Final exam

Question 1

Fordist to flexist

Answer 1

Deindustrialization leads to crisis as manufacturing jobs went global - because of this economic shifted from a fordist system to flexism

ford - mass production, standardized products, based on manufacturing)
to flexist (globalization, outsourcing labour, decentralized)
- Essentially, manufacturing to consumption

Question 2

Bilbao effect

Answer 2

• Cities engage in place marketing - elevating their cultural districts or funding signature architect structures to draw in tourism
• the market can become saturated with massive projects that fail and drain public funds - and not enough to turn the fortune of the city around
• Anticipated economic benefits fell short more often than not, reaching professionals with limited spillover
  Influences other places to expand art installments
• Using culture to market cities - choose a culture that is alluring to tourists/private developers and does not benefit low income populations

Question 3

Hannigan, John. “The New Urban Political Economy” (Chapter 12, Urban Canada)

Answer 3

• Late 1960s - shift from human ecology to a political economy one
• new urban ecology says they would move into the city and be able to move up the social ladder (could not explain inequality with a focus on integration)
• Suburban growth, industrialization globally, racial polarization, and urban renewal could not be explained by human ecology
• Social conflict between demographics characterized the metropolis - focused on conflict more than stability

Question 4

Harvey, David. 2008. “The Right to the City.” New Left Review (53):23–40.

Answer 4

• **we have the right to change ourselves by changing the city **
• Collective right to reshape processes of urbanization
• Perpetual need to find profitable terrain - capital accumulation needs to be ensured
• “Creative destruction” of poor communities = accumulation of capital and dispossession
• Need greater democratic control over production and utilization of surplus as it is too limited in the control of the elite

Question 5

Lecture: urban growth machine

Answer 5

• Molotch; city as a machine controlled by business, political and professional elites who are pro-growth as they see the best interest of the city and its residents in pursuing continuous economic growth and development
• Growth as an ideology that pushes development strategies - known as a machine

IMPACT ON CITIES

• Advocate a full arsenal of weapons to politicians to attract tourism, jobs, and external investment - generally result in the transfer of wealth from low income to urban elites
• Private-public partnership - to make major events and attract further investment
• Become consumption cities + urban tourism as a development tool
• Increase rents and profits for the benefit of the elites
• Land use creates profit, higher rent collection, and stimulate demand for secondary production services
• Pro-growth coalition supports **businesspeople and rentier class in urban development. **

PROGROWTH BENEFICIARIES

• Elected officials –favourable zoning codes and provisions, lobby on behalf on local elites for subsidies
• Local media
• Cultural institutions – universities, museums, sports teams etc

TOOLS TO DRIVE GROWTH
* Increase “factors of production” (shipping ports, airfields)
* Favourable policies
*Subsidies
* Promotional campaigns
* Boosterism

HOW DOES IT CREATE GROWTH?
* strengthens the local tax base
* creates jobs
* provides resources to solve existing social problems
* meets the housing needs
* allows the market to serve public tastes in housing, neighborhoods, and commercial development
* growth has ‘trickle down’ effects that help everyone
* posit harmony between exchange value and use value (functionality or utility of space for people in day-to-day life)

Question 6

Lecture: crisis of accumulation

Answer 6

• Real estate investors tend to over-invest in a particular area because it can appear to be profitable
• when the market is flooded a decline in profit occurs so that investors shift to another site and leave behind economic difficulties = steady decline in older areas of the city and inner city areas became gentrified
• Interests of real estate developers conflict with residents

Question 7

ecology to new political economy

Answer 7

shifting paradigms; both are responses to the current social order and context of the period

• Human ecology focuses on natural processes and social order - Transition from the functionalist perspective that is integration-focused - didn’t represent the duality of opinions or properly show the power relations at play (conservative)

During the time of Human ecology
-civil rights growth
- “new left”
- post-war suburbanization
- racial segregation and whites leaving the city
- urban renewal projects and urbanization/industrialization of the third world

Question 8

consequences of exchange value approach to neighbourhoods

Answer 8

• Gentrification
• Urban renewal
• Location of devalued projects in marginalized neighbourhoods
• i.e. sewage plants, jails, halfway homes etc.
• Environmental degradation
• Overpopulation
• Can exacerbate inequality
• State bureaucracy and capitalism alienate urban space from inhabitants. Capitalism requires a dynamic market that can absorb surplus products while creating new demands and thus opportunities to extract more profit - so they finance urbanization projects - hold off market crisis - create new markets

Question 9

Florida, Richard. 2003. “Cities and the Creative Class.”

Answer 9

• diversity and creativity as basic drivers of innovation and regional and national growth
• the high-tech, knowledge-based, and creative-content industries that drive so much of economic growth
• companies cluster in order to draw from concentrations of talented people who power innovation and economic growth.
• ability to rapidly mobilize talent from such a concentration of people is a tremendous source of competitive advantage for companies in our time-driven economy of the creative age
• places with looser networks and weaker ties are more open to newcomers and thus promote novel combinations of resources and ideas.
• High-educated creatives are drawn to open and diverse places - “creative class” - moving away from traditional corporate communities - don’t care about attractions most cities focus on more so on communities and experiences

Three T’s to be attractive
1. tolerance
2. technology
3. talent
- higher ranked neighbourhoods for bohemia and gay index signal creative prosperity

Question 10

Lloyd, Richard. 2006. Neo-Bohemia. Art and Commerce in the Postindustrial City.
New York, NY: Routledge.

Answer 10

• A critical mass is necessary to support the production of culture for which there is as yet little popular demand or monetary support. (showing up to each others gigs)
• artists who create creative industries can be profited off of/don’t receive financial compensation
• neo-bohemia - sustaining a pool of potential labor that largely bears its own costs of reproduction.
• creating a platform for artistic efforts that may then be mined by extra-local corporate interests, which recruit talent and co-opt cultural products from these settings at their discretion.
• art as a collective process that draws in consumers - despite scarcity mindset of artists

RESULTS IN -
Become exceptional consumers of culture
* Provide breakout stars that take off in national media
* Tastemakers that provide filtering mechanism for cultural gate keepers
* ‘Fill the room’ provide aesthetics, that can be alluring to others

At the CONSEQUENCE OF - lead to stratification with economic inequality as high end professionals versus artists who can be priced out of living with starving artist as a vulnerable and exploitable person - as well as a place for social hierarchy, competition, resentment

Question 11

Lecture: Entrepreneurial governance leads to change in policy and investment in culture

Answer 11

• Cities embraced entrepreneurial governance*** where local government joins forces with private interests to undertake major projects or mega events *
• Cities tasked with luring outside investment, and tourism
• Growing affluence is increasing the role of leisure and culture consumption in social life
• Growing role of aesthetics, cultural consumption, in personal and group identity
• New forms of belonging more contingently expressed in lifestyle and sensibility
• seen as happy compromise between policy promoting use-value of urban spaces, and exchange value
• Arts and culture found to enhance quality of life; beautify neighbourhoods; foster civic engagement; social awareness of problems etc.
• Has motivated urban policies dedicated towards vitality of local scenes (walkability, art)

Question 11

Suttles, Gerald D. 1984. “The Cumulative Texture of Local Urban Culture.”

Answer 11

• local culture to be part of the objective world, directly visible in such artifacts as statues, street names, or bumper stickers.
• Enliven and personalize civic life - elites use these for patriotism through artful use of imagery
• Individual’s assign meaning to places by drawing on resources that the stock of public culture makes available– collective representations
• What is commemorated is always a selective reading – this opens it up for revision and debate * People react based on mnemonic relatedness – where one memory triggers a series of recalled others
• Where there is stronger positive mnemonic relatedness, there will be more resistance to change
• what they put on their car bumpers and T-shirts. This is a vast, heritable genome of physical artifacts, slogans, typifications
• three interrelated sets of collective representations will be found in frequent repetition. 1. community’s founders or “discoverers.”
  2. notable entrepreneurs and those political leaders who, by hook or crook, are thought to have added to the community’s “spirit” or “greatness.”
  3. not people at all but a host of catch phrases, songs, and physical artifacts which represent the “character” of the place.

Question 12

Molotch, Harvey, William Freudenburg, and Krista E. Paulsen. 2000. “History Repeats Itself, But
How? City Character, Urban Tradition, and the Accomplishment of Place.”

Answer 12

• ask how two places indistinguishable from one another can develop very different place reputations
  – Place reputation not artificial but a historical accumulation!
• Cumulative path to tendencies that expands differences - ventura and santa barbara had similar socioeconomic positionings - yet random events sent them down different paths (Early differences opened divergent path dependencies)
• Oil was discovered marginally earlier in Ventura and had cascading effects which saw city diminish orientation to oceanfront
• By contrast, santa barbara residents already had some place attachment to coastline, as a natural enmity which led them to mobilize to resist oil industry
• Cultural vibrancy and place-reputation of santa barbara enliven civil society, and promoted the community’s political efficacy to fight to preserve its place character (more active and part of reputation - more likely to shape policy)

Question 13

Structuration

Answer 13

in their structure-making actions, people draw from existing conditions

• are conditioned by our existing circumstances
• Decision-making processes don’t happen in a vacuum and arent merely because of exploitation

Question 14

Place definition

Answer 14

-“Places” are physical and material sites with specific geographic locations that are invested with meaning and value
- The meanings and values imbued in a particular place emerge in large part from the interactions that take place in and on behalf of them (historical processes)
* Emerges over time
* Doesn’t necessarily have to be positive

Place attachment: emotional bonding of people to places
* Place becomes perceived as irreplaceable

Question 15

Fong, Eric. “Immigration and Race in the City”

Answer 15

• Mid 1960s - growth in asian immigrants found in specific Canadian cities
• Immigrants must be highly educated - know official language - however they are usually not able to compete as well labour market and get less pay
• their integration an effect the city economy in terms of labour force
• dominant sociology perspective has been assimilation - start in low social standing and move up in society
• Chicago explains outdated assimilationist model
• Groups with higher business experience and resources are more likely to participate in ethnic business
• Find entrepreneurship attractive with limited mobility
• As pop increases - higher demand for ethnic products and services
• Groups with higher levels of residential concentration foster ethnic completeness

Question 16

Kim, Jinwon. 2018. “Manhattan’s Koreatown as a Transclave: The Emergence of a
New Ethnic Enclave in a Global City.”

Answer 16

transclave: a commercialized ethnic space that exists exclusively for consumption, leisure, and entertainment, differentiating itself from traditional ethnic enclaves that offer housing and jobs for newer immigrants.
-transclaves are spaces where transnational consumer culture and brands from sending nations are transferred to, negotiated with, and anchored in a global city’s geographic space, shaping that space’s landscape.
- transclaves are spaces where a sending state’s socioeconomic policies are negotiated with the ethnic community and shape the landscape of the area - Using as a stepping stone to interact with global markets.
- now less residential and more commercial area
-franchises are more likely to directly bring back the investment to Korea than immigrant-owned businesses, who operate business only under U.S. law in U.S. territory
- Authentic Korean culture can not be translated by immigrants
- Policymakers wanted to attract foreign and local markets
Koreatown, as a trans clave, is unique in garnering heavy investment from the Korean government
- Koreatown in Manhattan has been considered a platform to popularize and commercialize not only “ethnic culture” but also the “nation’s culture” for the potential profit of both the Korean government and Korean corporations

Question 17

Chicago’s Immigrant Assimilation Model

Answer 17

Macro level: general settlement patterns at the city level
micro-level: racial and ethnic composition within an individual neighbourhood

• Using concentric zone model - burgess argues that immigration processes had a unique pattern
• Usually stayed close to other ethnic members, residential proximity helped to establish connections.
• Immigrant neighbourhoods located in zones of transition or deteriorating areas - low land values adjacent to business center
• Eventually move out of ethnic zone to workingmen zone - with better amenities on outskirts of the cities

*Invasion-successsion model *
- Invasion; population shift to more minority groups
- Penetration; they move in
- invasion; when more members move in while pre-established ones move out, ethnic composition changes overall.

WHY THIS IS NOT TRUE
- New flows contradict burgess neighbourhood changes theory.
- Wider multi-ethnic group are more diverse in general - not majority versus minority - more mixed.
- Early chicago understood ethnic enclaves to be poor ghettos - negative and segregated

Question 18

Immigrant Spatial Assimilation Perspective

Answer 18

• upgraded zone model, ,assimilation precedes integration
• Sharing of neighbourhods impacted by socio-economic resources and **time spent in country ** - (longer they stay larger their resources get and more likely to move out of these neighbourhoods)
• Reflect economic differences and similarities among immigrant groups and their possible preference to stay together in a new country when they first arrive - more likely to be in the same neighbourhood when from same socio-economic background or have been in the country for a while.
• this theory applies more so to europeans and less to others

Question 19

Lecture critics of assimilationist theories in modern times

Answer 19

• These models resonated with the European immigrant experience, but did not apply in same way to more recent waves of migrants that were increasingly from Asia and Pacific region, Middle-East, Africa, “visible minorities”
• Need more complex analysis of immigration flows
• Scholars examine integration through rates of homeownership - Indicates long-term economic progress, and rootedness in country
• **Inequality **among immigrant groups - While Black immigrants tend to have lower rates of homeownership than native-born population in Canada and America, Chinese immigrants surpass native-born population
• Visible minorities are generally more spatially marginalized (segregation, less desirable neighbourhoods), even after a longer duration in the country
• Research finds that Chinese immigrants during this period tended to arrive with more financial capital, and purchase home shortly after arrival
• Did not settle in zone of transition, but ‘ethnoburb’; Ethnic cluster of residential areas and business districts in suburbs outside of large metropolitan centres
• Outposts combining global and local ties-assimilation involved immigrants shedding distinctive features over time, taking on traits of mainstream (retain culture)
• Ignored more reciprocal interaction, where host society becomes reshaped by immigrant populations

Question 20

How have ethnic enclaves changed? (lecture)

Answer 20

Ethnic enclaves increasingly decoupled from places of residence
* Less oriented to immigrant arrival
* Ethnic symbolism used for place branding and profit in postindustrial city
- Commodification of ethnic communities a tool for gentrification
* Still have symbolic ties to ethnic community as anchor points, even as spaces of consumption rather than residence

Question 21

Lecture: Complexities of transclaves

Answer 21

• Korean state directly working with transnational entrepreneurs in Manhattan to market nation and culture for profit
• Grants and collaboration with the Ministry of Knowledge Economy, and Korea Trade Investment Promotion Agency for franchises to pursue outlets overseas
• Tapping into ‘Hallyu’ – the global popularity of South Korean pop culture

Conflicts -
* Korean nationals and the government have negative perceptions of earlier Korean-American immigrant restaurants and want to distance themselves from earlier ethnic enclave
* Shows that trans clave is not only depart from earlier ethnic enclave but in certain regards also **in conflict **with it

Question 22

Peters, Evelyn J. “Aboriginal Peoples in Urban Areas” (Chapter 9, Urban Canada)

Answer 22

• Frame rural and remote areas as central to survival of aboriginal cultures and societies
• Pop increase in cities - Reserves are not being depopulated - mistakes in census tracking and reporting (identity laws, re-asserting identities)
• migration seen as an assimilatory thing
• Not incompatible but are changed in relation to urban life - can adapt and exist in urban spaces
• Aboriginal institutions to support identities and establish sovereignty (Controlled by aboriginals = involve elders - Dont receive enough funding)
• Economically marginalized in cities - less jobs, higher poverty rates - varies among cities
• government approaches - Improve participation in mainstream economies through employment and training initiatives. Increase economic opportunities in specific urban reserves and community-based economic development.
• Can be negative - take away responsibility and context of poverty - Lack of education contribute to the idea of destitution and that they cant contribute to help themselves.
• largely dispersed in cities

Question 23

Lawrence, Bonita. 2004. “Real” Indians and Others.

Answer 23

• the central role of traditional spirituality in empowering urban native people
• Family connections define heritage
• “Indian blood’ narrative to be considered a native

Do middle class really promote values that are indigenous and have values/prides?
- Class differences = focus on consumerism rather than social power for cultural renewal **
- Pressures of individualism in urban life - not associated with experiences of poor urban people
- “Assimilation” concerns - cultural values need to be promoted **

Reserve-based or northern participants were more focused on the role that land-based collective living—hunting, fishing, trapping, gathering berries and medicines—played in the maintenance of their traditions, as opposed to the more abstract or ritualized aspects of traditionalism that a number of urban participants were involved in.
- Language is neglected as part of cultural resurgence
- one of the strengths of the urban community is its flexibility over boundaries, where appearance, status, and urbanity are all (in theory at least) negotiable aspects of native identity
- urban traditionalism will vary significantly from the face of traditionalism in land-based Native communities

Question 24

Lecture - impacts of urban world on indigenous identity

Answer 24

• City affiliation pulls you in different directs as in post-industrial cities traditional sources of attachment (like places of birth) are weakened
• By displacing cultural traditions, it upended moral order and produced anomie in the community (i.e suicide, substance abuse, crime) = community lost thesis
• Postioned as traditional and cant fit into modernity but its living and continues in the world adapting

Question 25

Lecture – Race as Socially Constructed

Answer 25

Changes in identification - race as socially constructed
* It may have biological referents, however, the selection of these particular features for purposes of racial classification and identification is always subject to social and historical processes
-While classification can imply discrete categories of belonging, boundaries of race and ethnicity appear blurrier and ambiguous in everyday life
* There is variation in how racial/ethnic categories are experienced which can be conditioned by our location in social space

Question 26

Spain, Daphne. 2014. “Gender and urban space.”

Answer 26

• Chicago models need to be re-examined through a gendered lens - men produced goods in the** public sphere downtown, and middle-class women reproduced labor in the private sphere of the home in the outer zones.**
• Standards of conduct change - giving up seats
• Public-private partnerships have produced sports stadiums and festival market places for gender-specific economic development purposes.
• With its emphasis on rationality, control of the environment, and professional expertise, high modernism exhibited distinctly masculine characteristics- “man-made” environment as just that: the material manifestation of a patriarchal society
• Men’s labor in the public realm is paid and visible; women’s household labor is unpaid and invisible
• The suburbs were designed around the assumptions that, for whites, women were the sole unpaid caretakers in the private sphere and men were the only wage earners in the public sphere
• Greatest inhibition to womens mobility is fear of assault - However men are actually more likely to be assaulted in public spaces
• women’s and gay rights movements, gentrification, and planning practices have shaped a more gender-neutral contemporary metropolis
• The NU design movement emerged as gentrification was accelerating. NU promotes walkability; reduced dependence on driving; accessibility to public transit; and the proximity of home, work, and services - go to these areas that are more accepting and have more resources (gentrification)

Question 27

Wekerle, Gerda R. “Gender and the City: Urban Restructuring, Social Exclusion, and Democratic
Participation.

Answer 27

• **Neo-liberal **restructuring of cities
• Liberating individual entrepreneurial freedoms and skills can advance human well-being within an institutional framework - **property rights, free market, trade **
• Emphasis on economic growth entrepreneurialism and market actors in governance
• Profit-driven urbanization - respond to **economic over social needs **
• Urban policies leave out gender, race-ethnicity - what a city should be is not discussed
• Social exclusion - syndrome of poverty and deprivations that structure inequality in urban residents
• Where you live determines what resources you can access
• Federal and provincial governments don’t fund social housing programs
• Growth outwards to the suburbs = dispersion of employment throughout region
• Suburban housing relying on automobiles to access services
• Non-sexist city; mixed-use suburban neighbourhood to incorporate other forms of transit and employment - residents can live and work as mobility is a key restrictor for poor women who can’t access a vehicle
• Transportation planning is the fundamental political thing that distributes certain resources to certain communities - Face higher rates of violence on public transport - protest about this issue
• Intersection of private and public sectors - local governments work in long-range views for the city - exclusion of women from these democratic processes - focus on economic costs they cut back on women’s safety committees**

Question 28

Lecture - how government promoted Gender norms in suburbanization

Answer 28

• Government subsidizes for homeownership and developers
• Highway construction
• Zoning laws promoted single-family household

Around 60s - into suburbs, due to crime, “white flight” - very upper middle class - public and private divide

Changes around housing demand, advertising, when women have purchasing power in 70’s/80s

Question 29

Lecture - Impacts of women and gays on gentrification

Answer 29

• gender norms for women affected by city, but women’s agency has also shaped urban development
• Gentrification saw more masculinized features of the industrial city reorient towards sensibilities of middle-class female consumers
• Lower-income and racialized women disproportionately harmed by cutbacks in social services (public health, childcare, social housing etc.) - due to neoliberal transition
• Rise of condominiums particularly attractive to female one-person households
• Catered to emergent gender stereotype of ‘girlboss’, but criticized by some for promoting neoliberal ideals of autonomy, self-governance, and entrepreneurialism

Question 30

Ghaziani, Amin. 2019. “Cultural Archipelagos: New Directions in the Study of Sexuality and
Space.” City & Community 18(1):4–22.

Answer 30

Cultural archipelagos develop as gayborhoods form, evolve, and change over time - look at sexuality across urban space rather than just concentrated in one area.

EPISTEMOLOGY

• The conventional approach to studying urban sexualities adopts an enclave epistemology, one that isolates single gay districts for analysis (need to broaden approach to understanding how gays interact with urban life)
  Research on sexuality and space makes assumptions about spatial singularity: Across the landscape of different neighborhoods in the city, there is one, and apparently only one, called the gayborhood.
• assimilation into mainstream concerning as gays are accepted more

LESBIANS

-not placeless - lesbians elect less urban areas and places that have established lesbian rather than gay male communities (masc lesbians more accepted in rural communities).
- Lesbians live in less expensive areas and are more likely to have children.

EXCLUSION

• Gayborhoods still enforce gendered norms (hard for trans)
• Gayborhoods are not without exclusions, but they are only one expression of urban sexualities, typically a white one. The assumption of spatial singularity is epistemologically harmful because it **ignores the “spatial capital” and creative placemaking efforts of queer people of color. **

Question 31

Early gay movement

Answer 31

• Gay identity is product of history and subject to change
• Foucault dates emergence of identity to late 19th century
• Period of rapid urbanization
• Traditional norms upended in city, growing individualism
• ‘First Homosexual Movement’ led by Magnus Hirschfield based in Berlin
• Varied interpretations of how gay identity would be conceived
• i.e. ‘third sex’, masculinists, as a repressed minority
• Persecution of LGBT meant there wasn’t concentrated gay neighbourhood, mostly scattered spaces and pushed to the margins
• Humphrey’s (1970) on casual sex in public toilets
• 54% of men were closeted – incongruity between private lives and public appearance
• Stronger sentimental attachment to building than sexual partners (Attachment to the bathroom because thats where they could transgress typical social norms and act like themselves safely - got attached to sneakiness of these rooms rather than person they were meeting up with - finding an outlet)

Question 32

Lecture: Post-WII and “Coming-out Era”

Answer 32

Stonewall riots 1969 formative for Gay Liberation Movement
* Creates commemorative moment, tied to larger symbolic narrative for LGBT community
* i.e. mnemonic relatedness
* Formal gay neighbourhoods – ‘gayborhoods’ – emerge across cities thereafter
* Gayborhoods form when businesses and non-profits that cater primarily to LGBT people open up in the same area and nurture “institutional completeness” of a quasi-ethnic community

Question 33

Lecture: Post-gay era

Answer 33

• Ghaziani
• ‘Post-gay’ era is characterized not by a proud sense of difference but by a rapid assimilation of gay people into the mainstream.
• Public opinion becomes much more supportive of gay and lesbian relations
• Legalization of same sex marriage
• National monument honoring LGBT movement at Stonewall
• Number of Americans who reported having close friend or family member who is gay or lesbian increased from 22 percent to 65 percent in 2018
• Earlier onset of coming out of closet
• Greater acceptance and adoption of LGBT identity among Gen Z
• Change mostly driven by women more willing to identify as bisexual

Question 34

Kohn, Margaret. 2013. “What Is Wrong with Gentrification?” Urban Research & Practice

Answer 34

• considered five key harms associated with gentrification
  1. Residential displacement- (Longtime residents are pushed out of their neighbourhood.)
  2. Exclusion - (residents are unable to enjoy benefits of the neighbourhood cuz its too expensive.)
  3. Transformation of public, social and commercial space - (Earlier cultural ethos of the neighbourhood is overturned and replaced by a new aesthetic.)
  4. Polarization - (Deepening economic inequality between classes within a neighbourhood.)
  5. Homogenization - (Gentrified neighbourhoods turn into elite enclaves - leaving no room for, lower-income residents, becomes catered towards one class.)
• Argues that **residential displacement is the most serious form of harm **
• lower class rarely benefit, argument that it funds services ad infrastructure so that pre-existing residents can thus benefit

Question 35

Doering, Jan. 2020. Us versus Them: Race, Crime, and Gentrification in Chicago Neighborhoods.
New York: Oxford University Press. Chapter 3

Answer 35

• Lawrence house as a “problem building,” a property suspected of facilitating criminal activity.
• safety activists target crime residents for eviction - Accomplish evictions and landlords can sell to developers for nice condos - leads to gentrification by using code violations
• appears as an attempt to displace the low-income black and Latino tenants and to create more housing for the white middle class.
• To get policing - created phone trees where multiple people would report crime
  anticrime activists were trying to funnel more police services to their neighborhoods. But for black residents, increased policing could also mean increased scrutiny and harassment.
• , reducing crime through increased policing imposed a severe burden on black residents that white people did not have to bear
• antigentrification activists interpreted interactions of this kind in racial term - safety activists ignored racial inequities by neutralizing race in their presentation and motivations
• residents hoped they could reverse urban decline by reclaiming public space
• safety activists wanted to send a message that vigilant and organized citizens were monitoring the neighborhood, which might convince potential lawbreakers to move somewhere else - would make public spaces more appealing, which would then encourage people to spend more time outside and thereby initiate a virtuous cycle
• safety activists engaged crime, they almost inevitably also engaged racial inequality and at least sometimes exacerbated it—whether this was their intention or not
• To appear not racist
  recruiting minority participants, promoting favorable, race-neutral narratives, and making strategic retreats - tried to recruit more black ppl
  depicted the struggle against crime as a race-neutral or even racially beneficial community process, because it gave people an opportunity to come together
• avoided talking about the connection between crime and property values. Doing so would have validated the narrative that “the homeowners” were doing all of this out of greed, not because they actually cared about crime.
  When criticized they retreated or changed methods
• Positive loitering was a kind of public neighborhood watch. Together in groups, neighbors loitered on street corners or conducted walks to deter crime, positive loiterers selected street corners across from “gang corners” in order to deter gang members from congregating.
• Safety activists very conscious of this and engaged in ‘racial neutralizations’ which involved defensive or reparative “face work” denying, downplaying, or excusing alleged racial failings
  -** Complexity around gentrification means the issue is subject to competing narrative struggles by different actors * Citizens divided over different visions of what ‘right to city’ entails**

Question 36

Neil smith on gentrification

Answer 36

• Geographer Neil Smith described gentrification as the process by which poor and working-class neighborhoods in the inner city are refurbished by an influx of private capital and middle-class home buyers and renters

ECONOMIC REASONS

• Neil Smith posits rent-gap theory: gentrification is the result of undervalued land – a disparity between the current rental income of a property and the potentially achievable rental income
• Flight from inner city created rent gap
• Urban sprawl was escalating energy costs of commuting, making inner city comparatively more affordable

DEMOGRAPHIC REASONS

• Changing household structures
• Fewer children and growing proportion of dual-earning households
• More suited to city, where concentration of amenities and services over large suburban lots that required greater maintenance
• Early gentrifiers still made decision to move into areas that had been dilapidated and disadvantaged.

CULTURAL REASONS

• Pro-urban ethos that rejects perceived inauthenticity and sterility of suburbs in favour of “character neighbourhoods”
• Grit and glamour

Question 37

Lecture: Phases of gentrification

Answer 37

Scholars typically distinguish different phases of gentrification
1. initial wave of bohemians/artists, who have high cultural capital but low economic capital, and are risk-takers
2. Second wave of middle-class bourgeois-bohemians – drawn to the vibrancy of bubbling artistic scene, prices still low
3. Finally, the neighbourhood becomes attractive to developers, real estate agencies, investors, and upper-middle-class professionals

Neighbourhood succession sees residents become progressively more affluent

Question 38

Lecture: How did Public Policies influence gentrification?

Answer 38

• Concerted effort by municipalities to refurbish inner city and promote gentrification
• Related to entrepreneurial mode of governance and fiscal crisis after deindustrialization
• Revitalizing inner city seen as source of economic growth
• Enhances local competitiveness and attractiveness of cities to bring in capital, tourism, and talented workers
• Increases residential tax base

Question 39

Montreal gentrification project

Answer 39

• New-build gentrification involves the large-scale deployment of economic capital by developers who have the capacity and capability to do so, and then the deployment of economic capital by consumers buying into this highly commodified form of urban lifestyle
• Engaged in different waves of ‘new-build gentrification’: Opération 10,000 logements, Habiter Montréal, Central Neighbourhood Revitalization Program
• Increased housing supply by construction of new buildings on undeveloped or previously cleared sites within the municipality’s territory
• Developers had to keep the sale price on some units below a certain threshold of affordability to first time buyers. Offered them taxcredits.
• Targeted specific populations at different times
• Incentivized homeownership, given idea that it would have a multiplier effect
• Beautification and renovation grants

Question 40

Lecture: New-Build Gentrification and Social Welfare

Answer 40

Tried to balance fiscal pragmatism with social welfare
* Addressed problem of pockets of poverty concentration with mixed-tenure developments that reserve certain amount of housing units to be affordable housing
* Social welfare typically takes a backseat, however
* In different Canadian Cities, greatest growth in poverty since the 1980s has been in post-war suburbs
* Suburbanization of poverty creates additional handicaps for marginalized populations i.e. less access to services, public transformation, amenities etc.

Question 41

Lecture: Hayek’s theory of gentrification

Answer 41

• For long time residents, displacement because of gentrification can be a form of ‘bad luck’, where they bear brunt of negative consequences of a neighbourhood transition which they did not choose
• Living in a gentrifying neighbourhood can be a luxury according to Hayek
• Growing rental prices reflect growing demand because of growing value of living in the neighbourhood
• Some willing to pay more than others to have this luxury
• Exclusion from gentrifying neighbourhood does not necessarily mean exclusion from full membership in society. There are affordable options elsewhere (even if they are less desirable)
• For this reason, exclusion of nonresidents is less of a concern

Question 42

Lecture: Bad luck of expensive tastes?

Answer 42

• For long-time residents, living in a gentrifying neighbourhood is an expensive taste, but not one they chose
• Problem of expensive taste is when a person needs more income than others simply to achieve the same level of welfare as those with less expensive tastes
• Many people may desire to live in a certain neighborhood, but long-term residents often develop a particularly connection that make disruption more costly
• Neighbourhood as site of memories, familiarity,** place-attachment** (Site of informal community support developed over the years, that poor residents especially depend on)
• Non-residents don’t have same connection, don’t suffer as much as long-time residents from exclusion Long-time residents can **become victims of bad luck **
• Didn’t choose to acquire expensive taste. Initially moved into low-income neighbourhood
• Egalitarian society should minimize this bad luck through initiatives like public housing, rent control, or subsidise

Question 43

Lecture: Severity of Displacement?

Answer 43

Findings on how much displacement drives gentrification are mixed
* Vigdor (2002) finds no evidence that poor people moved out of gentrifying neighbourhoods at higher than normal rate in Boston. IN fact,** rates of departure were lower** * Freeman and Braconi (2004) find that low-income residents are less likely to move out of gentrifying neighbourhood than non-gentrifying neighbourhood
* As rents rose, residents moved less
* Suggests that disadvantaged residents enjoy aspects of gentrification
* Rather than gentrification, greater threat to disadvantaged neighbourhoods may be deepening segregation and concentrated poverty

Question 44

Lecture: Gentrification and Collective Efficacy

Answer 44

According to Sampson, one antidote to break cycle of poverty was forming collective efficacy – sense of social cohesion combined with shared expectations for social control
* General vigilance, keeping public services accountable
* Gentrification related to collective efficacy
* Steinmetz-Wood et al. (2017) examined different neighbourhoods in Montréal, and found positive correlation between gentrification and collective efficacy

Question 45

Martin Horak and Aaron A. Moore, “Policy Shifting without Institutional Change: The Precarious Place of Neighborhood Revitalization in Toronto”

Answer 45

• Toronto is sometimes considered a “social-centered” city, where redistributive concerns are weighed more heavily than in American cities
• Growing concentrated poverty in post-war suburbs
• City launches two major neighbourhood revitalization initiatives in early 2000s: **Regent Park revitalization and Strong Neighbourhoods Strategy **
• Revitalization of Regent Park mostly meets its goals, while the Strong Neighbourhood strategy struggles

REGENT PARK

• Regent park - Regent Park is Toronto’s oldest and largest social-housing project built in the late 1940s, for decades it was poorest area in Toronto, and site of highest crime rate
• Located near central business district, and by gentrifying neighbourhood, Cabbagetown it had immense market-potential that created a unique opportunity for market oriented intervention involving mixed-income revitalization project.
• $1 billion dollars in expenses, but would be covered by borrowing, deferred maintenance costs on the old housing, and profits from the market-housing component.

Strong Neighbourhoods Strategy (SNS)

• Response to concentrated poverty and crime in post-war suburbs and elsewhere, particularly after highly publicized gun murders in summer 2003
• Ambitious proposal for package of initiatives that would improve public safety and build the community through blend of programs and services for youth living in at-risk neighbourhoods
• After struggling to gain backing, SNS targeting 13 “priority areas” gets accepted in wake of another summer of gun violence in 2005
• Investments in priority neighbourhoods had to take multiple forms of loosely coordinated programs, sometimes at odds with one another
• Federal government provided some but limited support

Strong Neighbourhood Strategy SHORTCOMINGS in IMPLEMENTATION

1. Program premised on** long-term goal**s but relied on short-term funds
2. absence of coordinating authority, and muddled goal
3. Disconnect from local political representation

• Initiatives contributed to neighbourhood stigmatization (News reports tied program name to a sense of stigma associated with residence in priority areas.)
• Reduced housing demand and business investment in “Priority neighbourhoods” following their designation - limitations of redistributive intervention policies
• The structure of **urban political economies systematically privileges the politics of property development **
• revitalization is more successful when joined with market appeal

Question 46

Martin, Deborah G. 2003. “‘Place-Framing’ as Place-Making: Constituting a Neighborhood for Organizing and Activism.”

Answer 46

• Neighbourhoods are not just objects of policy intervention, but can also be collective agents of change
• Though neighbourhood organizations can sometimes safeguard inequality they can also promote activism in distressed neighbourhoods
• to understand collective action, we must examine how people interpret their situations
• People always have grievances, but they aren’t always mobilizing - Distress can be responded to with apathy
• Competing bases of identity might fracture the sense of collective identity thus foster a neighborhood identity that obscures social differences, such as ethnicity and class, among residents.
  *Talked about racial and cultural diversity in a generic way to avoid division
• Neighbourhoods require “place-based” collective action
• ‘place-frames’’ constitute a motivating discourse for organizations seeking to unite residents for a neighborhood-oriented agenda

HOW TO ACHIEVE

1. Motivational framing, which defines the community that acts collectively, and urges them to act
   - Motivation place frames refer to daily-life experiences residents share into foster their location-based commonalities, and call on them to get involved in activism
2. Diagnostic framing which specifies a problem and its cause
   - Diagnostic frames also evoked physical landscape - Identified concerns about need for public space to foster informal social interactions; need for public green space
   - Martin notes some differences in diagnostic frames among neighbourhood organizations - Some emphasized structural problems (disinvestments, accesses to services, public assistance) that implicated city and state officials
3. Prognostic framing which proposes a solution that involves collective action. examples - Neighbourhood meetings, Community events, block parties, Shopping locally, Investing and refurbishing local housing stock, Organizations tried legitimate and circumscribe their neighbourhood sphere of activism, and drew on daily experiences of life to locate problems and potential solutions at the scale of residential place.

Created place-based collective identity around Frogtown that energized residents to feel pride and take responsibility and action in their neighbourhood – to make the neighbourhood a collective agent for change.

Question 47

Lecture: Policy Intervention in Neighbourhoods

Answer 47

• Policy initiatives geared towards fiscal pragmatism but can also have goals related to improving social welfare and urban inequality
• Political economy centric approach dosen’t always work - public/private partnerships dont lead to intended outcomes
• Need a wider shift to center poor and lower class in sustainability policies
  Neighbourhoods can have strong internal politics and characteristics that can shape their outcomes
• Specific localities and urban spaces have a lot of political power - a lot of potential with political efficacy who feel very strongly abt where they live

Question 48

Florida, Richard. 2021. “Discontent and Its Geographies.” Cambridge Journal of Regions, Economy
and Society 14(3):619–24.

Answer 48

Rightwing populism has been defined in terms of three key characteristics

1. anti-establishment - (disdain for traditional elites in business, government, academia and the media,)
2. authoritarianism and nationalism -(particularly regarding global trade and immigration).

RISE OF POPULISM

• the rise of populism not simply to economic inequality or economic hardship per se, but to the cultural backlash against the modern values of post-industrialism (globally)
• support for populist candidates was strongest among relatively more affluent and educated groups, particularly petite bourgeoisie small business owners. (conservative cultural values, specifically anti-immigration sentiment, authoritarianism, mistrust of global national governance and right-wing ideological self-placement.)
• driving fissures is not economic hardship per se but a cultural difference - culture explains why people often vote against their economic interests. they are discontented with the more liberal or cosmopolitan values of those they consider to be an urban elite.

UPSET AT POST-INDUSTRIAL RESTRUCTURING
- new kind of ‘dual economy’ organized around an advantaged core of finance, technology and electronics which comprises about 20% of the workforce and a less advantaged 80% employed in lower-paying and more precarious service and manufacturing work.
- The older industrial economy was much more spread out geographically than the newer knowledge economy, which is far more concentrated in small places. (density - geography)
- creates a lot of inequality and difference in lifestyles

Question 49

Silver, Daniel, Zack Taylor, and Fernando Calderón-Figueroa. 2020. “Populism in the City: The Case
of Ford Nation.” International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society 33(1):1–21

Answer 49

EMERGES IN A METROPOLIS

Populism is often viewed as a national-level phenomenon that pits a declining periphery against a cosmopolitan, economically successful metropolis
- potential for the emergence of populist politics within the metropolis

IS DISCURSIVE IN NATURE

• apply Brubaker’s conceptualization of populism as a discursive repertoire
• Ford’s appeal to a diverse electorate in terms of the sincerity and coherence of his performance as the collective representation of suburban grievance
• cosmopolitanism and diversity that has made many cities the focal points of the new creative economy have also made them ripe for non-metropolitan backlash.
• Themes of urban disorder, crime, corruption, and decadent urbane cosmopolitan elites are common populist tropes
• populism revolves neither around ethnoracial identities nor urban vs. rural mores and conditions, but rather emerges from place-based antagonism within metropolitan contexts.

TORONTO SHIFTS

• City experienced rapid population growth - amalgamation of the suburbs posed major challenges of bureaucratic integration and policy harmonization that shifted agenda-setting power to administrators and experts
• taken advantage of by FORD

Question 50

Lecture: Consequences of urbanization

Answer 50

• cultural consequences (i.e. urban mentality), as well as the economic consequences of urbanization (i.e. surplus, postindustrial restructuring)
• Polarization between urban and rural areas has become of the world’s most important political cleavages
  Populist movements (Brexit, Yellowvest) and leaders (Trump, Bolsonaro, Orban, Le Pen etc.) gain support in rural areas, but find resistance in urban core

Question 51

Lecture: Populism and Geographies of Discontent

Answer 51

• POPULISM - a political approach that strives to** appeal to ordinary people who feel that their concerns are disregarded by established elite groups.**
• support for populism is concentrated in areas of economic decline – among ‘Left behind’, or the losers of economic globalization
• Anti-EU attitudes strongest in areas of low economic growth, low employment rates, low levels of education, low turn-out, low density, and low shares of young people
• By contrast, there is lower support for populism in dense cities that are central nodes in the knowledge economy
  (Areas of gentrification - Clustering of knowledge, skill, and talent – highly educated ‘creative class’ - Areas of cultural vibrancy, high immigration, concentration of LGBT community)
• Shift to knowledge economy has contributed to electoral realignment along higher education – the “diploma divide”
• While the older industrial economy was more spread out geographically, the new knowledge economy is far more concentrated in a small set of places

Question 52

Lecture: Cultural dimensions of geographic locations

Answer 52

• different geographical locations align with different lifestyles and worldviews
• Greater tolerance for ethnic, cultural, and sexual diversity as the population density of a settlement grows
• Low-density areas tend to be more committed to traditional norms around gender, sexuality, and the family, more religious, and prioritize social order
• Socialization hypothesis = Exposure to diverse others may promote progressive values
• Freedom to explore alternative lifestyles that are supported by urban critical mass
• Cultivating cultural repertoire of navigating urban spaces can increase familiarity of urban life, and the ‘other’, breakdown crude stereotypes

Question 53

Lecture: Selection Hypothesis - the big sort

Answer 53

BIG SORT

People are segregating and sorting themselves into places that fit with and reinforce their identities and values

TRADITIONAL VERSUS OPEN

• Wilkinson (2019) argues that liberal temperaments are distinguished by greater “openness to experience” which increases propensity to migrate to dense urban areas, whereas conservatives more likely to stay in low-density areas
• If dispositional liberals and conservatives have different residential preferences, then unintended consequence of sorting along these preferences is deepening polarization
• Lifestyle clustering may produce echo-chamber where you lack interpersonal exposure with those across the political aisle
• Can reduce conflict at micro-level, since locale becomes congruent with worldviews, but difference at macro-level, say with national elections, can become much more severe
• Less cross-pressures or ties that bridge over political differences can heighten affective polarization – closer overlap between partisanship and social identity

Question 54

Lecture: FORD’s Populist Repetoire

Answer 54

Populist repertoire is organized along two dimensions

Vertical hierarchy - identifying the ‘Elite’ on the top versus the ‘People’ on the bottom
Horizontally, - identifying who is an ‘insider’ vs ‘outsider’

• Ford framed ‘parasitical’ downtown elites and city government as above ordinary people in suburbs – they controlled major economic and cultural institutions and directed investments to their own interests
• Took advantage of ordinary people – blue-collar workers, recent immigrants, public housing residents
• Horizontally, Ford deviated from typical right-wing populism emphasis on ethnicity, but rather defined insider vs outsider according to suburban vs urban cultural norms.

1. **Antagonistic repoliticization **- Challenged that certain issues should be managed by technical expertise, and placed lay opinion on equal footing with academics and planners
2. Majoritarianism - Appealed to ‘silent majority’ who were framed as being exploited by select class
3. **Anti-institutionalism **- Bypassed established media gatekeepers to assert direct connection with citizens
4. **Protectionism - Branded himself protector of suburban way of life against creeping urbanism
   5. Adoption of “Low-brow” style of common folk **- Open about his troubles, unscripted ‘maverick

Question 55

Lecture: Structural transformations Ford was able to exploit?

Answer 55

1. Crisis of institutional mediation generated by Toronto’s 1998 amalgamation - **Core vs. suburb conflict now played out in single venue **
   - Problems of bureaucratic integration, and trust
   -
2. Rapid economic and demographic change
   - Ford articulated the inequalities within framework of a liberal elite project, where ordinary people required protection
   - Creative class as intruders, stigmatizing traditional values of immigrants
   - Declining suburban zone needed defense from gentrifying core

MAINTAINING SUPPORT

People bought into the sincerity of his populist discourse
* Actively building up connection with supporters
* Coherent performance – more porous boundary between frontstage and backstage
* Transformed himself into collective representation – ‘Ford Nation’