Electoral Systems Flashcards

Question

Exception to speed of FPTP and significance

Answer 1

The May 2010 general election was an exception, when negotiations between the prospective parties of government did not produce a result for 5 days. This would be the norm under a proportional system. The outcome of a general election would be determined by bargaining between the party leaders, which can take time.

Answer 2

After the 2010 general election in Belgium, which uses a proportional system, it took almost 18 months to form a government. Admittedly this is an extreme example, but the fact remains that proportional systems are far less decisive than FPTP.

Answer 3

FPTP tends to promote a two-party system, which gives voters a clear choice. At general elections it usually gives a clear majority to one party, which then has a mandate to carry out its programme. The government can be removed at the next general election if the voters disapprove of its record. Supporters of FPTP argue that, by boosting the significance of smaller parties, proportional systems give them undue influence. Proportional representation is far more likely than FPT to produce a coalition government. This means that the government's programme will be worked out behind closed doors in negotiations between the party leaders, without the voters having the opportunity to give their verdict on it. In addition coalitions are sometimes unstable and can break up if one of the coalition parties has fundamental disagreement with its partner.

Answer 4

For example, it enabled Margaret Thatcher to carry out her plans for the reduction of trade union power and privatisation in the 1980s, and allowed Tony Blair to undertake extensive constitutional reforms after his 1997 victory. +Boris? Can resolve uncertainty/conflict

Answer 5

In Germany between 1969 and 1998, the Free Democrats never gained more than 10 per cent of the popular vote but were able to hold the balance of power between the two largest parties. They sustained the Social Democrats in office until 1982, when they switched their support to the Christian Democrats or German Conservatives.

Answer 6

Although critics of FPTP point to the way it under-represents smaller parties, the advantage of this is that extreme parties - which may feed on racism, xenophobia and other extremist views - are much less likely to gain a foothold.

Answer 7

BNP got 563,743 votes but no seats in 2010.

Answer 8

The relatively small size of most FTP constituencies, and the fact that a single MP is responsible for representing those who live within the constituency, are often seen as strengths. MPs handle correspondence from their constituents and hold surgeries at which they make themselves available to those seeking help and advice.

Answer 9

Labour MP Stephen Timms, who represents East Ham in London, held the record for the greatest number of surgeries in 2011. He did so in spite of being stabbed by an Islamic extremist at a surgery the previous year, insisting that it was important for him to continue to be accessible. Saw 2,300 constituents

Answer 10

More than half of MPs typically do not command majority support within their constituency. This is because they do not need an overall majority of the votes cast, but can win by gaining just one more vote than the second placed candidate. It is quite possible for more votes to be cast against rather than for the winning candidate. Support for parties is even lower when turnout neures are taken into account. The turnout in 2015 in Belfast South was 60 per cent. so Alasdair McDonnell only polled 14.7 per cent of the electorate.

Answer 11

The turnout in Belfast South in 2015 was 60 per cent, so Alasdair McDonnell only polled 14.7 per cent of the electorate.

Answer 12

FPTP regularly produces governments elected on a minority of the popular vote. The lowest percentage was recorded in 2005, when Tony Blair was re-elected on 35.2 per cent of the vote. This weakens the mandate enjoyed by the winning party, especially as general elections since 2001 have been characterised by low voter turnout. This feature means that significant numbers of voters feel that the system lacks legitimacy.

Answer 13

The lowest percentage was recorded in 2005, when Tony Blair was re-elected on 35.2 per cent of the vote.

Answer 14

FPTP does not translate the number of votes into seats for each party with any real accuracy. The system favours parties whose vote is concentrated, rather than those whose support is soread across a large geographical area. (Reinforces regional divisions and disunity). A party may come second in large number of seats but FPTP does not reward this because onlv one candidate can win in each constituency. FPTP does not reflect the fact that the number of people voting for the two largest parties has been in decline for some time. Between 1945 and 1970, on average ten MPs from smaller parties were elected in each parliament. By 2015 that figure had risen to 87 MPs.

Answer 15

For example, UKIP won almost 3.9 million votes in 2015, but only one seat. By contrast the Scottish National Party replaced Labour as the largest party in Scotland, taking 56 out of 59 seats with 50 per cent of the vote, because it campaigned only in one part of the UK.

Answer 16

Between 1945 and 1970, on average ten MPs from smaller parties were elected in each parliament. By 2015 that figure had risen to 87 MPs.

Answer 17

The winning party under FPT enjoys a share of the seats in excess of the share of the vote it receives. This occurs if a large number of seats are marginal between the two main parties. For example, in the elections of 1983 and 1987 Margaret Thatcher won majorities of 144 and 102 respectively, on 42 per cent of the vote. In the 2015 election the winner's bonus was much less marked, with David Cameron winning only a 12 seat majority, but there was still a mismatch between votes and seats. The Conservatives won 50.9 per cent of the seats with 36.9 per cent of the vote. There is no precise percentage or winning margin to which this aligns, but a 10 per cent margin would need only a 5 per cent swing to the rival party to take it. Although marginal seats comprise only a minority of seats at Westminster, they are where general elections are commonly determined. Parties focus their resources heavily on these seats, spending large amounts of money on campaigning and enlisting the support of high-profile figures to lend support to their candidates.

Answer 18

For example, in the elections of 1983 and 1987 Margaret Thatcher won majorities of 144 and 102 respectively, on 42 per cent of the vote. In the 2015 election the winner's bonus was much less marked, with David Cameron winning only a 12 seat majority, but there was still a mismatch between votes and seats. The Conservatives won 50.9 per cent of the seats with 36.9 per cent of the vote. There is no precise percentage or winning margin to which this aligns, but a 10 per cent margin would need only a 5 per cent swing to the rival party to take it.

Answer 19

FPTP limits the choice for voters in several ways. Each party puts forward a single candidate, so there is no choice between individuals representing different shades of opinion within the party. The prevalence of safe seats means that many voters have little hope of seeing their favoured candidate win. This can depress voter turnout, as people feel that there is no point in voting for a candidate who cannot hope to be elected, because the same political party holds the seat in every election. Alternatively, people may resort to tactical voting - voting not for their favourite but for the candidate most likely to prevent the party they dislike from winning. In 2015 a number of vote-swapping websites were set up. These enabled people living in constituencies where their vote would be wasted to swap with someone in an area where it would make a difference. This is not illegal (unless inducement or pressure is applied) but it does shed a light on the way that the UK's system of representative democracy works.

Answer 20

In the run-up to the 2015 general election the Electoral Reform Society estimated that 364 seats - 56 per cent of the total - were safe seats. An example is Theresa May's Maidenhead constituency in Berkshire, which she held with a majority of 29,059 in 2015, and which has been Conservative since 1885.

Answer 21

In a small constituency a vote usually counts for more than it does in a larger one. For example, it took only 9407 votes to elect the MP for Orkney and Shetland, compared to 28,591 for the Isle of Wight MP. Votes are said to be wasted' if they are cast for a losing candidate, or if they are cast for a winning candidate, in excess of the plurality needed for him or her to win. The Electoral Reform Society calculated that 74.4 per cent of votes cast in the 2015 election were wasted, compared to 71.1 per cent in 2010. FPTP produces another kind of distortion known as 'electoral deserts' - areas of the country where one party cannot win seats. South-east England is an electoral desert for Labour. An area that is an electoral desert for one party may be described as a 'heartland' for its opponent. For example, north-east England, Merseyside and South Wales are Labour heartlands.

Answer 22

For example, it took only 9407 votes to elect the MP for Orkney and Shetland, compared to 28,591 for the Isle of Wight MP. Votes are said to be wasted' if they are cast for a losing candidate, or if they are cast for a winning candidate, in excess of the plurality needed for him or her to win. The Electoral Reform Society calculated that 74.4 per cent of votes cast in the 2015 election were wasted, compared to 71.1 per cent in 2010.

Answer 23

Seats held by a small majority, where a small swing to an opposition candidate can cause the seat to change hands.

Answer 24

Constituencies in which the sitting MP has a secure majority over the nearest rival, and is largely immune from swings in voting choice.

Answer 25

Thanet South, Kent This seat has been won by the winning party at every general election since its creation: Conservative in 1983, 1987 and 1992; Labour in 1997, 2001 and 2005; Conservative again in 2010. In 2015 it was held by the Conservative candidate, Craig Mackinlay, against a challenge from UKIP Leader; Nigel Farage, with a majority of 2812 and was retained by Mackinlay in 2017.

Answer 26

Areas of the country where one party cannot win seats. South-east England is an electoral desert for Labour. An area that is an electoral desert for one party may be described as a 'heartland' for its opponent. For example, north-east England, Merseyside and South Wales are Labour heartlands.

Answer 27

In the late 1990s the Blair government introduced new voting systems for different elections, while leaving first past the post unchanged for Westminster. • The additional member system is a hybrid or mixed system, combining elements of FPTP and PR. •The single transferable vote is a form of PR. • The supplementary vote is majoritarian, not proportional .

Answer 28

The Scottish parliament, Welsh Assembly, Greater London Assembly (GLA)

Answer 29

• Voters have two votes: the first is for a constituency representative, who is elected using FPTP; the second is for a party list and uses multi-member regional constituencies, introducing an element of proportional representation. • There are lewer list members than constituency representatives, and so they are known as "additional' or 'top-up' members. In the Scottish parliament, 73 of the 129 members are elected in single-member constituencies, with the remaining 56 seats being hilled by list members. In the Welsh Assembly 40 of the 60 members represent single-member constituencies, with 20 list members. In the GLA 14 of the 25 members are elected in single-member constituencies and 11 top-up members • These bodies have 4-year fixed terms.

Answer 30

• The top-up component introduces a proportional element, acting as a corrective to the FPTP part of the system. A calculation is made using the d'Hondt formula to determine how many members a party should be allocated from the lists. For example, in Scotland the Conservative Party won no seats in the 1997 Westminster election under FPTP, but the list enabled it to win a total of 18 seats in the first Scottish parliament elections in 1999. • The FPT element maintains a strong link between the member and the constituency. • Electors have wider choice than under FPTP; they can vote for a 'split ticket' if they wish, using their constituency vote to choose a representative from one party, and their top-up vote to support another party.

Answer 31

•It creates two different types of member - some with constituency responsibilities and some without. However, there is little evidence that the second category is seen as having less legitimacy. • A closed list system is used, which means that the party leadership ranks candidates in order on the list. It can use this power to limit the chances of dissident members of the party being elected. • Smaller parties achieve less representation than under a fully proportional system. This is especially true in Wales where the small number of top-up seats has advantaged Labour. The SNP has been the dominant party in Scotland since 2007, running a majority government in 2011-16.

Answer 32

a hybrid electoral system in which the voter makes two choices. Firstly, the voter selects a representative on a simple plurality (first past the post) system, then a second vote is apportioned to a party list for a second or accitional representative

Answer 33

an electoral system that allows voters to rank their preferences in numerical order. In order to win a seat, a candidate must obtain a quota. After the votes are cast, those candidates with the least votes are eliminated and their votes are transterred. Those candidates with excess votes above the quota also have their votes transterred

Answer 34

A majoritarian electoral system that gives the voter two choices. It one candidate obtains more than 50 per cent on the first vote, then they are elected. If no candidate attains this level, all but the top two candidates remain. Then the supplementary choices are redistributed to produce a single winner.

Answer 35

The Northern Ireland Assembly, European parliament elections in Northern Ireland, Scottish council elections.

Answer 36

• It uses multi-member constituencies; in the case of the Northern Ireland Assembly, there are 18 each returning five members. • Voters number their choices preferentially: 1, 2, 3 etc. • In order to be elected, a candidate needs to achieve a quota, arrived at using the Droop formula which divides the number of votes cast by the number of seats contested plus one. The results are calculated using a complex counting process that takes into account voters' second preferences. If a candidate reaches the quota on the first round of counting, they are elected and their second preferences are redistributed. If no one attains the quota, the least popular candidate is eliminated and the second preferences of those who voted for this candidate are transferred. This process is continued until all the seats are filled.

Answer 37

• There is a close correlation between votes and seats. E.g.? •Voter choice is high; it is possible to choose between candidates standing for the same party & well as between candidates from different parties. •In Northern Ireland it has created a power-sharing government that enables representatives of the two rival communities, the unionists and nationalists, to work together, ending 30 years of violent disturbance in Northern Ireland.

Answer 38

Northern Ireland Assembly elections, May 2016: DUP got 29% of vote and 35% of seats Sinn Fein got 24% votes and 23% seats

Answer 39

• It is not fully proportional, particularly where smaller multi-member constituencies are used. • In large multi-member constituencies, the link between the member and the voters may be weak. •Power-sharing governments may bring rival groups together but they are still prone to conflict. The Northern Ireland executive was suspended several times in its early years, including for almost five years in 2002-07 as a result of a breakdown of trust. Co-operation between the parties broke down again early in 2017, triggering further elections. ST did not help the more centrist parties in the long term. The dominant parties are now the Democratic Unionist Party and republican Sinn Fein. Since 2007 they have replaced the more moderate Ulster Unionist Party and Social and Democratic Labour Party. Voting across community lines is still rare.

Answer 40

In Northern Ireland it has created a power-sharing government that enables representatives of the two rival communities, the unionists and nationalists, to work together, ending 30 years of violent disturbance in Northern Ireland. Power-sharing governments may bring rival groups together but they are still prone to conflict. The Northern Ireland executive was suspended several times in its early years, including for almost five years in 2002-07 as a result of a breakdown of trust. Co-operation between the parties broke down again early in 2017, triggering further elections. ST did not help the more centrist parties in the long term. The dominant parties are now the Democratic Unionist Party and republican Sinn Fein. Since 2007 they have replaced the more moderate Ulster Unionist Party and Social and Democratic Labour Party. Voting across community lines is still rare. Add recent years

Answer 41

Elections for the London Mayor and other elected mayors, Police and Crime Commissioners in England and Wales.

Answer 42

• Each voter is allowed a first and a second preference vote. • Any candidate who gains more than 50 per cent of first preference votes is elected automatically. • If this does not occur, all candidates except the top two are eliminated. Second preference votes for these two candidates are now added to produce one overall winner.

Answer 43

• It ensures broad support for the winner. Sadig Khan, elected Mayor of London in May 2016, has the largest personal mandate of any elected politician in British history (almost 57% total percentage of votes) • It is simple and straightforward to use • It has allowed some independent candidates to win; for example 12 out of 40 police and crime commissioners were independents in the 2012 contest, although the number fell in the second elections in 2016.

Answer 44

For example 12 out of 40 police and crime commissioners were independents in the 2012 contest, although the number fell in the second elections in 2016.

Answer 45

• SV is not proportional as one individual is being elected to a single office. •The winner does not need to get an absolute majority of the votes cast. •Voters need to be able to identify the likely top two candidates in order to have influence over the outcome, and this is not always clear (with the exception of London).

Answer 46

STV gives voters a wider choice, even allowing a choice between candidates from different wines of the same party in a multi-member constituency. On the other hand, it may encourage donkey voting - voters may list candidates in rank order as stated on the ballot paper.

Answer 47

ST translates votes into seats more fairly, helping smaller parties that are under-represented under FPTP. It does away with tactical voting as voters do not have to vote for the candidate who is most likely to block the one they dislike.

Answer 48

This is weaker under STC, especially in underpopulated multi-member constituencies which are too large for their representatives to know well. On the other hand, the absence of sate seats under STV makes candidates work harder for votes, so that they have to address concerns across the whole of the constituency FPTP encourages parties to focus on key marginal seats at the expense of others.

Answer 49

Votes take longer to count under STV, possibly delaying the formation ot a government. It is likely to produce a coalition - this may encourage a more consensual style ot government, or it may lead to instability. Coalitions pursue a programme agreed by politicians after the election, on which voters have not given a verdict. Or it may result in a weak minority governments. Both can occur under FPTP out they are much less common.

Answer 50

146,000 ballots incorrectly completed in Scotland in 2007.

Answer 51

Since the end of World War II in 1945, Italy has had 69 governments, at an average of one every 1.11 years.

Answer 52

A government that takes office but does not have a majority of seats in parliament, which makes passing legislation very difficult. After an indecisive general election, Labour leader Harold Wilson took office in March 1974 as leader of a minority government, although he was able to win a small majority in a further election in October.

Answer 53

FPTP looks best but much will depend on the individual MP and especially when they win less than 50% of the vote how many voters are happy going to for help and being represented by someone from a party they voted against. Also, media increasingly concentrates on party leaders and many people are unaware of who their MP is.

Answer 54

First past the post has survived largely because the outcomes it produces usually suit the interests of the two largest parties, who have largely monopolised government since 1945. The Labour Party offered a referendum on FPTP before the 1997 general election, but had no incentive to deliver this after winning a large independent majority under the existing system. The coalition offered a referendum on AV after taking office in 2010 because this was a key demand of the Liberal Democrats when they agreed to participate in the government. Voters accept FPTP because it is familiar and easy to use, and there is little desire to change it for an untried system that may bring problems of its own. The outcome of the May 2011 referendum demonstrated the lack of popular support for change.

Answer 55

AMS was the price that Labour paid for winning acceptance of its devolution plans from the other political parties. The Liberal Democrats and SP would have preferred ST for the Scottish parliament as they expected that Labour would sweep the board under a less proportional system, AMS was chosen as a compromise that would result in a broadly representative parliament, but without involving such a radical change as STV. It pacified the other parties by providing an element of proportionality but was also acceptable to Labour because it retained local representation (a feature of FPTP). Labour expected that AMS would enable it to play a part in government in Scotland and, at least until the SN victory in 2007, this proved to be correct. After AMS had been agreed on for Scotland it was decided to use the same system for Wales, where support for devolution was much weaker.

Answer 56

AMS was adopted for the Greater London Assembly because it had already been selected for Scotland and Wales. It would broadly reflect the views of the population of the capital while retaining an element of geographical representation.

Answer 57

STV was chosen for Northern Ireland after the 1998 Good Friday Agreement because it is a highly proportional system, likely to ensure the broadest possible representation of different parties. In view of the background of conflict between unionist and nationalist communities in Northern Ireland, it was important to avoid single-party domination, which could have derailed the fragile peace process. The use of STV ensures that governments are power-sharing bodies drawn from both sides of the divide. Another reason is that STV was already used in the Republic of Ireland. It had also been used for short periods when a previous Northern Ireland parliament had been in existence, between the 1920s and 1970s, and so had roots in the province.

Answer 58

Both SV and AV were considered as possibilities when the Labour government was deciding which method to use for choosing the London Mayor - and thus the mayor for other cities. SV was chose partly because it was simpler to use. It was also preferred because only the top two candidates. after first preferences had been counted, would make it through to the final round. This meant that candidates with little positive support would be less likely to win merely because they were a 'lowest common denominator' second or third choice. In this way the winner would have a clear mandate

Answer 59

An important consequence of the adoption of proportional (or partly proportional) electoral svstems is that coalition or minority governments have become much more common in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland. This is in contrast with Westminster, which continues to experience single party rule as the norm (with the exceptions in modern times of the 2010-15 coalition and the 2017 agreement between the Conservatives and the Democratic Unionist Party). However, the worst predictions made by critics of proportional representation have not been fulfilled. Coalition governments in different parts of the UK have proved to be stable and, unlike in some other countries that use PR, there have not been frequent changes of government. The devolved administrations have mostly served for sustained periods

Answer 60

There has also beer a change to the way in which governments are formed and policy is made. Negotiations between political parties, which remain rare at Westminster, are the normal way in which business is conducted in Edinburgh, Cardiff and Belfast.

Answer 61

Majority government has been the exception to the rule in Scotland. When it was in a minority, the SP government had to win the support of other parties in order to pass legislation. In February 2011, in order to win support for its budget, the administration had to make concessions to the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats. In response to claims that its budget did not do enough to promote economic recovery, the SP agreed to measures to increase youth employment and training, Clams that new voting systems would produce a more consensual style of politics have not entirely been fulfilled. There has been conflict on the central issue of Scottish independence, since the SNP is outnumbered by parties that support the Union

Answer 62

In Wales, Labour has consistently been the strongest party but, the proportional element of AMS has frequently denied it the opportunity to govern alone. Like the SP in Scotland, Welsh Labour has so far formed only one majority administration.

Answer 63

In Northern Ireland, the Good Friday Agreement requires that representatives of the main unionist and nationalist parties are included in the executive. The choice of STV for Assembly elections guarantees that members of the two rival communitles are elected, rather than Northern Ireland submitting lo single-party domination as this could risk a return to sectarian violence. The first minister and deputy first minister - nominated by the two largest parties - are equal in status and share governmental responsiblities. The system of government is desiened to ensure joint participation by unionists and nationalists or repuolicans.

Answer 64

By contrast, at Westminster the main parties remain in an adversarial relationship, with one major opposition party clearly playing the role of an alternative government and smaller parties having much less influence. From the 1990s to the 2010 general election, the electoral system for Westminster tended to favour the Labour Party - a trend now beginning to reverse. This was because with FPTP the distribution of votes is important. In the Blair-Brown era, safe Labour seats tended to have lower populations, as the revision of constituency boundaries had not kept pace with the movement of people away from inner cities to more affluent suburban and rural areas. In short, it took fewer votes to return a Labour MP than a Conservative. This, together with a slightly lower average turnout in the seats it held, gave Labour an advantage. The Conservatives' vote was less efficiently distributed across the constituencies. This unevenness does not occur under proportional systems.

Answer 65

Sub-national governments have used their devolved powers to differentiate themselves in terms of policy from what happens at Westminster. Under the Scottish Labour-Liberal Democrat coalition it was decided that university students in Scotland would not pay tuition fees and elderly people would receive free nursing care. In both Scotland and Wales, prescription charges were abolished. None of these benefits were extended to people living in England. This means that there is no longer a uniform welfare state across the UK. This can be directly attributed to the selection of AMS as the electoral system for the Scottish parliament. It ensured that, by obliging it to enter coalition with the centre-left Liberal Democrats, Scottish Labour did not follow the rightward drift of the party at Westminster in the New Labour era.

Answer 66

As you have seen, the adoption of fully or partly proportional systems has assisted smaller parties to varying extents. The systems used in 'second order' elections are not affected to the same degree as FPTP by the geographical distribution of votes. So in the 2015 general election, the only third parties that did well were those, like the SP or DUP, that campaigned in particular regions of the UK where their support is concentrated. Smaller parties have a vested interest in reforming the electoral system but little realistic chance of achieving it. The experience of coalition government at Westminster has not encouraged a public demand for reform. This is despite the fact that in 2015 almost a quarter of the electorate voted for a party other than the Conservatives, Labour and the Liberal Democrats.

Answer 67

AMS allows people two votes, for a constituency and a list candidate. Even more choice is offered by STV, where a preferential voting system allows voters to differentiate not only between political parties but also between candidates from the same party. STV involves fewer 'wasted' votes than FPTP, and offers greater potential to choose the winning candidate because of its proportional character. SV allows voters a first and a second preterence vote. All of these systems provide more choice than FPTP, under which voters can choose only one candidate. However, if they live in a safe seat, even this has little chance of affecting the expected outcome