Lecture 4: Durkheim Con't Flashcards

1
Q

Causal relationship between repressive law and religion

A
  • Repressive law is directly tied to religious morality
  • Found in ancient societies like the Egyptians, Hebrews, and Indians
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2
Q

Durkheim’s view on penal law

A
  • Penal law reflects respect for a superior, transcendental power, which is at the heart of religious sentiment
  • Religion permeates legal activity and social life in societies with mechanical solidarity
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3
Q

Characteristics of repressive law

A
  • Punitive sanctions: retaliatory responses to offences that assault the community’s religious and moral values
  • Dominance of religion: religious beliefs underpin the community’s strong collective consciousness
  • Repression is the prevailing form of legal activity in lower, traditional societies
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4
Q

characteristics of restitutive law

A
  • Found in societies with organic solidarity
  • Conciliatory, not punitive
  • Aims to restore relationships and transactions to their previous state
  • Addresses rights, duties, privileges, and immunities between individuals
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5
Q

types of restitutive law

A
  • Civil law
  • Commercial law
  • Procedural law
  • Administrative law
  • Constitutional law
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6
Q

role of the state in restitutive law

A

the state is only tangentially involved, acting as an administrator rather than an enforcer of societal morality

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7
Q

significance of restitutive law

A
  • Reflects the differentiated institutions, specialized occupations, and autonomy of individuals in modern, complex societies
  • Fosters harmony and cooperation in modern societies, where individual rights and interdependence take precedence over collective morality
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8
Q

Durkheim’s two laws of penal evolution

A
  • punishment and social development
  • independent variables
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9
Q

punishment and social development

A
  • More advanced societies -> less severe punishment
  • Centralized political power -> more repressive punishment
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10
Q

independent variables

A
  • Social development and political centralization are separate factors
  • Social development has a greater influence on punishment than political power
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11
Q

historical examples of penal law

A
  • Hebrews: democratic structure -> moderate punishments
  • Egyptians, Syrians, Assyrians: centralized rule -> brutal punishments
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12
Q

Durkheim’s two laws of penal evolution key idea

A

severity of punishment depends on both societal advancement and the concentration of political authority

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13
Q

Durkheim’s principle of qualitative change

A
  • Brutal punishments are replaced by incarceration
  • Incarceration becomes the preferred punishment as societies progress and secularize
  • Repressive law does not disappear entirely but becomes less violent and harsh
  • New systems of punishment still retain their own severities
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14
Q

early use of incarceration

A
  • Prisons were temporary holding places, not punishment centres
  • Ex. Athens: Socrates detained while awaiting trial, 17th century dungeons
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15
Q

incarceration in the Roman republic

A

Jails like Lautumiae were minimally used, with lax security

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16
Q

incarceration in premodern societies

A
  • Criminal responsibility was collective
  • The offender’s clan or family could be punished in their absence
  • Imprisonment was unnecessary in such contexts
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17
Q

Durkheim’s principle of qualitative change key idea

A

incarceration reflects the evolution of punishment, focusing on individual responsibility and more humane societies

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18
Q

shift from early to modern incarceration

A
  • Collapse of authoritarian regimes led to prisons becoming places of long-term confinement
  • Loss of liberty replace corporal punishment as the distinctive penal form
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19
Q

modern prisons as humane alternatives

A
  • Torture and execution were abolished in favour of incarceration
  • Prisons become necessary for punishment to evolve along more humane lines
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20
Q

prisons as the primary model of punishment

A

18th century: prisons established as the primary model of punishment

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21
Q

global interest in the American penitentiary system

A
  • 1831: Alexis de Tocqueville and Gustave de Beaumont studied the U.S. penitentiary system
  • Observed that Americans saw the penitentiary system as a solution to social problems
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22
Q

the evolution of prisons key takeaway

A

the prison emerged as a human and systematic form of punishment, reflecting the evolution of penal law in modern societies

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23
Q

Durkheim’s principles of penal evolution

A

principle of qualitative change & principle of quantitative change

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24
Q

principle of qualitative change

A
  • As societies progress and secularize, incarceration replaces corporal punishment as the preferred penalty
  • Punishment becomes less violent and more focused on the loss of liberty
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25
Q

principle of quantitative change

A
  • Severity of punishment depends on level of social differentiation and degree of government centralization
  • Less differentiated societies = more severe punishments
  • Absolute power = more severe punishments
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26
Q

Durkheim’s 2 types of criminality

A

religious & human crimes

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27
Q

Sir Henry Maine on Durkheim’s 2 types of crimes

A
  • Religious crimes: similar to laws punishing sins
  • Human crimes: similar to laws punishing torts
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28
Q

significance of Durkheim’s two types of crimes

A
  • Religious crimes are more common in societies with mechanical solidarity, where morality is deeply tied to the collective consciousness
  • Human crimes are prevalent in societies with organic solidarity, focusing on individual rights and property
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29
Q

religious crimes definition

A
  • Offences against religion, state authorities, traditions, and other sacred entities
  • Violations of the collective consciousness, which embodies deeply cherished moral and quasi-religious values
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30
Q

characteristics of religious crimes

A
  • Predominant in less developed societies with mechanical solidarity
  • Political power is often absolute with rulers elevated to a quasi-divine status
  • Crimes against the state or sovereign are seen as sacrilege or blasphemy
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31
Q

punishment for religious crimes

A
  • Strong punitive response due to the moral outrage provoked by these acts
  • Punishment is an emotional act of vengeance, reaffirming group solidarity and restoring the sacred collective consciousness
  • Ex. violations of the depot’s laws treated as offences against the divine authority of the sovereign
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32
Q

function of punishment for religious crimes

A
  • Reinforces group solidarity and restores the sacred collective consciousness
  • Acts as a means to maintain moral order in societies where laws express the sovereign’s divine will
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33
Q

key insight of religious crimes

A

Religious crimes and their severe punishments reflect the intertwining of law, morality, and political authority in societies dominated by mechanical solidarity

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34
Q

human crimes

A
  • Crimes such as murder, theft, rape, fraud, etc.
  • Involve the private interests of the individual victim, not society as a whole
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35
Q

characteristics of human crimes

A
  • Predominate in advanced, differentiated societies with organic solidarity
  • The collective consciousness is weaker, secular, and less religious in character
  • Crime is no longer seen as a desecration or an act of impiety
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36
Q

punishment of human crimes

A
  • Less severe because injuries to individuals do not threaten the entire society and the secular morality of modern societies emphasize human dignity, respect, and humanitarianism
  • Public sympathy for offenders emerges, tempering harsh punishments
  • Influenced by reformers like Cesare Beccaria who called for abolishing excessive punishment and public executions
37
Q

historical context of human crimes

A
  • By the 18th century, sympathy for the accused grew as punishments become milder
  • Ex. public disapproval of excessive penalties and a shift toward incarceration
38
Q

key insight of human crimes

A

Human crimes reflect the individuation of the victim and the emergence of secular morality in advanced societies with a weaker collective consciousness

39
Q

sacred beginnings of the contract

A
  • In mechanical solidarity, the community is sacred and its authority over individuals is supreme
  • Individual obligations to the group are rooted in reverence and awe of the collective consciousness
  • Relationship is unilateral: the community has rights over the individual, but the individual has no reciprocal rights
40
Q

evolution of contracts

A

Contracts evolve from sacred, coerced, and unequal relationships to secular, free, and equitable agreements

41
Q

5 types of contracts

A
  1. blood covenant
  2. real contract
  3. contract of solemn ritual
  4. consensual contract
  5. contract of equity
42
Q

blood covenant

A
  • Binding agreements symbolized by blood or other sacred rituals
  • Ex. two friends cutting their palms and shaking hands to symbolize a lifelong bond
43
Q

real contract

A
  • Obligations arise from the actual transfer of goods or property
  • Ex. giving a friend money to buy coffee at Humble Lion
44
Q

contract of solemn ritual

A
  • Agreements formalized through sacred ceremonies or rituals
  • Ex. wedding vows exchanged in front of witnesses and a religious officiant
45
Q

consensual contract

A
  • Agreements based on mutual consent between parties
  • Ex. a mutual agreement between two people based on consent and understanding
46
Q

contract of equity (just control)

A
  • Agreements emphasizing fairness and equalities between parties
  • Ex. a buyer discovers a car they purchased was misrepresented as new but is actually used. They used to undo the deal and get their money back.
47
Q

Durkheim on the basis of law

A
  • Durkheim sees morality as the basis of law
  • Law reflects the moral beliefs and sentiments of a community
48
Q

Lonn Lanza-Kaduce et al. study

A

violations of criminal law provoke strong moral condemnation, supporting Durkheim’s claim

49
Q

Kai Erikson study

A

punishing law violations unites upright citizens by reinforcing a shared morality

50
Q

Albert Bergesen study

A

crimes threaten not only moral boundaries but also political boundaries of a society

51
Q

Durkheim’s distinction between the law and normative attitudes

A
  • Law reflects normative attitudes (beliefs, feelings, sentiments, opinions)
  • Differentiates between criminal law (mechanical solidarity) and civil law (organic solidarity)
52
Q

criminal law

A
  • Common in mechanical solidarity societies
  • Reflects shared community beliefs
  • Violations provoke anger and moral indignation
  • Punishment involves repressive measures
53
Q

civil law

A
  • Common in organic solidarity societies
  • Reflects beliefs specific to certain societal societies
  • Laws are specialized and not widely known by everyone
  • Punishment involves restitutive measures
54
Q

criminal vs. civil law key takeaway

A

criminal law community consensus, while civil law addresses specialized relationships within a diverse society

55
Q

Durkheim’s view on constitutional law

A
  • Constitutional law is grouped with civil law in organic society
  • Both involve restitutive sanctions and maintain social equilibrium
56
Q

Lanza-Kaduce et al.’s on constitutional law

A
  • In the U.S. constitutional law protects civil liberties from government encroachment, making it more similar to criminal law
  • Criminal law principles apply to constitutional law
  • However, repressive sanctions are unsuitable because constitutional law supports organic solidarity, not mechanical
  • Develop five sets of hypotheses to explore the alignment of constitutional law with Durkheim’s theory
57
Q

Lanza-Kaduce et al.’s 5 Sets of Hypotheses

A
  1. knowledge across society
  2. legitimacy and knowledge
  3. moral condemnations
  4. sanctions and remedies
  5. impact of repeating laws
58
Q

knowledge across society

A
  • High knowledge: criminal and constitutional laws are widely understood
  • Low knowledge: civil laws are less understood by the general public
59
Q

legitimacy and knowledge

A
  • Criminal/constitutional laws: high knowledge leads to high legitimacy
  • Civil laws: legitimacy depends on the degree of public knowledge
60
Q

moral condemnation

A
  • Criminal/constitutional laws: violations provoke strong moral outrage
  • Civil laws: violates elicit weaker moral reactions
61
Q

sanctions and remedies

A
  • Criminal laws: violations result in repressive sanctions (ex. punishment)
  • Civil/constitutional laws: violations lead to restitutive remedies (ex. Compensation, resolution)
62
Q

impact of repealing laws

A
  • Criminal laws: if laws align with public morality, repealing them moderates public beliefs and weakens legitimacy
  • Civil laws: public supports legitimacy while laws are active but withdraws support if laws are repealed
63
Q

example of a restitutive sanction

A

court orders compensation to the injured party

64
Q

example of a repressive sanction

A

public execution for speaking against religious beliefs

65
Q

Durkheim on ritual punishment

A
  • Punishment unites the honest members of a community, reaffirming shared values and a common identity
  • Rituals of punishment strengthen social solidarity by integrating individual consciences into a shared morality
  • Ex. public outrage after a crime fosters collective anger, reinforcing community cohesion
66
Q

Erikson’s extension: boundary maintenance

A
  • Societies maintain both geographical (physical) and cultural (moral) spaces
  • Deviance highlights and defines moral boundaries, helping communities clarify what is acceptable behaviour
  • Penal rituals (ex. Criminal trials) reinforce these boundaries by publicly confronting deviance
67
Q

key sociological insights from Durheim and Erikson on punishment

A
  • Communities need deviants to define moral boundaries and establish their cultural identity
  • When deviance threatens a community’s identity, several sanctions are imposed to protect it
68
Q

producing deviance in the community

A

shaping cultural identity requires defining deviance to establish moral boundaries

69
Q

severe sanctions for threats

A

when deviant behaviour threatens cultural identity, communities respond with harsh punishments and significant efforts to eliminate the threat

70
Q

Erikson’s study: Wayward Puritans (1966)

A
  • Purpose: tests Durkheim’s ideas on punishment and solidarity through a sociohistorical analysis
  • Focus: examines how the Puritans of the 17th-century Massachusetts Bay Colony handled deviance
  • Method: analyzes three crime waves during the colony’s first century to show how deviance helped define and reinforce moral boundaries
71
Q

who were the puritans?

A
  • English protestants aiming to purify the Anglican Church of Roman Catholic influences
  • In 1630, ~1,000 Puritans left England to establish a model Christian community in Massachusetts Bay Colony
72
Q

early legal system of the puritans

A
  • A hybrid system combining the sacred authority of Scripture and secular common law of England
  • Governed by a General Court composed of ministers and magistrates
  • Ministers, as Bible scholars, resolved most legal questions in the colony’s early years
73
Q

The Antinomian Heresy: Background

A
  • Began in 1636, six years after Puritans arrived in Massachusetts Bay Colony
  • Puritans aimed to protect their values and establish a disciplined orthodoxy proclaiming God’s covenant with their community through government leaders
74
Q

Anne Hutchison’s challenge

A
  • Criticized local ministers’ ability to judge true religious conversion
  • Gained a large following, forming a partisan faction against the ruling elite
75
Q

reaction by Puritan leaders to Anne Hutchison’s challenge

A
  • Viewed Hutchinson’s actions as heresy, threatening their cultural and political identity
  • She was tried, convicted, and banished from the colony
76
Q

significance of Anne Hutchison’s challenge

A

Highlighted Puritan intolerance for dissent and reinforced their commitment to a unified community identity

77
Q

key context of the Quaker persecutions

A
  • Massachusetts Bay Colony had established the Laws and Liberties of Massachusetts (1648) to solidify legal codes and respond to criticism
  • Puritans, feeling theologically isolated from England, sought to reaffirm their cultural identity by targeting perceived threats
78
Q

Quakers as Heretics

A
  • Quakers rejected theocratic discipline, lived apart, and defined social norms (ex. Refusing to wear hats for magistrates)
  • Seen as a threat to Puritan cohesion and group security
79
Q

persecution escalates

A
  • Initial response: deportation of first Quakers in 1656
  • Harsh penalties followed
  • Quaker resistance increased despite intensifying punishments, further provoking Puritan authorities
80
Q

significance of the Quaker persecutions

A
  • Puritans viewed Quakers as destabilizing forces threatening their cultural identity
  • According to Erikson, targeting heretics helped the Puritans reaffirm their moral and territorial boundaries
81
Q

Intervention by King Charles ll in the Quaker Persecutions

A

Prohibited corporal and capital punishment fo Quakers, ending extreme persecution

82
Q

The Witches of Salem Village: Background

A
  • The colony faced political and social turmoil including:
    1. Strife between magistrates and ministers
    2. Indian wars
    3. Charles ll establishing an Anglican Church in Boston
    4. King revoked the colony’s charter
    5. Internal dissension: legal disputes, feuds, nad political bickering
  • These tensions weakened group harmony, leading the colony vulnerable to fear and suspicion
83
Q

beginning of witchcraft hysteria in Salem

A
  • Teenage girls in Salem Village exhibited bizarre behaviours (ex. Convulsions, barking like dogs)
  • Puritan ministers encouraged accusations, framing witchcraft as the devil’s conspiracy against the colony
84
Q

escalation of Salem Witch trials and executions

A
  • Suspected witches were arrested, and by summer, Salem’s jail overflowed with detainees
  • Outcomes by autumn:
  • 22 executed
  • No suspect brought before the court was acquitted
85
Q

significance of the Salem witch trials

A
  • The hysteria reflected the colony’s deep social anxiety and need to reaffirm moral boundaries during a time of crisis
  • Witch trials served as a cultural mechanism to restore solidarity amid chaos
86
Q

Bergensen’s perspective on witch hunts

A
  • Builds on Durkheim and Erikson’s view that crime challenges a community’s boundaries
  • Focuses on political crimes that threaten both moral and political boundaries of a nation-state’s identity
  • Crimes include treason, conspiracy, and sedition, often seen as contaminating society and requiring collective cleansing
87
Q

Four characteristics of political witch hunts

A
  1. Sporadic nature: arise during societal crises when collective identity feels threatened and lead to sudden “discoveries” of traitors or subversives
  2. Urgency and severity: fear or internal threats drives swift and severe actions to protect society
  3. Hysteria: diverse, even innocent acts are labelled as criminal; accusations spiral out of control
  4. Public rituals: show trials, public confessions, and investigations dramatize the threat of punishment
88
Q

historical examples of political witch hunts

A

French revolution, Stalin Purges, Cultural Revolution (China), McCarthyism (US)

89
Q

Bergesen’s theory of political crime

A
  • Crime attacks not just moral boundaries but also political boundaries
  • These boundaries define a community’s identity as a sovereign nation state