FORENSICS Flashcards
limitations of measuring crime
x4
victim surveys mixed support:
surveys include crimes not reported to the police e.g 2006/7 official stats showed 2% drop in crime but victim surveys showed 3% rise. BUT rely on accurate recall so might remember crime happening in current year but misremember due to trauma. inaccurate victim recall may therefore distort crime figures
offender surveys provde limited insight:
they gather info about how many people are responsible for a certain crime. but despite anonymity, responses may be unreliable as may conceal more serious crimes or exaggerate numbers. also, sampling technique of ‘risk’ factors may mean ‘middle-class’ crimes like fraud are under-represented
official statistics may underestimate crime:
suggested that so many crimes go unreported that only 25% of crimes are included in official statistics and the other 75% is the ‘dark figure’ of crime. several reasons: police mistrust, fear of reprisals etc. also, Farrington & Dowds found Nottinghamshire police more likely to record thefts under £10 than any other counties so spike in figures. police priorities and public mistrust may distort official figures
politics of measuring crime:
opposition parties use crime rates that make the government look bad and party in power use crime rates to show that crime is falling. crime statistics are compiled by an ‘objective’ body ONS but questions ove their validity. questions extent to which figures we are told by politicians and bodies can be trusted
limitations of the top-down approach to offender profiling
x4
only applies to particular crimes:
approach is best suited to crimes that reveal important details about the suspect e.g rape. common offences don’t lend themselves to profiling as crime reveals little about the offender e.g burglary. therefore limited approach to identifying a criminal
based on outdated models of personality:
typology classification system based on assumption that offenders’ patterns of beh. are consistent across situations and cultures. Alison et al. argue its’ based on outdated personality models that see bhehaviour as driven by dispositional traits rather than by changing external factors (situation not type of person). poor validity when it comes to identifying suspects and/or predicting next move
little support for idea of ‘disorganised offender’:
Canter et al. used small space analysis of 100 US murders. each case was examined against 39 characteristics of organised and disorganised. found evidence of a distinct organised but not disorganised type, thus undermining the whole classification system.
issues in the way the typology approach was developed:
interviews were used with 36 killers in the USA which is a small and unrepresentative sample (25 serial and 11 single/double) to base a typology on. Canter argues it isn’t sensible to rely on self-report data with convicted killers when constructing a classification system. questions validity of appoach as methodological issues at the base of it
strengths of the bottom-up approach to offender profiling
x3
evidence supports investigative psychology:
Canter & Heritage did a content analyisis of 66 sexual assaut cases using smallest space analysis and several characteristics were commonly identified e.g lack of reaction to victim. can lead to an understanding of how beh. may change over offences or establishing whether offences were committed by the same person. supports usefulness as shows how stats techniques can be applied
evidence supports geographical profiling:
Lundrigan & Canter collated info from 120 murder cases involving serial killers in the US. found offending base was invariably in the middle of the ‘centre of gravity’ of body disposal sites and effect more noticeable for marauders. supports Canter’s emphasis on spatial info determining base
wider application compared to top-down:
approach can be applied to a wider range of offences than the top-down approach. techniques such as smallest space analysis can be used in the investigation of crimes from burglary to murder. more valuable than top-down approach as an investigative technique
limitation of the bottom-up approach to offender profiling
mixed results:
studies examining effectiveness of the approach have found mixed results. Copson surveyed 48 police forces about advice provided by profiler. judged useful in 83% f cases but led to accurat identification of offender in just 3% of cases. evidence questions effectiveness
strength of atavistic form as a biological / historical explanation of offending beh.
Lombroso made a large contribution to criminology:
hailed as ‘father of modern criminology’ and is credited with shifting emphasis away from moralistic discourse to scienfitic discourse. theory heraldd as beginning of criminal profiling as he tried to describe how particular types of people are likely to commmit particular types of crime. major contribution to science of criminology
limitations of the atavistic form as a biologoical explanation of offending beh.
x3
racial undertones of research:
many features described as atavistic and criminal are most likely to be found among poeple of African descent e.g dark skin and curly hair. also, the description of atavistic form as ‘prmitive’ and ‘savage’ lends support to eugenic philosphies at the time (certain groups shouldn’t be allowed to breed). racial undertones are a controversial legacy which overshadows his work
contradictory evidence:
Goring compared 3000 criminals to 3000 non-criminals and found no evidence that offenders are a distinct group wih unusual characteristics. he did suggest that many people who commit crime have a lower than average IQ, offering limited support for idea of criminal subspecies. evidence questions key element of theory that criminals differ in appearance
causation problem:
atavistic elements in facial appearance doesn’t mean it is a cause of offending. facial and cranial differences may be influenced by other factors e.g poverty (which would cause someone to commit crime) rather than an indication of delayed evolutionary development. issues with causation
strength of genetic and neural explanations of offending beh.
support for diathesis stress model of crime:
Mednick et al. studied 13 000 Danish adoptees and crimianlity (operationalised as having one or more court convitions). adoptees who had convictions when neither bio or adoptive parents had convictions was 13.5%, when either set of parents did was 20% and when both parents did 24.5%. shows both genetic and environment influence criminality
limitations of genetic and neural explanations of offending beh.
x3
methodological problems with twin studies of criminality:
Lange’s research was poorly controlled e.g judgements of MZ or DZ based on appearance not DNA testing. also, most twins reared in the same environment so concordance rates may be due to shared learning rather than genetics.methodological issues like confounding variables mean twin studies lack validity
methodological problems with adoption studies:
many children experienced late adoption so spent time with biological parents before adoption. also, lots of adoptees maintain contact with biological parents. therefore its difficult to assess nature and nurture impact the biological parents may have
explanations have social implications:
notion of ‘criminal gene’ presents dilemma as the legal system is based on premise that criminals have personal and moral responsibility for their crimes. only in extreme cases like mental illness can someone claim that they weren’t acting entirely of their own free will. ethical question about what society does with people who are suspected of carrying criminal genes and who therefore have a limited choice
strength of Eysenck’s personality theory
supporting evidence:
Eysenck and Eysenck compared EPI scores of over 2000 male prisoners to a comtrol group of over 2400 non-criminal males. found prisoners scored higher on E,P and N. supports prediction of theory
limitations of Eysenck personality theory
x3
contrary evidence:
Farrington et al. reviwed studies and found ofeenders scored higher on P but not E or N. also, little evidence of a consistent difference in EEGs (measures cortical arousal) between extraverts and introverts casting doubt on underactive nervous system. doubt about physiological basis of Eysenck’s theory
cultrual bias:
Bartol & Holanchock studied Hispanic and african american offenders in new york maximum security prisoners. all 6 groups (divided based on offence) were less E than non-criminal control group. may be due to sample being different cultural group than that represented by Eysenck so questions generalisability
mismeasurement of perosnality:
theory assumes its possible to measure personality but some argue we can’t reduce personality type to a ‘score’ from the EPI. some suggest there is no such thing as personality as a stable entity and that we adopt different personalities in different contexts. undermines concept of stable and measureable criminal personality
strengths of cognitive explanations of offedning behaviour
x3
evidence supporting levels of moral reasoning:
Palmer & Hollin used a scale of 11 moral dilemma related questions and found offenders showed less mature moral reasoning than a non-offending control group. Blackburn also argues delinquents may show poor moral development due to lack of role playing in childhood. suggests role playing opportunities should be provided to develop moral reasoning
applications of cognitive distortions research:
understanding cognitive distortions helps treat criminal behavoiur e.g CBT helps offenders ‘face up’ to behaviour with a less distorted view of actions. studies suggest reducing denial and minimalisation in therapy is correlated with reduced reoffending risk and acceptance of crime is also a key feature of anger management. supported by successful therapies using cognitive distortions as a basis to treat criminals
minimalisation supported by Pollock and Hashmall:
found 35% of sample of child molesters argued crime they had committed was non-sexual and 36% stated the victim had consented
limitation of cognitive explanations of offending behaviour
individual differences in levels of moral reasoning:
Thornton & Reid found those committing crime for financial gain were more likely to show preconventional reasong than those committing impulsive crimes. preconventional reasoning was also associated with offenders who believed they could evade punishment (supports theory). however emphasis placed on moral reasoning as a complete explanation for criminal behaviour may be misplaced
strengths of differential association theory to explaining offending behaviour
x2
explanatory power: theory can account for crime in all sectors of society and able to group prevalence of crime in certain groups like burglary clustered in working class communities but other prevalent in upper. also interested in corporate crime and how it may be a feature of middle-class groups who share deviant norms and values. helps our understanding of different types of crime and who they are committed by
Sutherland’s overall contribution to criminology:
took the emphasis away from biological accounts e.g Lombroso and from those that pointed to individual weakness or immorality. the theory draws attention to dysfunctiona social circumstances and environments and that they may be more to blame than dysfunctional people. more desirable approach as more realistic solution to problem of crime instead of eugenics or punishment
limitations of differential association theory as an explanation for offending behaviour
x2
overly determinist explanation:
not everyone exposed to criminal influences commits crime and theory may stereotype people from impoverished backgrounds as ‘unavoidably crininal’. suggests exposure to pro-criminal values is enough to produce offending and ignores that some may choose not to offend despite influences. may be environmentally determinist
alternative explanaitons;
suggested family attitudes are crucial in determining whether someone turns to crime which is supported by studies showing criminality to run in families. however, evidence that it runs in families could be explained by a genetic influence rather than by environmental or nurture influences. hard to raw conclusions from data about crime running in families
limitations of the psychodynamic explanation of offending behaviour
x4
gender bias:
assumes girls develop a weaker superego than boys as they don’t experience castration anxiety associated with the Oedipus complex so have less need to identify with heir mothers. therefore suggests females are more prone to criminal behaviour but this isn’t supported by evidence of the prison population. serious flaw in psychodynamic explanations of beh.
contradictory evidence:
little evidence that children raised without same-sex parent are less law-abiding as adults which contradicts weak superego argument. also, if children raised by deviant parents commit a crime, it could be due to influence of genetic or socialisation not a deviant superego. implausible that criminaliy reflects unconscious desire for punishment as offenders go to great lengths to conceal their actions to avoid punishment
within Freudian theory mean applications to crime are not open to empirical testing. in absence of supporting evidence, arguments such as inadequate superego can only be judged on face value and not scientific worth. regarded as pseudoscience and contributes little to understanding of crime
problems with Bowlby’s research:
accused of researcher bias because his expectations may have influenced the responses of his interviews as already knew if thieves had affectionless psychopathy or not. Koluchova found deprivation effects are not inevitable and some cases of very severe deprivation have had good outcomes if child has good aftercare. undermines evidence used to support psychodynamic explanations