Memory Flashcards

evaluation

1
Q

Capacity

A

One criticism of the research investigating STM is that Miller’s original findings have not been replicated.
Cowan (2001) reviewed a variety of studies on the capacity of STM and concluded that STM is likely to be limited to about four chunks. Research on the capacity of STM for visual information (rather than verbal stimuli) also found that four items were about the limit (e.g. Vogel et al., 2001). This means that the lower end of Miller’s range is more appropriate (i.e. 7 - 2 which is 5). This suggests that STM may not be as extensive as was thought.

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2
Q

Capacity

A

It seems that the size of the chunk affects how many chunks you can remember.
Simon (1974) found that people had a shorter memory span for larger chunks, such as eight-word phrases, than smaller chunks, such as one-syllable words. This continues to support the view that STM has a limited capacity and refines our understanding
The capacity of STM is not the same for everyone.

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3
Q

Duration

A

Another criticism of research investigating STM is that it is artificial.
Trying to memorise consonant syllables does not truly reflect most everyday memory activities where what we are trying to remember is meaningful. However, we do sometimes try to remember fairly meaningless things, such as groups of numbers (phone numbers) or letters (postcodes). This means that, although the task was artificial, the study does have some relevance to everyday life

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4
Q

Duration

A

A criticism of the Petersons’ study is that it did not actually measure what it set out to measure.
In the Petersons’ study participants were counting the numbers in their STM and this may displace or ‘overwrite’ the syllables to be remembered. Reitman (1974) used auditory tones instead of numbers so that displacement wouldn’t occur (sounds don’t interfere with verbal rehearsal) and found that the duration of STM was longer.This suggests that forgetting in the Petersons’ study was due to displacement rather than decay

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5
Q

Coding

A

In general LTM appears to be semantic but not always.
Frost (1972) showed that long-term recall was related to visual as well as semantic categories, and Nelson and Rothbart (1972) found evidence of acoustic coding in LTM. Therefore it seems that coding in LTM is not simply semantic but can vary according to circumstances

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6
Q

Coding

A

Baddeley’s methodology has been criticised.
In the study by Baddeley, STM was tested by asking participants to recall a word list immediately after hearing it. LTM was tested by waiting 20 minutes. It is questionable as to whether this is really testing LTM. This casts doubt on the validity of Baddeley’s research because he wasn’t testing LTM after all

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7
Q

MSM

A

Controlled lab studies on capacity, duration and coding (described on the previous spread) support the existence of a separate short-and long-term store, which is the basis of the MSM.
Studies using brain scanning techniques have also demonstrated that there is a difference between STM and LTM. For example, Beardsley (1997) found that the prefrontal cortex is active during STM but not LTM tasks. Squire et al. (1992) also used brain scanning and found the hippocampus is active when LTM is engaged. This evidence provides strong support for the MSM

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8
Q

MSM

A

Psychologists have also shown that different areas of the brain are involved in STM and LTM from their study of individuals with brain damage.
One case involved a man referred to as HM (Scoville and Milner, 1957). His brain damage was caused by an operation to remove the hippocampus from both sides of his brain to reduce the severe epilepsy he had suffered. HM’s personality and intellect remained intact but he could not form new LTMs, although he could remember things from before the surgery This provides support for the MSM’s notion of separate stores, as HM was unable to transfer information from his STM to LTM, but was able to retrieve information from before his surgery (i.e. from his LTM)

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9
Q

MSM

A

The MSM has been criticised for its emphasis on maintenance rehearsal. Craik and Lockhart (1972) suggested that enduring memories are created by the processing that you do, rather than through maintenance rehearsal Things that are processed more deeply are more memorable just because of the way they are processed Craik and Tulving (1975) gave participants a list of nouns (eg shark) and asked a question that Involved shallow or deep processing - asked whether a word was printed in capital letters (shallow processing) or asked whether the word fitted in a sentence (deep processing). The participants remembered more words in the task involving deep processing rather than shallow processing. This suggests that the process of rehearsal does not fully explain the process of creating long-term memories. Deep or elaborative processing is also a key part of the process.

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10
Q

WMM

A

The main reason for developing the WMM was to account for dual task performance, described on the facing page. Hitch and Baddeley (1976) supported the existence of the central executive in one such study.
Task 1 occupied the central executive (eg. participants were given a statement ‘B is followed by A’and shown two letters such as ‘AB’ and asked to say true or false). Task 2 either involved the articulatory loop (eg, asked to say ‘the the the’ repeatedly) or involved both the central executive and the articulatory loop (saying random digits). Task 1 was slower when Task 2 involved both the central executive and the articulatory loop.
This demonstrates the dual task performance effect and shows that the central executive is one of the components of working memory

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11
Q

WMM

A

Studies of individuals with brain damage also support the WMM. Shallice and Warrington (1970) studied a man called KF whose short-term forgetting of auditory information was much greater than that of visual stimuli, In addition his auditory problems were limited to verbal material such as letters and digits but not meaningful sounds (such as a phone ringing). Thus his brain damage seemed to be restricted to the phonological loop. Another patient, SC, had generally good learning abilities with the exception of being unable to learn word pairs that were presented out loud. This suggests damage to the phonological loop (Trojano and Grossi, 1995). Another patient, LH, who had been involved in a road accident, performed better on spatial tasks than those involving visual imagery (Farah et al, 1988).
This supports the idea of separate visual and spatial systems, as suggested by the WMM

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12
Q

WMM

A

Some psychologists feel the concept of the central executive is too vague and doesn’t really explain anything. All it appears to do is allocate resources and essentially be the same as ‘attention: Critics also feel that the notion of a single central executive is wrong and that there are probably several components. Eslinger and Damasio (1985) studied EVR, who had had a cerebral tumour removed. He performed well on tests requiring reasoning, which suggested that his central executive was intact. However, he had poor decision-making skills (he would spend hours trying to decide where to eat, for example), which suggests that in fact his central executive was not wholly intact.
In summary the account offered of the central executive is unsatisfactory because it is probably more complex than Baddeley and Hitch originally suggested

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13
Q

Types of LTM

A

The distinction made between the three kinds of LTM is supported by brain scan research.
Episodic memory is associated with the hippocampus and other parts of the temporal lobe where the hippocampus is located, as well as with activity in the frontal lobe. Semantic memory also relies on the temporal lobe. Procedural memory activation is associated with the cerebellum, which is involved in the control of fine motor skills as well as the motor cortex. The basal ganglia and limbic system are also involved in this kind of learning.
Brain scans therefore indicate that the three types of memory are found in different parts of the brain Evidence from case studies offers further support for different types of LTM.

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14
Q

Types of LTM

A

The case study of HM was described on page 47. We noted that his ability to form new LTMs was affected by the destruction of his hippocampus (parts of his temporal lobes were also destroyed) but he retained his pre-existing LTMs. In fact this is a bit of a simplification. After the surgery, HM could still form new procedural memories but not episodic or semantic memories. For example, he was able to learn how to draw a figure by looking at its reflection in a mirror, a skill called mirror- drawing (Corkin, 2002). This is a procedural memory. However, he had no memory that he had learned this (an episodic/semantic memory).This supports the distinction between procedural and declarative memories, and hence the existence of multiple types of LTMand so are separate

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15
Q

Types of LTM

A

It is difficult to reach a firm conclusion by studying brain-damaged patients.
Problems with evidence from brain-damaged patients were considered on page 49 and they apply here too. In addition, the difficulty with studies of amnesiacs, including HM, is that it is difficult to be certain of the exact parts of the brain that have been affected until a patient has died. Most studies are conducted with living patients. Damage to a particular area of the brain does not necessarily mean that area is responsible for a particular behaviour - it may be acting as a relay station. Malfunction of the relay station would impair performance.
This means we cannot establish a causal relationship between a particular brain region and type of LTM.

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16
Q

Explanation for forgetting :inference

A

There is a considerable body of research on the effects of interference when people are exposed to adverts from competing brands within a short time period. For example, Danaher et al. (2008) found that both recall and recognition of an advertiser’s message was impaired when participants were exposed to two advertisements for competing brands within a week. They suggest that one strategy might be to enhance the memory trace by running multiple exposures to an advertisement one day rather than spread these out over a week. This results in reduced interference from competitors advertisements This shows how interference research can help advertisers maximise the effectiveness of their campaigns and target their spending most effectively.

17
Q

Explanation for forgetting: inference

A

Researchers have often questioned whether interference effects actually cause a memory to disappear or whether interference effects are just temporary.
Ceraso (1967) found that, if memory was tested again after 24 hours, recognition (accessibility) showed considerable spontaneous recovery, whereas recall (availability) remained the same. This suggests that interference occurs because memories are temporarily not accessible rather than having actually been lost (unavailable). The study by Tulving and Psotka, described on the next spread, also supports this finding.
This research supports the view that interference affects accessibility rather than availability

18
Q

Explanation for forgetting :inference

A

There is evidence that some people are less affected by proactive interference than others. Kane and Engle (2000) demonstrated that individuals with a greater working memory (WM) span were less susceptible to proactive interference. The researchers tested this by giving participants three word lists to learn. Those participants with low working memory spans showed greater proactive interference when recalling the second and third lists than did participants with higher spans. A further test suggested that having a greater working memory span meant having greater resources to consciously control processing and counteract the effects of proactive interference This highlights the role that individual differences play in how people are affected by interference

19
Q

Explanation for forgetting: Retrieval failure

A

There is a lot of research support
The wealth of research evidence that has documented the importance of retrieval cues on memory is a real strength of this explanation of forgetting. Such research includes lab, field and this explanation of fordel as anecdotal evidence
For example, Tulving and Pearlstone (1966), in a lab experiment, demonstrated the power of retrieval cues, while a field experiment by Abernethy (1940) demonstrated the importance of context-dependent learning among a group of students studying a cours Because much of the evidence has relevance to everyday memory experiences, the evidence has high ecological validity

20
Q

Explanation for forgetting: Retrieval failure

A

An obvious application of this research is to use it to improve recall when you need to, for example when you are taking exams.
Abernethy’s research suggests that you ought to revise in the room where you will be taking the exams. This may be unrealistic, but you could use imagination to achieve this. Smith (1979) showed that just thinking of the room where you did the original learning (mental reinstatement) was as effective as actually being in the same room at the time of retrieval. Another application of retrieval cues is in the cognitive interview, which you will learn about on page 60 of this chapter.
This shows how research into retrieval failure can suggest strategies for improving recall in real-world situations, such as taking exams or giving eyewitness testimony

21
Q

Explanation for forgetting: Retrieval failure

A

A limitation is that the relationship between encoding cues and later retrieval is a correlation rather than a cause.
Nairne (2002) calls this the ‘myth of the encoding-retrieval match. Baddeley (1997) made a similar criticism, pointing out that the encoding specificity principle is impossible to test because it is circular. If a stimulus leads to the retrieval of a memory then it must have been encoded in memory. If it does not lead to retrieval of a memory then, according to the encoding specificity principle, it can’t have been encoded in memory. But it is impossible to test for an item that hasn’t been encoded in memory, so this cannot be proved. According to this criticism, therefore, the cues do not cause retrieval, they are just associated with retrieval

22
Q

Accuracy of eyewitness testimony: misleading information

A

There has been considerable support for research on the effect of misleading information.For example, Loftus conducted a memorable study involving a cut- out of Bugs Bunny (Braun et al, 2002). College students who had visited Disneyland as children were asked to evaluate advertising material about Disneyland containing misleading information about Bugs Bunny (not a Disney character) or Ariel (not introduced at the time of their childhood. Participants assigned to the Bugh or Aneligroups were more likely to report having shaken hands with these characters than the control group (no misleading information)This shows how powerful misleading information can be in creating an inaccurate (false) memory

23
Q

Accuracy of eyewitness testimony: misleading information

A

Loftus’ research suggested that EWT was generally inaccurate and hence unreliable, but other researchers have criticised her research for its lack of ecological validity.
Lab experiments such as those carried out by Loftus may not represent real life because people don’t take the experiment seriously and/or they are not emotionally aroused in the way that they would be in a real accident. Foster et al. (1994) found that if participants thought they were watching a real-life robbery, and also thought that their responses would influence the trial, their identification of a robber was more accurate. Yuille and Cutshall (1986) also found that witnesses to an armed robbery in Canada gave very accurate reports of the crime four months after the event despite initially being given two misleading questions.
This suggests that misleading information may have less influence on real-life EWT than Loftus’ research suggests

24
Q

Accuracy of eyewitness testimony: misleading information

A

A criticism of research investigating EWT concerns individual differences of witnesses.
An eyewitness typically acquires information from two sources, from observing the event itself and from subsequent suggestions (misleading information). A number of studies (e.g. Schacter et al., 1991) have found that, compared to younger subjects, elderly people have difficulty remembering the source of their information, even though their memory for the information itself is unimpaired. As a result, they become more prone to the effect of misleading information when giving testimony.
This suggests that individual differences, age in particular, are an important factor when assessing the reliability of EWT.

25
Q

Accuracy of eyewitness testimony :Anxiety

A

One of the strengths of the study by Christianson and Hubinette was that it was a study of anxiety in the context of a real crime.
It may well be the case that lab studies do not create the real levels of anxiety experienced by a real eyewitness during an actual crime. Deffenbacher et al (2004) agree with this but found, from a review of 34 studies, that lab studies in general demonstrate that anxiety leads to reduced accuracy and that real-life studies are associated with an even greater loss in accuracy.
These findings are at odds with the result from Christianson and Hubinette, but suggest that the results from lab studies are valid, as they are supported by most real-life studies

26
Q

Accuracy of eyewitness testimony :Anxiety

A

A criticism of the weapon focus effect comes from Pickel (1998), who proposed that the reduced accuracy of identification could be due to surprise rather than anxiety. To test this she arranged for participants to watch a thief enter a hairdressing salon carrying scissors (high threat, low surprise), handgun thigh threat, high surprise), wallet low threat, low surprise) or a whole raw chicken (low threat, high surprise), Identification was least accurate in the high surprise conditions rather than high threat
This supports the view that the weapon focus effect is related to surprise rather than anxiety.

27
Q

Accuracy of eyewitness testimony:
Anxiety

A

It has been suggested that one key extraneous variable in many studies of anxiety is emotional sensitivity. In a study by Bothwell et al. (1987) participants were tested for personality characteristics and were labelled as either ‘neurotic’ (tend to become anxious quickly) or ‘stable’ (less emotionally sensitive). It was found that the ‘stable’ participants showed rising levels of accuracy as stress levels increased, whereas the opposite was true for neurotics - their accuracy levels decreased as stress increased. Deffenbacher et al. (2004) point out that the modest effect sizes shown in many studies of anxiety may be the result of averaging out low accuracy and high accuracy scores of sensitive and non-sensitive participants respectively.
These studies suggest that individual differences may indeed play an important role in the accuracy of EWT.

28
Q

Cognitive interview

A

A strength of the cognitive interview is the amount of supporting research. A meta-analysis of 53 studies found, on average, an increase of 34% in the amount of correct information generated in the CI compared with standard interviewing techniques (Köhnken et al., 1999) although most of these studies involved volunteer witnesses (usually college students) tested in a lab (such studies may not reflect real-world practices). However, the effectiveness of the CI may be due more to some individual elements rather than the whole thing. Milne and Bull (2002) found that when participants were interviewed using a combination of the ‘report everything’ and ‘mental reinstatement components of the Cl, their recall was significantly higher than when using just one individual component or the control condition (being instructed simply to try again). This suggests that overall the CI is an effective technique for increasing the accessibility of stored information

29
Q

Cognitive interview

A

A criticism of the CI is that its effectiveness has largely been in terms of quantity of information, rather than quality.
The procedure is designed to enhance the quantity (the amount) of correct recall without compromising the quality (the amount of correct recall as a percentage of total recall) of that information. Köhnken et al. (1999) found an 81% increase of correct information but also a 61% increase of incorrect information (false positives) when the enhanced Cl was compared to a standard interview.
This means that police need to treat all information collected from Cls with caution. It does not guarantee accuracy

30
Q

Cognitive interview

A

Another criticism of the Cl is the amount of time and training needed to implement it.
From their interviews with police, Kebbell and Wagstaff report a problem with the CI in practice. Police officers suggest that this technique requires more time than is often available and that instead they prefer to use deliberate strategies aimed to limit
an eyewitness report to the minimum amount of information that the officers feel is necessary. In addition, the Cl requires special training and many forces have not been able to provide more than a few hours (Kebbell and Wagstaff, 1996).
These limitations have meant that the use of the Cl in police interviews has not been widespread