attachment Flashcards

1
Q

Caregiver-infant interactions

A

There is reason to have some doubt about the findings of research on the facing page because of the difficulties in reliably testing infant behaviour. Infants’ mouths are in fairly constant motion and the expressions that are tested occur frequently(tongue sticking out, yawning, smiling). This makes it difficult to distinguish between general activity and specific imitated behaviours. To overcome these problems Meltzoff and Moore measured infant responses by filming infants and then asking an observer (who had no idea what behaviour was being imitated) to judge the infants’ behaviour from the video.
This research highlights the difficulties in testing infant behaviour, but also suggests one way of increasing the internal validity of the data.

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2
Q

Caregiver-infant interactions

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An important feature of interactional synchrony is that there is some variation between infants.
Isabella et al. (1989) found that more strongly attached infant-caregiver pairs showed greater interactional synchrony Heimann (1989) showed that infants who demonstrate a lot of imitation from birth onwards have a better quality of relationship at three months. However, it isn’t clear whether the imitation is a cause or an effect of this early synchrony.
This research therefore shows that there are significant individual differences but doesn’t indicate the cause of the differences

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3
Q

Caregiver-infant interactions

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Another method used to test the intentionality of infant behaviour is to observe how they respond to inanimate objects.
Abravanel and DeYong (1991) observed infant behaviour when ‘interacting’ with two objects, one simulating tongue movements and the other mouth opening/closing. They found that infants of median age 5 and 12 weeks made little response to the objects. This suggests that infants do not just imitate anything they see - it is a specific social response to other humans

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4
Q

The development of attachment

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The sample was biassed in a number of ways.First, it was from a working-class population and thus the findings may apply to that social group and not others. Second, the sample was from the 1960s. Parental care of children has changed considerably since that time. More women go out to work so many children are cared for outside the home, or fathers stay at home and become the main carer. Research shows that the number of dads who choose to stay at home and care for their children and families has quadrupled over the past 25 years (Cohn et al, 2014).
Therefore, if a similar study to that of Schaffer and Emerson was conducted today, the findings might well be different.

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5
Q

The development of attachment

A

There are important differences between cultures in terms of the way people relate to each other.
In individualist cultures (such as Britain and the US), each person in the society is primarily concerned with their own needs or the needs of their immediate family group. In contrast collectivist cultures are more focused on the needs of the group rather than the individuals, with people sharing many things, such as possessions and childcare. It follows that we would expect multiple attachment to be more common in collectivist societies. Research supports this. For example, Sagi et al. (1994) compared attachments in infants raised in communal environments (Israeli kibbutzim) with infants raised in family-based sleeping arrangements. In a kibbutz children spend their time in a community children’s home cared for by a metapelet; this includes night-time. Closeness of attachment with mothers was almost twice as common in family-based arrangements than in the communal environment.
This suggests that the stage model presented on the facing page applies specifically to individualist cultures.

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6
Q

The development of attachment

A

The data collected by Schaffer and Emerson may be unreliable.
This is because it was based on mothers’ reports of their infants. Some mothers might have been less sensitive to their infants’ protests and therefore less likely to report them. This would create a systematic bias which would challenge the validity of the data

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7
Q

Animal studies
Lorenz

A

A number of other studies have demonstrated imprinting in animals.
For example, Guiton (1966) demonstrated that leghorn chicks, exposed to yellow rubber gloves while being fed during their first few weeks, became imprinted on the gloves. This supports the view that young animals are not born with a predisposition to imprint on a specific type of object but probably on any moving thing that is present during the critical window of development. Guiton also found that the male chickens later tried to mate with the gloves, showing that early imprinting is linked to later reproductive behaviour. Therefore, Guiton’s findings provide clear support for Lorenz’s original research and conclusions.

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8
Q

Animal studies
Lorenz

A

There is some dispute over the characteristics of imprinting.
For many years the accepted view of imprinting was that it was an irreversible process, whereby the object encountered was somehow stamped permanently on the nervous system. Now, it is understood that imprinting is a more ‘plastic and forgiving mechanism’ (Hoffman, 1996). For example, Guiton (1966) found that he could reverse the imprinting in chickens that had initially tried to mate with the rubber gloves. He found that, later, after spending time with their own species, they were able to engage in normal sexual behaviour with other chickens.
This suggests that imprinting may not, after all, be so very different from any other kind of learning. Learning can also take place rapidly, with little conscious effort, and is also fairly reversible.

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9
Q

Harlow

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One criticism that has been made of Harlow’s study is that the two stimulus objects varied in more ways than being cloth-covered or not.
The two heads were also different, which acted as a confounding variable because It varied systematically with the independent variable (mother being cloth-covered or not). It is possible that the reason the infant monkeys preferred one mother to the other was because the cloth-covered mother had a more attractive head.
Therefore, the conclusions of this study lack internal validity

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10
Q

Harlow

A

The ultimate aim of animal studies is to be able to generalise the conclusions to human behaviour.
However, humans differ in important ways - perhaps most importantly because much more of their behaviour is governed by conscious decisions. Nevertheless, a number of studies have found that the observations made of animal attachment behaviour are mirrored in studies of humans. For example, Harlow’s research is supported by Schaffer and Emerson’s findings (on the previous spread) that infants were not most attached to the person who fed them.
This demonstrates that, while animal studies can act as a useful pointer in understanding human behaviour, we should always seek confirmation by looking at research with humans.

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11
Q

Explanation of attachment:learning theory

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One strength of learning theory is it can explain some aspects of attachment. Infants do learn through association and reinforcement, but food may not be the main reinforcer. It may be that attention and responsiveness from a caregiver are important rewards that assist in the formation of attachment. Such reinforcers were not part of the leaning theory account. It may also be that responsiveness is something that infants imitate and thus leam about how to conduct relationships
Learning theory may not provide a complete explanation of attachment but it still has some value

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12
Q

Explanation of attachment:learning theory

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The main limitation of learning theory as an explanation for attachment is that it suggests that food is the key element in the formation of attachment.
There is strong evidence to show that feeding has nothing to do with attachment. Famously, the study conducted by Harlow (1959), described on the previous spread, showed that infant rhesus monkeys were most attached to the wire mother that provided contact comfort, or food. Although Harlow’s study was with animals, it is supported by Schaffer and Emerson’s research
These research studies therefore suggest that the learning explanation is oversimplified and ignores other important factors such as contact comfort

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13
Q

Explanation of attachment:Bowlby’s theory

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Attachment is clearly important in emotional development, but the question is whether it is critical for survival.
Bowiby suggested that attachments develop when the infant is older than three months. This is very late as a mechanism to protect infants, In our distant ancestors it might have been vital tor infants to become attached as soon as they are bom - after young monkeys cling tenaciously to their mother’s fur. The age of attachment may be Inked to features of a species’ life. Human infants don’t need to cling on - mothers can carry their babies. However, when human infants start crawling (from around six months), attachment is vital and that is when attachments develop in humans This therefore supports Bowlby’s view that attachment is adaptive

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14
Q

Explanation of attachment:Bowlby’s theory

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According to Bowlby it should not be possible to form attachments beyond the important critical period between three and six months.
Psychologists have studied children who fail to form attachments during this period Evidence from Rutter et al (which we review on page 86) shows, that Bowlby’s claim is true to an extent it appears less likely that attachments will form after this period, but it is not impossible. The developmental window is one where children are maximally receptive to the formation of certain characteristics or behaviour, but nevertheless such developments can take place outside this window.
For this reason researchers now prefer to use the term ‘sensitive period rather than ‘critical period.

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15
Q

Explanation of attachment:Bowlby’s theory

A

The multiple attachment model proposes all attachments are simply integrated into one single internal working model.
This appears to contradict Bowlby’s idea of monotropy. However, the two models may not be very different. Secondary attachments, in Bowlby’s theory, do contribute to Social development, but healthy development requires one central person higher than all the others in a hierarchy. Research on infant-father attachment, for example, suggests a key role for fathers as secondary attachments and in social development (Grossmann and Grossmann, 1991). Prior and Glaser (2006) conclude, from a review of research, that the evidence still points to the hierarchical model.This therefore supports Bowlby’s concept of monotropy

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16
Q

Strange situation:

A

Another strength of the Strange Situation is that intervention strategies can be developed to tackle situations where disordered patterns of attachment develop between infant and caregiver.For example, the Circle of Security Project (Cooper et al, 2005) teaches caregivers to better understand their infants signals of distress and to increase their understanding of what it feels like to experience anxiety The project showed a 15%) Decrease in the number of caregivers classified as s disordered from 60% το and an increase in infants classed as securely attached (from 32% to 40%)
This supports the research on attachment types because such research can be used to improve children’s lives.

17
Q

Strange situation:

A

One criticism of the Strange Situation centres on whether it does actually measure the attachment type of a child, or whether it merely measures the quality of one particular relationship.Main and Weston (1981) found that children behaved differently depending on which parent they were with. This suggests that the classification of an attachment type may not be valid because what we are measuring is one relationship rather than a person at characteristic lodged in the individual. However, according to Bowlby’s view of monotropy, the attachment type is largely related to the one special relationship. Main (1999) tested a group of children and reassessed them at age nine using the AAI (adult attachment interview), finding that attachment type seemed to be chiefly influenced by the mother.This supports Bowlby’s concept of monotropy and the internal validity of the Strange Situation (i.e. it was measuring what it intended to measure

18
Q

Strange situation:

A

Ainsworth’s suggestion that secure attachment was linked to maternal sensitivity has been criticised by later researchers. Some studies (eg. Raval er al, 2001) have actually found rather low correlations between measures of maternal sensitivity and the strength of attachment. Slade et al. (2005) found a greater role for maternal reflective functioning. ‘Reflective functioning’ is the ability to understand what someone else is thinking and feeling.This suggests that maternal reflective thinking rather than sensitivity may be the central mechanism in establishing attachment type

19
Q

Cultural variation

A

Rothbaum et al. (2000) argued that it isn’t just the methods used in attachment research that are not relevant to other cultures, but also the theory because it is so rooted in American culture.
Rothbaum et al. looked in particular at the contrasts between American (Western) and Japanese culture. For example, the continuity hypothesis does not have the same meaning in both cultures. Bowlby and Ainsworth proposed that infants who are more securely attached go on to develop into more socially and emotionally competent children and adults. However, this competence is defined in terms of individuation -being able to regulate one’s own emotions. In Japan the person has the inhibition of emotional expression (not showing feelings) and being group oriented rather than self.
Therefore, the high levels of insecure-resistant attachment found in Japanese children
may be explained by cultural bias in attachment theory

20
Q

Cultural variation

A

The solution may lie in producing explanations of attachment rooted in individual cultures
(‘indigenous theories’).Rothbaum et al, suggest that there may be a small set of universal principles, such as the need for protection, but in general, childcare practices should be related to cultural values. However, Posada and Jacobs (2001) note that there is actually a lot of evidence that supports the universality of attachment from many different countries: China, Colombia, Germany, Israel, Japan and Norway. They also point out that the issue is not whether sensitivity leads to independence, but simply that sensitivity is linked to secure attachment however that secure attachment is manifested. Therefore, Prior and Glaser (2006) conclude that expressions of maternal sensitivity and manifestations of secure-base behaviour may vary across cultures but the core concepts are universal

21
Q

Cultural variation

A

According to Bowlby’s theory of attachment the reason for universal similarities in how attachments form is because attachment is an innate mechanism, unmodified by culture.
Van IJzendoorn and Kroonenberg carried out a meta-analysis of 32 studies and concluded that at least some cultural similarities might be explained by the effects of mass media (e.g. TV and books), which spread ideas about parenting so, as a result, children all over the world are exposed to similar influences

22
Q

Bowlby’s theory of maternal deprivation

A

One way to consider the effects of maternal deprivation is in terms of vulnerability. Experiencing early maternal deprivation does not always result in negative outcomes, but it does appear to create an increased likelihood that this will happen. This was Illustrated in a classic study by Antonia Bifulco et al. (1992) of women who had experienced separation from their mothers either because of maternal death or temporary separation of more than a year. Bifulco found that about 25% later experienced depression or an anxiety disorder, compared with 15% who had no experience of separation. The mental health problems were much greater in those women whose loss occurred before the age of six. This supports Bowlby’s notion of a critical period, suggesting that early childhood deprivation can lead to later vulnerability for depression and anxiety disorders

23
Q

Bowlby’s theory of maternal deprivation

A

Bowlby’s study and theory had an enormous, positive impact on post-war thinking about childrearing and also on how children were looked after in hospitals.
Before Bowlby’s research, children were separated from parents when they spent time in hospital. Visiting was discouraged or even forbidden. One of Bowlby’s colleagues,James Robertson (1952), filmed a two-year-old girl called Laura during the eight-day period she was in hospital. She is seen to be frequently distressed and begs to go home.
Bowlby and Robertson’s work led to a major social change in the way that children were cared for in hospital.

24
Q

Bowlby’s theory of maternal deprivation

A

Michael Rutter (1981), in his book Maternal Deprivation Reassessed, criticised Bowlby’s view of deprivation.Rutter claimed that Bowlby did not make clear whether the child’s attachment bond had formed but been broken, or had never formed in the first place. Rutter’s view of deprivation was that the latter (the lack of an attachment bond) would have potentially far more serious consequences for the child than the former (the loss of an attachment bond: He therefore used the term ‘privation’ to refer to situations where the child fails to develop an attachment bond with one caregiver, and deprivation to refer to situations where a bond does develop,but through prolonged or traumatic separations is disrupted or lost.This lack of clarity in Bowlby’s definition of deprivation may therefore negatively affect the validity of research findings.

25
Q

Romanian orphans

A

It may not be true that all children who experience institutionalisation are unable to recover.
Research shows that some children are not as strongly affected as others, i.e. there are individual differences. Rutter has suggested that it might be that some of the children received special attention in the institution, perhaps because they smiled more, and this might have enabled them to cope better. Bowlby et al’s study (previous spread) also shows that individual differences matter.
This means that it is not possible to conclude that institutionalisation inevitably leads to an inability to form attachments

26
Q

Romanian orphans

A

The research into institutionalisation can be applied to improving the lives of children placed in such care.
The early research by Bowlby and Robertson (previous spread) changed the way that children were looked after in hospital. The research on this spread points specifically to the importance of early adoption. In the past, mothers who were going to give a baby up for adoption were encouraged to nurse the baby for a significant period of time. By the time the baby was adopted the sensitive period for attachment may have passed, making it difficult to form secure attachments with a new mother.
The result has been that most babies are now adopted within the first week of birth and research shows that adoptive mothers and children are just as securely attached as non- adoptive families (Singer et al., 1985)

27
Q

Romanian orphans

A

children over many years.Such longitudinal studies take a lot of time, which means a lot of planning and waiting for results, but the benefits are large. Without such studies we may mistakenly conclude that there are major effects due to early institutional care, whereas some of these studies show that the effects may disappear after sufficient time and with suitable high-quality care.
This research, taken together with the consideration of individual differences, shows that it is wrong to assume that institutionalisation inevitably causes negative effects

28
Q

The influence of early attachment

A

A criticism of studies of early attachment (e.g. Hazan and Shaver) is that they rely on retrospective classification.When adults are asked questions about their early lives in order to assess infant attachment, their recollections are likely to be flawed. This is because our memories of the past are not always accurate. However, longitudinal studies also support Hazan and Shaver’s findings. For example, an ongoing longitudinal study (Simpson et al., 2007) found that participants who were securely attached as infants were rated as having higher social competence as children, were closer to their friends at age 16, and were more expressive and emotionally attached to their romantic partners in early adulthood
These longitudinal studies support the view that attachment type does predict relationships in adult life and may offer a more accurate representation of early attachment influences

29
Q

The influence of early attachment

A

Another criticism of attachment research is that it is overly determinist. For example, the research by Hazan and Shaver suggests that very early experiences have a fixed effect on later adult relationships: children who are insecurely attached at one year of age are doomed to experience emotionally unsatisfactory relationships as adults. This is fortunately not the case as researchers have found plenty of instances where participants were experiencing happy adult relationships despite not having been securely attached as infants.
As Simpson et al. (2007) conclude, the research does not suggest that ‘an individual’s past unalterably determines the future course of his/her relationships

30
Q

The influence of early attachment

A

Not all research has found a strong positive correlation between early attachment and later relationships.
Fraley (2002) conducted a review of 27 samples where infants were assessed in infancy and later reassessed (ranging from one month to 20 years later). He found correlations ranging from 50 to as low as. 10. Fraley suggested that one reason for low correlations may be because insecure-resistant attachment is more unstable. Such low correlations would pull down the overall correlations.
Nevertheless, such low correlations pose a significant challenge to attachment research, as they do not suggest that attachment type is very stable