. Islam and Orthodoxy also hinder democracy. Prediction that democracy thus possible only in the Baltics and Central Europe.

58
Q

Assumptions of the dominant transition model

A
  • teleological assumption
  • stage sequencing (opening, breakthrough, consolidation)– what if a country is stuck in stage 1?
    What if countries go back and forth b/n more and less openness?
  • focus on elections– they aren’t everything
  • pre-existence of states ignored as a prerequisite
59
Q

dominant transition model

A

All countries are transitioning to democracy, some will do it quicker, some slower, but they’re all
moving in that direction because that’s the direction of political development.

60
Q

ARGUMENTS FOR DECOMMUNIZATION

A
  • Cannot lay the foundations of a rule of law system without punishing those who perpetrated crimes
  • Cannot consolidate a liberal democracy without barring the former communists from shaping the new regime
  • Need to draw a “thick line” between past and present
  • If previous collaboration with the regime is not revealed, office-holders will be corruptible, because they will be blackmailed by those who have proof of the collaboration.
61
Q

ARGUMENTS AGAINST DECOMMUNIZATION

A
  • Need to foster national unity and to move on in order to build new society
  • Evidence is collected by Communist secret police, so it’s unreliable and innocent people may suffer
62
Q

Lustration

A

– screening laws designed to prevent former communist functionaries and/or secret police collaborators from running for elected office, holding leadership positions in the civil service, working in the public sector, holding “positions of public trust”, etc.

63
Q

Lustration laws vary significantly on three dimensions:

A
  • Set of targeted individuals– more or less extensive in the number of people they affect (e.g. only those serving in parliament, judges, any public office, any civil service job, cultural figures, etc.)
  • Set of past activities that are screened– collaboration, informing, working for secret police, high party office
  • Severity of sanctions– e.g. you have to resign and cannot hold certain offices, forever, or for set periods vs. you’re simply outed publicly
64
Q

Countries that were sufficiently lustrated

A

Czech Republic
Hungary

65
Q

Countries that were insufficiently lustrated

A

Poland,
Romania,
Slovakia

66
Q

Passive leverage (Vachudova):

A

the greater the attractiveness of the role model, the greater the desire to emulate
it. EU was attractive to post-Comm countries so countries emulated It and democratized
as a result.

67
Q

COPENHAGEN CRITERIA

A

Formal requirements for accession to EU
Stable institutions that guarantee:
* Democracy
* Rule of law
* Human rights
* Minority rights
* Functioning market economy that can cope w
competitive pressure

68
Q

Claim of EU conditionality;

A

Copenhagen criteria caused democratic consolidation. In Central Europe governing elites responded to EU conditionality by implementing Copenhagen criteria easily, but in Southeastern Europe, governing elites resisted and dragged their feet for a while.

69
Q

SOME LIMITATIONS TO THE ACTIVE
LEVERAGE/CONDITIONALITY CLAIM

A

The strength of conditionality varies over time
By early-2000s, it became less realistic for the EU to renege on the entire enlargement process.
Conditionality decreases dramatically after accession

70
Q

Evidence for conditionality claim

A

Slovakia, Romania, and Bulgaria

71
Q

DNA

A

Romanian anti corruption org set up as a a facade but then went onto being succesful