L22 - Financial Crises as Market Failure Flashcards

1
Q

Why does it matter if the 2007-2009 financial crisis was a caused by market failure?

A

the answer is of crucial importance to policy makers because financial regulation that does not address a specific market failure risks causing new inefficiencies with unintended consequences that will impact on the financial sector generally and, through this, on the broader economy

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2
Q

What was a source of criticism during the financial crisis?

A
  • there was criticism of the nature of financial sector regulation and this implies a need to consider further measures to expand regulatory oversight of the financial sector.
  • Previously, regulation focused primarily on the health of individual financial institutions. However, since the crisis regulatory reform efforts have focused more on stability in the financial sector as a whole, that is, the approach has shifted to what is now known as ‘macroprudential’ or ‘systemic risk’ regulation.
  • This is a seismic shift in policy and would have been unthinkable before the crisis. So what is it that motivated this change in the approach to financial regulation and policy?
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3
Q

How is macroprudential regulation different to how the financial sector was original regulated?

A
  • macroprudential regulation hinges on the notion of externalities, or spillovers.
  • If a firm’s shareholders and creditors alone face the costs of its failure, the firm is likely to fully account for the risks of its operations, leaving no room (in principle at least) for macroprudential regulation.
  • But if financial difficulties can affect other companies, individuals, or the real economy in ways that the firm’s stakeholders are not forced to compensate for, or ‘internalize’, the firm might be encouraged to take excessive risks.
  • These risks might increase the fragility of the financial system and make it more prone to widespread crises like the one in 2007-09.
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4
Q

What are Market failures often caused by?

A
  • Market failures often are caused by what economists call externalities—a situation where an economic agent is affected by the actions of others not only through price changes but also directly.

One classic example is an industrial plant that emits pollution. The plant only charges its customers enough to cover its private production costs, ignoring the costs ‘paid’ by its neighbours who breathe the polluted air.

This externality will lead the factory to produce more pollution than is socially optimal. By mandating lower pollution levels or by levying a tax equal to the size of the externality, regulators may force firms to internalize the social costs of pollution, resulting in a more efficient level of emissions.

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5
Q

When should a government interfere in a market?

A

Aside from pursuing social goals of redistributing wealth, government intervention in markets is generally warranted only when there is a market failure—a situation where markets lead to inefficient allocations.

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6
Q

How has the approach to analysing externalities changed since the Financial Crisis?

A

a new approach to analysing externalities has evolved and the language of the subject has identified market failure stemming from a ‘pecuniary externality.’ associated with the financial system’s core function of maturity transformation.

These pecuniary externalities are the primary catalyst leading to under-provision of liquidity and financial crisis.

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7
Q

What are pecuniary externalities?

A

A pecuniary externality occurs when the actions of an economic agent cause an increase or decrease in market prices. For example, an influx of city-dwellers buying second homes in a rural area can drive up house prices, making it difficult for young people in the area to get onto the property ladder.

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8
Q

How was Adverse selection lead to Market Failure in the wake of the Financial Crisis?

A
  • Main causes of the financial crisis was the attempt to encourage homeownership by less than credit-worthy borrowers in the US - this is clearly a case of adverse selection
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9
Q

What was the adverse selection problem of the subprime mortgage market?

A
  • The bare bones of the problem is that subprime loans were made involving little or no down payment. Loan to value tended to be around 100 percent, with a zero or very low (teaser) interest rate the first two years. This increased the likelihood of default.
  • However, the agreement was that after two years, interest rates would increase from as low as 1 percentage point to 6 percentage points or more above the federal funds rate. This further increased the probability of default and foreclosure.
  • It is well known that in periods of recession, the same problem of adverse selection arises when banks try to discriminate among their customers by raising the interest rates of their loans, which tend to attract mainly those who have a higher probability of defaulting on the loan.
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10
Q

How did the Subprime Mortgage Provision lead to Market Failure in the wake of the Financial Crisis?

A
  • The second failure occurred in the originated and securitised subprime mortgages market, both in terms of government regulation and supervision.
  • On the one hand, the majority of mortgages were not originated by the banks but by agents and brokers working on commission.
    • These agents weren’t regulated the banks were and were only required to obtain an administrative local state permit to sell financial products.
  • There main aim was therefore to sell a mortgage to a family and charge a commission without due consideration of whether the mortgage holder could pay it.
  • Thus, they failed to meet a key requirement in the banking business of investing short-term deposits in long-term credits and loans with low likelihoods of default in relation to their profitability.
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11
Q

What did the majority of families assume was covered by the Subprime Mortgages?

A
  • On the other side of the coin, the majority of families who assumed these mortgages had 100 percent of loan to value of their homes covered, plus the costs, with zero or near-zero teaser interest rates during the first two years.
  • This clearly provided a powerful incentive to sign the mortgage contract since it offered a one way bet: Purchasers could live in their home for two years for free or almost free and after the two years the assumption would be that they could sell it with a slight profit above the mortgage.
  • Assuming real estate property values continued to rise, mortgagees could then move on to another mortgage and repeat the same process with their next home.
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12
Q

How did the banks that funded subprime mortgage lead to a Moral Hazard Market Failure in the wake of the Financial Crisis?

A
  • However, banks and other financial intermediaries that had funded these mortgages had converted them and many other loans into securities, which were then sold to special purpose vehicles off their balance sheets, where the risks to financial intermediaries were discarded and passed to others willing to buy them.
  • These mortgages were packaged with thousands of other credits from different categories, such as consumer and credit card loans, and sliced by structuring them into tranches of different credit rating levels that could be broken up into separate components for investors according to their different appetite for risk.
  • There are clear echoes in all of this of a moral hazard problem.
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13
Q

Why was it a major market and government failure that it was assumed that securitising mortgages and selling them removed the risk burden?

A
  • Why was this an erroneous assumption. At the time that many of them were removing the securities from their balance sheets, they were creating, off balance sheet, specific investment vehicles (SIVs) involving inordinately high levels of leverage.
  • These were used to invest in long-term assets, funded in the short-term commercial paper market with the long-term asset as collateral.
  • In this way, the banks could leverage their capital much more than their balance sheets would indicate, and beyond the minimum capital requirements mandated by Basel I and Basel II.
  • In other words, financial intermediaries were effectively creating a parallel, off-balance-sheet banking system that would take short-term resources and invest them in long-term risky assets that were neither regulated nor subject to supervision.
  • The only assurance given to their supervisors was that, if the short-term funding in the commercial paper market dried up, the same bank would assure the provision of the necessary liquidity to pay for the short-term funding maturities in those vehicle
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14
Q

How else did the Specific Investment Vehicle create a market failure?

A
  • These vehicles tended to produce another significant market failure in some banks since, paradoxically, in order to obtain higher long-term returns on their assets, the managers of many of these special vehicles were buying the same structured products based on subprime mortgages.
  • Through these vehicles, financial intermediaries taking on the same risk they had intended to transfer by securitising and selling them to a third party.
  • Furthermore, in order to remove the subprime risk from their balance sheet, the banks were not taking into account that their own vehicles were, incredible as it seems, taking back the risk again without the knowledge of the banks’ internal risk management team and their internal and external auditors.
  • Just for emphasis and clarity: The banks were creating securitised assets which had ‘toxic’ elements and were then buying these same assets created by other banks and offered for sale by them!
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15
Q

What happened on August 9th 2007 which highlighted the problems of SIV?

A
  • When ratings on these products deteriorated as sub-prime mortgage defaults increased, these toxic assets were no longer of interest to investors and on August 9th 2007, the market value of securitised assets plummeted by $300bn leaving the banks unable to refinance them and compelling the Federal Reserve and the ECB to inject billions of dollars and euros into these banks in order to avoid serious solvency-related issues.
  • Had the banks been forced to reintroduce the securities into their balance sheets (a separate question is why they were removed in the first place (answer: profit)) the banks would have consumed regulatory capital that they did not have and this would almost certainly have resulted in an even greater credit crunch than what ultimately occurred.
  • The creation of these vehicles and the securitisation process which facilitated the creation of a parallel banking system is a regulatory failure of breath taking proportions!
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16
Q

What was the asymmetric information problem created by investor behaviour?

A
  • Another source of failure is associated with investor behaviour.
  • Expertise in managing large bank, pension, insurance asset portfolios, hedge funds etc claimed expertise not evidenced by their actions since they were buying these structured products with a AAA or AA rating without being aware of their contents.
  • Remember, these products had undisclosed contents and were only sold bi-laterally.
  • They therefore had no liquidity and were not traded on organised markets.
  • This would seem to imply asymmetric information.
17
Q

During the Financial Crisis what question arises to do with the credit rating of the bonds?

A
  • The question then naturally arises of how they were accorded a AAA rating – a rating previously reserved for developed sovereign states and leading international corporations with relatively high levels of creditworthiness and stock prices reported on a continuous basis traded continuously on securities markets that were highly liquid?
  • So why did, presumably sophisticated investors fail to wonder why a structured product with a AAA rating offered a return almost 1 percentage point above traditional AAA rated products?
  • One reason might be that the Rating Agencies accorded these assets a AAA rating or was there an awareness that because these assets brought a higher return to investor portfolios and that they also carried higher risk?
  • This would imply moral hazard (once banks started selling toxic assets, they also saw advantages in buying them and adverse selection!
18
Q

What was the Moral Hazard problem arising from the credit agencies’ behaviour?

A
  • Failure also stems from the behaviour of the credit rating agencies.
  • These are charged with assessing the default risks associated with financial assets that are issued, bought, and sold in the markets. - make sure investors arent being deceived by securities issuing entities
  • These agencies have a privileged status in that they cannot be legally prosecuted. That is, they have no legal or administrative responsibility (unlike auditors) over the ratings they give because of the protections they enjoy.
  • bond issuers can decide not to contract an agency if they get a provisional rating that they consider to be low, and can attempt to contract with another agency that will give a higher rating, since they know what rating they will receive before they make a decision
  • agencies obtained up to 50 percent of their income by rating default risks of the new structured asset-backed products, most of them structured with subprime mortgages. They therefore had a clear incentive to push these products to the maximum to preserve their buoyant and new business.
  • Even more serious, some agencies were also able to sell to the bond issuers who were paying them for their credit rating services, advisory services and models that showed how to structure complex bunches of assets in a way that would optimize their ratings.
  • This implies a moral hazard problem.
19
Q

What was the Moral Hazard problem that arose from depositor insurance and lender’s of last resort?

A
  • The existence of deposit insurance in some countries and lender of last resort facilities in others (compounded in some cases by the belief in ‘too big to fail’ discussed later) implied that depositors would suffer no losses encouraged banks to take on ever increasing levels of risk.
  • This is basically the ‘Heads I win, tails you lose’ syndrome.
  • The bank won if the significant risk it took paid off, and the government and the taxpayers lost in cases of default, leaving the bank a winner either way, a situation.
  • This no doubt served as an incentive to assume greater risk.
  • The absence of any belief in default is a moral hazard problem stemming from poor regulation and oversight of the financial system.
20
Q

What were the OTC derivatives markets like just before the crisis?

A
  • Another element of market failure stems from the rapid development of bilateral or over-the-counter derivatives markets.
  • In mid-2008, out of the total notional value of all the derivatives markets of $700 trillion, 86 percent—$600 trillion— was from OTC, and only $100 trillion was contracted in structured or regulated markets such as the Chicago Mercantile Exchange.
  • These OTC markets, unlike other stock, bonds, and futures markets, are not regulated, nor do they have a centralized counterparty risk management system which gave a clear indication that there could be serious default problems in a deep financial crisis.
21
Q

What was the value and function of the credit default swap market just before the financial crisis?

A
  • The credit default swap market reached a total value of $63 trillion in notional value.
  • Remember, in this market, broker A sells protection to broker B who buys protection against a credit rating downgrade, a restructuring, or a loan or bond default in a specific country or corporation in exchange for a fee.
  • The credit default swap market was not a conventional market between buyers and sellers of protection the one party taking a bond or loan to protect against a default and the second party being willing to provide the protection because of the perceived profit from doing so.
  • Instead, it was a market in pure speculation where neither party possessed any assets. Instead, they bet on whether or not a default or “credit event” will happen to a certain loan or bond.
22
Q

What adverse selection problem arose from the Credit Default Swap market?

A
  • This market has nothing to do with a traditional insurance market because the seller of protection has no capital requirements as insurers do, and the buyer of protection cannot easily determine the counterparty risk of the protection seller, as in the case of an insurer that is regulated.
  • In addition, this market has transitioned from selling and buying protection of simple bonds and loans to special investment vehicles and structured products such as Asset Backed Securities, Mortgage Backed Securities, and Collateralized Debt Obligations, working with information that is much less precise, to a market that mainly speculates on future credit events where neither the buyer nor the seller own any of the assets traded.
  • This suggests elements of adverse selection
23
Q

What did the collapse of Lehman Brother test?

A
  • The collapse of Lehman Brothers was a decisive moment in testing the efficiency of this market and unravelling the web of defaulting counterparties.
  • Too late the authorities realised that reform was necessary perhaps suggesting the existence of asymmetric information.
  • The current situation is that the market should have the same regulated infrastructure as the futures markets, that is, a central counterparty clearing house so that potential liabilities of each market participant at every moment is know
24
Q

What is the role of a centralised clearinghouse?

A

This centralised clearinghouse assumes the counterparty risk of the parties in all contracts and publicises the information, requiring the participants to back them with a centralized fund to cover potential defaults.

In addition, the net position of each participant is always known and is guaranteed with collateral otherwise positions are immediately closed out by the clearing house.

25
Q

What was the Moral Hazard problem arising from the pride of ‘big’ banks?

A
  • We mentioned the ‘too big to fail’ principle earlier but this is so important that it merits a fuller discussion.
  • This principle, as history has taught us creates a systemic crisis in national and global banking networks with very serious economic consequences for the entire world economy.
  • Basically some relatively large banks with their interconnected networks form a view that they will be bailed out by governments if ever faced with solvency issues which gives them an incentive to take on greater risk than a bank or intermediary that fails with no entity to save it.
  • In short, the banks that pose a systemic risk to the economy need to be bailed out because the cost of losing them outweighs the cost of preserving them. Belief in this encourages risk-taking c.f. Lehman Brothers etc
26
Q

What does (Courville, n.d) believe should be done in the wake of the Financial Crisis?

A
  • Backs thinking they are too big to fail - may be too big
  • Separation of trading and deposit-taking
  • Winding down
  • Rules versus discretion
  • More reliance on national regulation
27
Q

(Courville, n.d.) too big to fail is too big?

A

– Too big too fail may be too big. Indeed, given the high degree of innovation in financial markets introduced through risk measures and securitization, it is possible that markets would function better if large institutions were not intertwined in an oligopolistic structure. And certainly, as fluidity and ease of transaction have increased appreciably the size of any given institution is secondary to the depth of the markets.

28
Q

(Courville, n.d.) separation of trading and deposit-taking?

A
  • Separation of trading and deposit-taking. While the proposal would confine and limit the scope of some institutions, deposit-taking institutions should have access to bailouts because they are crucial to individuals and businesses.
  • Hence, they should be forbidden to risk their capital in trading.
  • This proposal was well regarded initially and again fluid markets can cope with this constraint as the experience of 70 years under Glass-Stegall has shown.
  • Those more vociferous today against this rule and its territorial application are public official and central bankers of various countries afraid that the liquidity of their 21 government’s debt might be impaired.
  • It looks much like having your cake and eat it to; but more importantly, it fails to recognize that the current institutional set-up under this rule will change and other arrangements will spring up to deal with this issue.
29
Q

(Courville, n.d.) winding down?

A

If large institutions cannot be allowed to fail, then why not “wind them down”? This means that shareholders and managers are pushed aside in favour of an administrator who collects what is due and pays what is owed, with the deficit being covered by the public purse. If this becomes standard it might reduce the liquidity problem during a crisis or shock as financial would keep on trading with each other as they have the certainty that their lending would be reimbursed.

30
Q

(Courville, n.d.) Rules versus discretion?

A
  • Rules versus discretion. We have seen that rules can lead to aberration. I adhere to this point of view in general, even for internal company governance.
  • Discretion forces one to look at the end result and at behaviour instead of simply complying.
  • This, by the way, could resolve a serious problem we currently have with corporate governance, where the emphasis is placed on oversight and too little attention is given to insight.
  • In Canada, the regulation of financial institutions puts the emphasis on discretion; there are some rules, but auditing and due diligence by the regulators have also looked at behaviour with a view to modifying it on occasion, even at the expense of being accused of arbitrary decision-making.
31
Q

(Courville, n.d.) More reliance on national regulation?

A
  • Let countries compete for the regulation of financial institutions instead of mandating a framework that puts all financial institutions on a so-called competitive footing.
  • With the proposed approach, decision-making would be assigned close to where the responsibility lies. Citizens feel helpless with respect to the current situation because they do not know who is accountable.
  • Usually our political system gives voice to the recriminations, but little has been done in this regard. The situation in the United States is certainly not promising, but we are only in the first inning in terms of political reaction.
  • This raises two crucial points.
  • The first one addresses the foundation of democratic representation; as earlier said international regulations is designed in great part by non elected officials of various countries making their own compromises among themselves.
    • The aftermath of the recent financial crisis have shown us that one cannot isolate regulatory policies from monetary and fiscal policy.
    • The various measures implemented to deal with the consequences of the crisis due to regulatory problems had huge consequences on debt, taxes and monetary conditions.
  • The second observation deals with the consequence of the first.
    • Countries that have adhered to the international set of rules have suffered from the spill-over of the crisis. 22 They may want to insulate themselves from future contamination.
    • It the thesis of regulatory failure is adequate, one should observe some countries distancing themselves from the international consensus inasmuch as there is one.
    • And indeed this is what is happening. For instance, Singapore insists on mandating the clearing of derivatives involving a party based in its jurisdiction.
    • Dodd-Frank is a made in America solution that conflicts with many proposal originating from the G-20. Some of the EU proposals for hedge fund managers might force them to move away from Europe.
  • This point can be summarized easily: harmony and domestic interest do not always move in the same directions.
32
Q

(Courville, n.d.) Summary of the crisis?

A
  • Good times fed the mood of confidence and euphoria; increases in asset prices – housing and stocks – led people to borrow against them to increase their well-being, adding to the expansion.
  • Bigger and more numerous houses fed the appetite for the mortgage-backed securities that were so palatable for banks under the regulatory regime.
  • Brokers doped up on transactions encouraged the proliferation of these instruments
  • . The motivation for huge bonuses fed the frenzy; financial models induced a false sense of security and allowed for the development of more financial instruments, transferring to society many risks that should have remained private.
  • Herding and convergent behaviour contributed to the building of a substantial bubble, to which policy-makers turned a blind eye – perhaps because they were following the same model as market participants.
33
Q

(Courville, n.d.) Problem with Basel III?

A
  • Unfortunately, the Basel III design and various national regulations have a sense of déjà vu al over again.
  • More complex rules based on the credo that tinkering with a multitude of financial instruments and corporate behaviour is rendering the management and assessment of compliance extremely difficult and ultra-specialized.
  • This will reinforce the oligopolistic structure of the industry by increasing concentration and limiting entry.
  • Too big will become bigger and regulators once again will be a step ahead in design and two steps backs in monitoring and assessing behaviour.