Escalation Of Political And Civil Unrest

Question 1

Military and paramilitaries

Answer 1

1. Paramilitary splits
   In the last days of 1969 the IRA split into two parts:
   - the official IRA (OIRA) which continued to focus on establishing a Marxist Ireland. At the same time violence was still used until a ceasefire was called in May 1972. In 1974 the movement split again with the emergence of the Irish republican socialist party (IRSP) and the militant Irish nationalist liberation army (INLA)
   - the provisional IRA (IRA) which claimed for itself the traditional role of defender of the nationalist community

By Easter 1970 the provisional IRA had declared its objectives:

• civil rights
• defence of the Catholic population
• the destruction of the Stormont govt
• the removal of ‘British imperialism’ from Ireland

2. The IRA and the British army
   The IRA’s campaign began to take off in earnest in the middle of 1970. This development placed the British army in a difficult position.

Upon its arrival on the streets of Northern Ireland the army had been welcomed by large sections of the nationalist community as its protector from what was perceived as a police force in which they felt unable to place any trust.
Their arrival was also considered a rejection by the British govt of the security policy followed by the Stormont administration.

The army now felt, however that it had no choice but to respond to the growing IRA threat and in doing so, it damaged the good relations built up with the nationalist community.
One example of this came in July 1970 when the army imposed a 36-hour curfew on the lower falls area of Belfast while a house-to-house search for weapons was carried out. Although a number of weapons, ammunition and explosives were discovered politically the search was a disaster. It undermined the army’s previously good relationship with the nationalist community and helped increase IRA membership.

3. Protestant paramilitaries
   The Protestant paramilitaries also wanted to see an end to the current Stormont regime. They sought a return to the old days of unionist domination. The UVF had grown and prospered against the background of NICRA’s campaign and what was seen as O’Neill’s appeasement of Catholics.

September 1971 saw the formation of the Ulster defence association UDA. The UDA viewed itself as a defensive grouping that would resist republican aggression. With over 30,000 members within a year, the govt decided it was too large to ban.

4. Faulkner replaces Chichester Clark
   The levels of violence and destruction shot up during the remaking in months of 1970 and 1971. The Stormont govt demanded a stronger response from Britain’s new conservative govt; however, little happened, as London didn’t want to alienate nationalists even more. In despair at London’s inaction, Chichester Clark resigned as prime minister on 20 March to be replaced by Brian Faulkner.

Question 2

Internment and Bloody Sunday

Answer 2

1. Internment
   In the summer of 1971 Northern Ireland prime minister Brian Faulkner persuaded the British govt to allow him to reintroduce internment.
   It was introduced in response to growing unionist concerns about the Stormont govt’s failure to deal with escalating levels of violence, increased bombings and the threat to Northern Ireland’s economy.
   Above all unionists argued that internment had worked well when previously used in the 1920s, 40s and 50s and thus should work well again.
   The British govt was far from convinced that internment (introduced through operation Demetrius on 9 August 1971) would work, but seemingly feared a unionist backlash if they did not agree to the introduction.
   Internment failed spectacularly as the intelligence was entirely out of date. Not one of the 452 men arrested was a leading member of the provisional IRA. Those really sought, Faulkner himself later admitted, had ‘escaped the net’. Moreover, despite the high levels of loyalist violence all those interned were nationalists of civil rights supporters. The first loyalists were not interned until February 1973
2. Reactions to internment
   - at first unionists were happy; they believed internment had worked in the past and saw it as essential in ending IRA violence. However their support decreased when the policy failed to reduce levels of violence, particularly against Protestant businesses. They also believed that internees could help with the location of IRA weapons something that Faulkner believed did happen.
   - nationalists saw internment as one sided in its application and open to substantial abuse. As a result, IRA membership increased. In addition as the British army was involved in the implementation of internment, it’s increasingly poor relations with the nationalist community deteriorated even further.

• Increased violence and destruction followed the introduction of internment, leaving many dead and thousands homeless. From then until the end of the year 143 people died violently. Thus was nearly five times as many died in the first eight months of 1971. Increasing republican violence resulted in the establishment of the paramilitary UDA in September 1971.
  Along with other nationalist and republican labour representatives the social democratic and Labour Party SDLP called for people to withhold payment of rents and rates and for a withdrawal from local govt and from Stormont. Civil rights marches were also organised, but the army’s response also seemed to be hardening. A protest held at Magilligan internment camp on 22 January was met with baton charges and CS gas from the army.

3. Bloody Sunday
   In the aftermath of another anti-internment march in Derry/Londonderry eight days later, a riot developed. In response troops from the parachute regiment were ordered into the bogside and shot 13 men dead. Thirteen more were injured, one of whom subsequently died from his wounds. An official inquiry headed by Lord Widgery failed to provide a satisfactory conclusion to the events of what became known as Bloody Sunday, although it did establish that none of those who died had been carrying a weapon when shot.

Results of Bloody Sunday:
- continued support for the govt from the unionist community which while regretting the deaths saw the March as illegal and provocative. Some of the unionist community believed the IRA was involved in the organisation of the March and some of those killed had been armed.
- given that all of the victims were innocent and the parachute regiment attack was unprovoked, nationalist hostility to the state increased. This was symbolised by rioting in nationalist areas and by the burning of the British embassy in Dublin.
- Britain faced international condemnation for the role it was playing in Northern Ireland
- IRA membership grew - particularly in Derry/Londonderry - and its bombing campaign intensified
The resulting increase in IRA violence and the govt’s failure to end it led to the formation in February 1972 of the Ulster vanguard. Headed by William Craig, the former Stormont minister, Vanguard was described as a coordinating body for traditional loyalist groups. One of its meetings attracted 70,000 people.

Question 3

The summer of 1969

Answer 3

Post Burntollet civil rights protests were more confrontational than ever and were followed by serious rioting in Belfast. As the July-August marching season approached, grave concerns were raised over the likely impact on an already tense situation:

• the Stormont govt was worried whether the already stretched security forces would be able to cope with a further increase in violence
• the London govt had become concerned enough to establish a cabinet committee on Northern Ireland
• the Dublin govt, anxious about the safety of the Catholic minority community, sent an intelligence officer to the north to watch what was happening.

To make matters worse, armed groups seemed to be emerging:

• among loyalists angry at what they saw as concessions to nationalists
• among republicans, apprehensive at their inability to protect nationalists

2. A long hot summer
   - Sectarian violence broke out in Belfast in July where the violence took the form of house burning, mostly by loyalists, resulting in many having to leave their homes in areas such as Bombay street.
   - 7 people lost their lives during this period, while 100 were wounded.
   - in Derry/Londonderry rioting began following the annual apprentice boys parade on 12th August. In total the rioting that became known as the battle of the bog side lasted 50 hours.
   - finally calm was restored by using a small number of British troops as requested by nationalist politicians among others.
   - however violence continued elsewhere.
   - in the middle of this violence, Taoiseach Jack Lynch issued a statement outlining his concerns at the deteriorating situation. This statement and the accompanying movement of Irish troops and field hospitals to the border did little to ease tension.
3. The Downing Street declaration
   On 19 August Chichester Clark met the British prime minister, Harold Wilson. The outcome was the Downing Street declaration. This declaration aimed to reassure both communities:
   - nationalists were told that ‘every citizen of Northern Ireland is entitled to the same equality of treatment and freedom from discrimination as in the rest of the U.K. Irrespective of political view or religion’
   - unionists were told that ‘Northern Ireland should not cease to be a part of the U.K. Without the consent of the people of Northern Ireland’
4. Additional reforms
   Further additions were announced or introduced in the following weeks:
   - the intro of ‘one man one vote’ and and end to gerrymandering
   - a committee on policing chaired by Lord Hunt
   - a tribunal to investigate recent disturbances led by Lord Scarman
   - a single housing authority took over housing functions from local councils
   - measures to prevent discrimination in public employment
   - the creation of a ministry of community relations

There were also measures to improve the economy:

• £2 million programme of job-creating schemes
• increases in investment grants

5. Unionist reactions
   Despite reassurances of the Downing Street declaration many unionists were concerned at what they saw as continuing concessions to nationalists. The final straw came when the hunt report was published it recommended:
   - disarming the RUC
   - disbanding the B specials and replacing them with the Ulster defence regiment (UDR) a part-time force under army control

Angered at the proposals violence erupted on Belfast’s Shankill road

6. Nationalist reactions
   Nationalists reacted positively to the reforms, believing that a positive future involving a reformed political system was now within their grasp.

Question 4

Direct rule

Answer 4

1. Suspension of Stormont
   Faulkner now demanded the power to rearm the RUC and reestablish the B specials. Conservative prime minister Edward Heath responded by demanding control of law and order and justice; however Faulkner refused. On 22 March 1972 Heath informed the Stormont govt of proposals for the:
   - transfer of security control to Westminster
   - holding of a referendum on the future of the border
   - gradual removal of internment
   - appointment of a Secretary of State for Northern Ireland
   - holding of talks with other parties in Northern Ireland in an attempt to establish a ‘community government’.

The entire Northern Ireland government resigned, unable to accept the loss of control over security policy. On 24 March Heath responded by suspending Stormont for a year. (Later extended) and introducing direct rule. He had come to the conclusion that Northern Ireland could not continue to be governed as it had been. William Whitelaw was appointed as the first Secretary of State.

2. Reactions to the end of Stormont
   - most unionists were horrified at the end of power at Stormont. The last hours of the parliament were played out before a crowd estimated at 100,000. This came in the midst of a series of massive protest strikes and shutdowns, organised by Ulster vanguard. There was also an increase in support for loyalist paramilitaries and a spate of sectarian killings, particularly in Belfast. Meanwhile support for the DUP and other strongly unionist parties also increased in the aftermath of the introduction of direct rule.
   - the SDLP and the Dublin govt welcomed the chance for a new beginning. The IRA although it had achieved one of its aims stated its opposition to direct rule and announced its determination to continue its struggle to achieve a United ireland. NICRA stated that its campaign for civil rights would continue.
3. 1972 the blackest year
   1972 turned out to be the worst year of the ‘troubles’ despite the introduction of internment, direct rule and a two week IRA ceasefire. By the end of the year 496 people had lost their lives in a series of appalling atrocities which included:
   - 21 July when the IRA detonated 20 bombs around Belfast. 9 civilians died on a day that became known as bloody Friday
   - 31 July when without warning three IRA bombs exploded in the village of Claudy in Co. Derry/Londonderry. In total 9 civilians lost their lives.

The British govt responded on 31 July with operation motorman. This aimed to allow the army and police to reclaim control of the paramilitary controlled no-go areas established in Belfast, Derry/Londonderry and elsewhere in 1969.