Lecture 2 reading Flashcards

1
Q

what does legal anthropology now study

A

industrial countries

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2
Q

what did legal anthropology expand from

A

expanded from the local to national and transna- tional legal matters

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3
Q

what does legal anthropology include

A

Its scope includes international treaties, the legal under- pinnings of transnational commerce, the field of human rights, diasporas and migrants, refugees and prisoners, and other situations not easily captured in the earlier community-grounded conception of anthropology

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4
Q

For a long while what was the centre of the field,

A

For a long while, dispute-processing was the centre of the field, with insight into local norms and practices as an essential adjunct. Now, though looking at disputes remains a favoured way of entering a contested arena, the ultimate objects of study are immense fields of action not amenable to direct observation.

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5
Q

Changes in the empirical focus of legal anthropology have been accompa- nied by disagreement about how to approach and answer the question of how and why the legal acquires a particular form in a particular social setting.To simplify, one could say that three general interpretations have prevailed; what are they

A

law as culture
law as domination
law as problem-solver

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6
Q

what is law as culture

A

suggests that law is tradition-driven, particularly outside the West but sometimes within it

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7
Q

what is the problem with law as culture

A

But culture has lost its political innocence. Today, when cultural difference is offered as a legitimation for and explanation of legal difference, cultural context often comes up as an aspect of a consciously mobilized collective identity in the midst of a political struggle, and it arises in relation to constitutions, collective inequalities, insiders and outsiders, and other aspects of national and ethnic politics

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8
Q

what is law as domination

A

everything in law can be understood to be a mask for elite interests, both in the West and elsewhere. Thus, law purports to be about furthering the general interest, but really serves the cause of the powerful, generally capitalists and capitalism

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9
Q

what is law as problem-solver

A

basically; Law is a rational response to social problems

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10
Q

To what extent are Western judges’ decisions in fact governed by mandatory rules, and how much is left to judicial dis- cretion

A

not all judges would admit, as Posner (1998: 235) does (and Justice Holmes did), to using a ‘puke’ test of disgust as a way of deciding when to use discretion rather than to apply existing rules, his acknowledgement of his own reactions and the importance of judicial dis- cretion is neither new nor revolutionary in American law

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11
Q

Since the 1960s and 1970s, anthropologists became less and less likely to what

A

see behaviour as being overwhelmingly driven by pre-existing cultural patterns and social rules

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12
Q

The work of Nader, Merry, and Abel illustrates what

A

how some people drew an analogy between the situation of colonial people and the poor in industrial countries

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13
Q

Lazarus- Black (1994) followed the uses of the courts in Antigua and Barbuda that bore on slavery. She shows what

A

how the law was used to restrict slaves and protect slave-owners, but also how slaves were, at times, able to use the courts for their own advantage

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14
Q

The concept of the state as a unified entity has been more than slightly revised in the past half-century, what has it been changed to

A

Cultural pluralism and political divisions have long been recognized as basic and durable features of many polities (Furnivall 1948; Smith 1965); governments dealing with culturally distinct collectivities have often acknowledged such differences in legal terms

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15
Q

ethnic and racial pluralism posed what kind of problems

A

profound political, constitutional, and other legal issues was evident not only in Africa but elsewhere

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16
Q

in legal anthropology these days, ‘pluralism’, or more precisely ‘legal pluralism’, is often used in an entirely different sense, how is it used

A

One relatively new use dates from an article by Griffiths (1986: 3), who attacks ‘legal centralism’, the idea that law is ‘an exclusive, systematic and unified hierarchical ordering of normative propositions’ emanating from the state

17
Q

Today, ‘pluralism’ can refer to what

A

1) the way the state acknowledges diverse social fields within society and represents itself ideologically and organizationally in relation to them; (2) the internal diver- sity of state administration, the multiple directions in which its official sub- parts struggle and compete for legal authority; (3) the ways in which the state itself competes with other states in larger arenas (the EU, for one instance), and with the world beyond that; (4) the way in which the state is interdigi- tated (internally and externally) with non-governmental, semi-autonomous social fields which generate their own (non-legal) obligatory norms to which they can induce or coerce compliance (see note 6); (5) the ways in which law may depend on the collaboration of non-state social fields for its imple- mentation; and so on

18
Q

who is Coombe and what is she concerned with

A

Coombe (1998), concerned with trademark law. Coombe is both a lawyer and an anthropologist, and in her hands ‘trademarks, protected indicia of celebrity personas, and marks of governmental authority’ (1998: 286) become the occasion for a remarkably interesting and often funny set of essays on emblems in the mass media and the cultural life of intellectual properties. The insignia of Coca Cola, the image of Marilyn Monroe, and certain badges of governmental office are recognizable to everyone, but they cannot be used freely by all.
Coombe argues that our environment is filled with these manufactured symbols.

Coombe’s heart is obviously with those who use these symbols illegally to satirize them

In effect, she is asking us to pay more attention to our commercially constructed symbolic environment and to who owns it and controls its content and deployment

19
Q

Fieldwork concerned with human rights is by definition carried out where

A

in an arena of conflicting reports and representations, often at terrible moments of crisis

20
Q

redress and a symbolic act of ritual purification.Within this framework, Borneman affirms the importance of offi- cial recognition of suffering what does He argue

A

that such recognition points to a reassessment of the nature of the citizen. Suffering is reincorporated ‘into the identity of the national subject

21
Q

what can we conclude from the reading

A

It is obvious that legal anthropology has been saturated with political messages in the past fifty years