Education theories + policies Flashcards

Question

explain the difference in how functionalists see society and education and Marxists.

Answer 1

Functionalists see society and education as based on a value consensus, Marxists see it as a based on class division and capitalist exploitation. They believe the status quo is maintained because the bourgeoisie control the state and this enables them to maintain their dominant position as the education system functions to prevent a revolution and maintain capitalism.

Answer 2

- the repressive state apparatuses (RSAs) | - the ideological state apparatuses (ISAs)

Answer 3

Repressive state apparatuses maintain the rule of the bourgeoisie by force or threat of it. The RSAs include the police, courts and army. When necessary they use physical coercion/force to repress the working class

Answer 4

Ideological state apparatuses maintain the rule of the bourgeoisie by controlling people's ideas, values and beliefs. The ISAs include religion, mass media and the education system.

Answer 5

- education reproduces class inequality by transmitting it from generation to generation, by failing each successive generation of working class pupils - education legitimates class inequality by producing ideologies (sets of ideas and beliefs) that disguise its true cause. The function of ideology is to persuade workers to accept that inequality is inevitable and that they deserve their subordinate position in society. If they accept these ideas and develop a false class consciousness they are less likely to challenge of threaten capitalism

Answer 6

According to Bowles and Gintis (1976) the education is best understood as an institution which acts to perpetuate the social relationships which exist in economic life. Schools foster types of personality development compatible with the relationships of domination and subordination in work and society as a whole. This means that schools teach pupils to follow rules, to be submissive, to be obedient and conforming which puts them in a subordinate position. This prepares them for the hierarchical relationships within work and makes them accept authority and capitalism which requires a workforce with the kind of attitudes, behaviour and personality-type suited to their role as alienated and exploited workers willing to accept hard work, low pay and orders from above.

Answer 7

Bowles and Gintis argue that the education system operates in a way that allows for Schools to foster types of personality development compatible with the relationships of domination and subordination in work and society as a whole through the use of a hidden curriculum. A hidden curriculum refers to a curriculum that runs alongside the official curriculum but is an unofficial curriculum where pupils are taught lessons through the everyday experiences of being in school, unofficial/informal learning where pupils learn the rules, expectations, punctuality, attendance and behaviour of the school

Answer 8

For Bowles and Gintis, the role of the education system in a capitalist society, is to reproduce an obedient workforce that will accept inequality as inevitable. They argue that there are close parallels between schooling and work, as they put it, schooling takes place in ‘the long shadow of work’. Reflecting this view, they concluded that the relationships and structures found in education mirror or correspond to those of work: - relationships of authority and control - relationships of domination and subordination - fragmentation of knowledge - motivation by external rewards

Answer 9

- relationships of authority and control - relationships of domination and subordination - fragmentation of knowledge - motivation by external rewards

Answer 10

. Relationships of authority and control: The relationships of authority and control among teachers and between teachers and students reflects the hierarchy of authority in the workplace. The fact that schools operate on a hierarchical principle of authority prepares individuals for work as it fosters deference to authority and an acceptance of hierarchy. The alienation that students experience through their lack of control in school is mirrored in the alienation through workers’ lack of control over production.

Answer 11

Relationships of domination and subordination: The relationships of domination and subordination differ in relation to type of school and level of schooling - schools do different things to different pupils. In lower streams and year groups there is closer supervision and few choices whereas higher levels are trusted to get on with self-directed study. This reflects the different levels of the occupational structure: at lower levels workers are closely supervised and given orders and the higher levels are trusted to internalise the company’s goals. This is also mirrored in the school itself – schools which cater for pupils largely from working class backgrounds emphasise obedience, conformity and dependability, whereas independence, innovation, initiative and creativity are discouraged.

Answer 12

Fragmentation of knowledge: The fragmentation and compartmentalisation of knowledge into unconnected subjects reflects the fragmentation of work through the division of labour into small, meaningless tasks.

Answer 13

Motivation by external rewards: Pupils are motivated by extrinsic rewards and satisfaction, rather than from interest in the subjects studied. This reflects and mirrors closely the roles of wages as motivation for the workforce, rather than intrinsic satisfaction from the job itself.

Answer 14

Bowles and Gintis (like Althusser) argue that the education system helps to prevent this from happening, by legitimating class inequalities. It does this by producing ideologies that serve to explain and justify why inequality is fair, natural and inevitable. They claim that the education system is a ‘gigantic myth-making machine’. A key myth that it promotes is the ‘myth of meritocracy’ which serves to justify the privileges of the higher classes, making it appear that they gained them through succeeding in an open and fair competition in school. This helps persuade the working class to accept inequality as legitimate and makes it less likely that they will seek to overthrow capitalism. The education also justifies poverty by promoting the ‘poor are dumb’ myth. It blames poverty on the individual rather than blaming capitalism. It therefore contributes to reconciling workers to their exploited position, making them less likely to rebel against the system.

Answer 15

- Marxist approach is very useful in that it exposes the 'myth of meritocracy' and highlights that education reproduces and legitimises class inequality. - critical such as Morrow and Torres (1998) criticise Marxists for taking a 'class first' approach. This means that see class inequality and ignores other kinds. They see non-class inequalities see non-class inequalities, such as ethnicity, gender and sexuality as equally important. - They argue that sociologists must explain how education reproduces and legitimises all forms of inequality - not just class and how different forms of inequality are inter-related. - the correspondence principle developed by Bowles and Gintis states that school mirror the workplace. This is because capitalism requires large numbers of low-skilled workers to put up with alienating, repetitive work on mass production assembly lines. This system is referred to as FORDISM because the Ford motor company was the first to introduce it. Bowles and Gintis see the mass education system as preparing pupils to accept this kind of work - Assumes all students passively accept everything they are taught in school, fails to recognise pupils may rebel against school ideas through anti-school subcultures etc - fails to explain why anti-school subcultures exist or why pupils may reject the school values - not all pupils accept the hierarchy

Answer 16

Postmodernists argue that the Marxist view is outdated. They claim that society has entered a new phase and is totally different from the society that Marxists and functionalists have written about. Postmodernists argue that class divisions are no longer important and society is more fragmented and diverse. They also claim that the economy has shifted away from the assembly-line mass production and is not based on 'flexible specialisation' where production is customised for small specialist markets. This post fordist system requires a skilled, adaptable workforce able to use advanced technology and transfer their skills from one specialised task to another. Post-fordism requires a different kind of education system. Instead of preparing pupils to be low-skilled, low-paid obedient workers, education must encourage self-motivation, self-supervision and creativity.

Answer 17

Postmodernists argue that education has become more diverse and responsive to the needs of different individuals and groups. In their view, the correspondence principle no longer operates and they believe that education reproduce diversity, not inequality.

Answer 18

Marxists critique the arguments put forward by postmodernists and claim that the changes generated by Post-Fordism result in low paid workers being exploited more than ever before. They also claim that the education system still prepares the majority of pupils to defer to authority etc. in the future.

Answer 19

Neo-Marxist Willis, is influenced by Marxist ideas and believes that education has helped to prop up capitalism by reproducing and legitimising class inequalities. He also supports their idea regarding the 'myth of meritocracy'. However, he rejects the idea that pupils are passive to indoctrination. He claims that they can resist such control and this is illustrated in the existence of anti-school subcultures that reject school values and rules

Answer 20

Willis combined his Marxist ideas with interpretive sociology and conducted detailed qualitative research in schools. (qualitative research methods enable sociologists to conduct small-scale in-depth research and to get 'up close' to the social actors they are studying) Willis studied a small sample of 12 WC boys during the last 18 months in school and he followed them as they made their transition into work. These lads were part of an anti-school subculture and did not passively accept the hierarchical system of schools

Answer 21

All Marxists agree that capitalism cannot function without a workforce that is willing to accept exploitation. Likewise, all Marxists see education as reproducing and legitimising class inequality. That is, it ensures that working class pupils are slotted into and accept jobs that are poorly paid and alienating. The Marxist approach is therefore useful in exposing the 'myth of meritocracy'.

Answer 22

Marxists such as Bowles and Gintis see education as a fairly straightforward process of indoctrinating the myth of meritocracy, Paul Willis (1977) study shows that working class pupils are resist such attempts to indoctrinate them. Neo-marxists work such as will's work helps to explain why pupils reject school values and rules. His work is less deterministic than Bowles and Gintis as he rejects their view that schools 'brainwash' pupils into passively accepting their fate

Answer 23

Willis is interested in the way in which schooling serves capitalism. However, he combines this with an interpretive approach that focuses on the meanings that pupils giver to their situation and how these enable to resist indoctrination which contains an extra dimension which may differ to the findings of Bowles and Gintis found. Additionally. Marxist's used qualitative research techniques usually associated with interpretive sociology when conducting his research. Therefore, Willis achieved a synthesis between macro and micro analysis, structural and social action theory and his explanation is seen as Neo-Marxist theory on education.

Answer 24

Willis studied a group of 12 working class boys during their 18 months at school and follow them as they made their transition from school to work. Their school was located in the middle of a large working class housing estate in the west midlands

Answer 25

He found that this group of 12 lads formed a distinctive friendship group with its own particular attitude which led to the development of a counter-school subculture. This counter-school/anti-school subculture was opposed to the values of the school and Willis found that the lads demonstrated a fierce opposition to authority. They rejected educational success as defined by the school and saw the conformist behaviour of hardworking pupils as a source of amusement and mockery. The boys prioritised having a 'laff' to relieve the monotony and boredom of school and at the same time whilst flouting school rules and values helped them overcome the boredom of school, it was also a way to gain the status that school denied them. He found that the lads rejected educational qualifications because they knew that they were not essential for work - they realised that they were destined to work in the same factory as their dads, brothers etc and therefore saw education and qualifications as irrelevant to them.

Answer 26

Willis notes the similarity between the anti-school counter culture and the 'shop-floor' culture of male manual workers. Both cultures see manual work as superior and intellectual work as inferior and effeminate. The lads identify strongly with male manual work and this explains why they see themselves as superior both to girls and to the 'effeminate' ear'oles who aspire to non-manual jobs

Answer 27

Willis found a correspondence between the attitudes and behaviours developed by the lads in school and the culture displayed on the factory floor at work. However, unlike Bowles and Gintis, he claimed that the lads were not submissive and were not shaped by the educational system. He concluded that they actively created and shaped the correspondence that was found between school and work. However, ironically their very resistance and rejection of the school meant that they were destined for low skilled jobs that capitalism needs to be performed - and as a consequence they were also destined to maintain their low class position. Furthermore, the lads counter/anti-school subculture helps them accept the inferior pay and conditions of associated with work in a capitalist labour force. Having become accustomed to boredom and finding ways of amusing themselves in school, they don't expect satisfaction from work and are good at finding diversions to cope with the tedium of unskilled work

Answer 28

Willis found that the anti school subculture was not entirely adapted to the requirements of a capitalist workforce as it contains an important hidden criticism of the dominant ideology of individualism, egalitarianism and meritocracy underpinning the education system specifically and capitalism more generally. The lads understood that individual effort and ability does not always secure success, they saw through the 'con-trick' of education and the 'myth' of meritocracy and rather recognised that any improvements to their status would come from collective action rather than individual achievement

Answer 29

- Willis rejects the view that school simply 'brainwashes' pupils into passively accepting their fate. By combining marxist and interactionists approaches, he shows how pupils may resist the school and yet how this still leads them into working class jobs. - willis works has stimulated a great deal of research into how education reproduces and legitimates other inequalities. For example, Paul Connolly (1998) explores how education reproduces both ethnic and gender inequalities. - critics of willis would argue that his account of the 'lads' romanticises them, portraying them as working class heroes despite their anti-social behaviour and sexist attitudes. - his small scale study of 12 boys in one school is also unlikely to be representative of other pupils experiences and it would be risky to generalise his findings - willis work can be criticised for being qualitative than quantitative which narrows his research down as it is not generalisable and unrepresentative - willis research can be criticised for being gender-blind and classist as he does not account for wc girls and other classes who may be apart of anti-school subcultures - willis research can be criticised for being outdated as it was done in 1976 but can be used to argue why his research was done mostly on white working class boys as they were the main people who were apart of anti-school subcultures - research is useful in illustrating that all pupils are not indoctrinated and show that people can reject indoctrination

Answer 30

exams - schools teach pupils through exams that through their hard work and effort they can achieve the grades they want through individualism sports day - students taught through their hard work and ability they can win and achieve success which creates the idea that success is achieved

Answer 31

- too idealistic view of education - fails to recognise how schools devalue the experiences of BAME groups through ethnocentric curriculum - gaps in education - reveal the unmeritocratic nature of educational achievement as private schools sent 1,310 pupils to Oxbridge - existence of anti-school subcultures and bullying - contradict functionalist ideas of social unity and integration in schools

Answer 32

- they believe that some people are naturally talented than others - they believe education should serve the needs of the economy by preparing people to work

Answer 33

- education reproduces class inequalities by transmitting it from generation to generation by socialising working class pupils with the 'poor are dumb myth' which lets the cycle continue rather than stop it. - education legitimises class inequalities by producing ideologies to justify their inequality and justify the privileges of the higher classes by persuading the working class to believe that inequality is inevitable and accept their subordinate position rather than challenge the system

Answer 34

- relationships of authority and control - relationships of authority and control among teachers and students reflect the hierarchy of authority in the workplace similar to an occupational hierarchy. - relationships of domination and subordination - depending on the type of school and level of schooling schools do different things to different pupils e.g. lower streams more supervised which reflects the different levels of the occupational structures as lower level workers closely supervised while higher have more authority - motivation by external rewards - pupils are motivated by extrinsic rewards and satisfaction rather than from interest in the subjects studied which reflects and mirrors closely the roles of wages as motivation for the workplace rather than intrinsic satisfaction from the job itself.

Answer 35

- postmodernists argue that the marxist view is outdated as they claim society has entered a new phase where society is more fragmented and diverse with markets moving away from mass production to specialist markets

Answer 36

- neo marxists argue that wc pupls can resist attempts to indoctrinate them through rejecting school values and rules - neo marxists do not believe pupils are deterministic or the idea that pupils passively accept their fate

Answer 37

- willis research can be criticised for being gender blind or classist as his research does not account for how working class girls or students from other classes may reject the values of school or be apart of anti-school subcultures - can be criticised for being qualitative research/ small sample as it can be argued his research is not generalisable or be representative of wider society.

Answer 38

educational policy refers to the plans and strategies for education introduced by the government. Policies instruct schools and LEAS.

Answer 39

- equal opportunities - selection and choice - control of education - marketisation and privatisation

Answer 40

Previously, education was only available to a minority of the population. It was provided by fee-paying schools for the wealthy or by churches and charities for a few of the poor. It was only in 1870 with the Forster Education Act that the state began to assume some responsibility and provided free education, however it did not make it compulsory until 1880 (from the ages of 5-13). In this period the type of education children gained reflected their social class position and it did little to change pupils’ ascribed status. Middle class pupils followed an academic curriculum and working-class pupils were equipped with basic numeracy and literacy skills needed for routine work and values to encourage deference to authority. The limited education of the majority of the population was highlighted in the Second World War when many army recruits were found to be illiterate. This wastage of talent and resources made many fear that Britain’s industrial performance would be threatened by such a poorly educated workforce. As a result of such concerns, the 1944 Butler Education Act was introduced to radically change the nature and structure of the education system.

Answer 41

- the tripartite system

Answer 42

From 1944 education began to be shaped by the idea of meritocracy – that individuals should achieve their status in life through their own efforts and abilities, rather than it being ascribed by their class background. The 1944 Butler Education Act enshrined this belief and was based on the notion that every child should be given an equal chance to develop his/her talents to the full within a free system of state education.

Answer 43

The Act introduced the tripartite system of education, as children were to be selected and allocated to one of three different types of secondary school, supposedly reflecting and according to their aptitudes and abilities. The system was designed to provide separate but equal schooling and the three schools were to have parity of esteem – equal status. The different aptitudes and abilities were to be identified by the 11+ exam which was taken by every child at the age of 11 and would be used to select and allocate pupils to their appropriate school. Educationalists at the time believed that this national test was an accurate indicator of the suitability of a particular pupil for a specific school. However, a later test, the 13+ was offered to pupils if it became clear that they had been allocated to the ‘wrong’ school (in reality very few were re-tested and transferred). 1. Secondary grammar schools: were for pupils who ‘passed’ the 11+ – these pupils were mainly middle class. It offered an academic curriculum and access to non-manual jobs and higher education. Less than 20% of the population attended these schools. 2. Secondary modern schools: offered a non-academic, ‘practical’ curriculum and access to manual work for pupils who ‘failed’ the 11+. These pupils were mainly working class. 3. The third type, technical schools existed in very few areas with only 5% of the population attending. Therefore, in reality the system was more bipartite than tripartite

Answer 44

- Rather than promoting meritocracy and eradicating social class divisions, the TS was judged to be ‘socially divisive’ by reproducing class inequality. This was achieved by channelling the two social classes into two very different types of school offering different and unequal opportunities. Critics argued it was an obstacle to equality of opportunity. - The schools did not have ‘parity of esteem’ - It also reproduced gender inequality by requiring girls to gain higher marks in the 11+ exam. - It also led to regional inequalities as there were disparities in the numbers of grammar places available in different areas. - It also legitimated inequality from the ideology that ability is inborn and that it can be measured in a single test.

Answer 45

As a result of mounting criticisms, in 1965 the Labour government instructed LEAs to convert to a comprehensive system of secondary schooling. This aimed to overcome the class divide of the tripartite system and make education (and thus society) more meritocratic and egalitarian. The philosophy behind the comprehensive system emphasised integration and inclusion rather than segregation and separation. The 11+ was to be abolished and all pupils within the same catchment area would attend the same mixed ability comprehensive. However, it was left to the LEA to decide whether to ‘go comprehensive’ and not all did, (particularly Conservative run LEAs). As a result, the grammar-secondary modern divide still exists in many areas.

Answer 46

Functionalists argue that comprehensives promote social integration by bringing children of different social classes and abilities together in one school. However early research by Ford (1969) found little evidence of social integration as a result of setting and streaming. They also see comprehensives as more meritocratic as it gives pupils a longer period of time to develop and show their abilities, rather than selecting pupils at the age of 11. However, Marxists argue that comprehensives are not meritocratic. Rather, they reproduce class inequality from one generation to the next through streaming and labelling. By not selecting pupils at 11 it contributes towards the ‘myth of meritocracy’, by making failure look like it is the fault of the individual rather than the system and people believe the system is fairer and just.

Answer 47

Functionalists argue that comprehensives promote social integration by bringing children of different social classes and abilities together in one school. However early research by Ford (1969) found little evidence of social integration as a result of setting and streaming. They also see comprehensives as more meritocratic as it gives pupils a longer period of time to develop and show their abilities, rather than selecting pupils at the age of 11. However, Marxists argue that comprehensives are not meritocratic. Rather, they reproduce class inequality from one generation to the next through streaming and labelling. By not selecting pupils at 11 it contributes towards the ‘myth of meritocracy’, by making failure look like it is the fault of the individual rather than the system and people believe the system is fairer and just.

Answer 48

- national curriculum - testing and attainment targets - publication of league tables and OFSTED inspection reports - parental choice - open enrolment - formula funding - grant maintained schools - local management of schools

Answer 49

National curriculum: the government laid down a standardised national curriculum to ensure that schools and pupils concentrate on what they saw as the core and foundational subjects

Answer 50

testing and attainment targets: attainment targets were established and SATS introduced to ensure targets were being met and maintained

Answer 51

Publication of league tables and Ofsted inspection reports: that rank each school according to its exam performances e.g SATS, GCSES and A-Levels

Answer 52

Parental choice: parents were given the right to send their children to the school of their choice. To facilitate this, schools produced prospectuses including comparisons of their SATS and exam results with the national average

Answer 53

Open enrolment: a policy of open enrolment forced all schools to recruit pupils up to their maximum capacity

Answer 54

Formula Funding: a new system of funding was introduced based on enrolments

Answer 55

Grant Maintained Schools: schools were encouraged to opt out of LEA control and become self-governing, funded directly from government. These schools had the right to select pupils through entry exams

Answer 56

Local management of schools: the act increased the powers and the independence of schools. Responsibility of 85% of the budget was removed from LEAs and given to head teachers and governors

Answer 57

- the replacement of GCES (O-Levels) and CSEs with the GCSE qualification in 1988 as before this replacement only higher bands did o-levels which were held in high esteem while lower bands did CSE which were not held in high esteem and did not able you to do a-levels. - in 1993 polytechnics were allowed to become universities as there was a two-tier system between polytechnics and older universities and the government wanted to combat this

Answer 58

the new labour governments of blair and brown followed with similar policies of marketisation that emphasised standards, diversity and choice

Answer 59

in 2010, the conservative liberal democrat coalition government took marketisation even further by creating academies and free schools

Answer 60

NATIONAL CURRICULUM: LAWTON (1989) argued that the NC undermined local democratic control of education and the independence of the teaching profession by centralising power in the hands of the government. He argued that the content of the NC was very traditional and unimaginative in its exclusion of certain subjects claiming that it neglected important areas of learning such as political understanding, economic awareness and many other cross-curricular themes. JOHNSON (1991) also criticised it on the grounds that it defined certain types of knowledge as worthy of study while excluding others. He argued that the use of a single curriculum for all pupils based on a common culture did not encourage equality of opportunity. MacNEIL (1990) stated that it reflected white Anglo-Saxon culture and excluded the contribution of minority ethnic groups. Reflecting this, the NC has been accused of being ethnocentric. For example: - African, Afro-Caribbean and Asian history is neglected, and the emphasis is placed on the benefits of British colonialism. - In literature emphasis is placed on traditional and classical English writers such as Shakespeare, Hardy, Milton and Dickens. - European languages dominate the language component of the NC. - Religious specifications reflected Christian religious traditions and could not treat other major religions in the same way. (b) SATs: Critics argue that SATs have turned education into a rat race. They claim that frequent formal testing of children at a young age can lead to labelling and that it changes the nature of education in a detrimental way. ``` (c) LEAGUE TABLES: Most academics and teachers argue that league tables give parents (and others) a misleading impression of the quality of a school. A school’s position in the league table was originally based only on crude exam data leading critics to argue that they revealed more about the social class backgrounds of pupils than the quality or effectiveness of the school itself. League tables can therefore conceal under-performing schools in advantaged middle-class areas and good schools in working class areas. Therefore, league tables may not show how much value has been added by the school. Critics also note that the emphasis on league table results and presenting a ‘good’ image to parents in the educational marketplace may have the effect of making it harder for poorer schools to improve as pupils go elsewhere. Therefore, poorer schools may lack the resources to improve performance. ``` ``` BARTLETT et al (1933) notes that the introduction of league tables encourages schools to engage in: Cream-skimming: ‘Good’ schools can be more selective, effectively ‘choosing’ their own customers and recruiting high achieving, mainly middle-class pupils. As a result, these pupils gain an advantage. Silt-shifting: ‘Good’ schools can avoid taking less able pupils who are likely to get poor results and damage the school’s league table position. ``` ``` (d) FUNDING FORMULA: As a result of popular schools gaining more funds, they can attract and afford better-qualified teachers and better facilities. Again, their popularity allows them to be more selective and attracts more able or ambitious, generally middle-class applicants who can thrive. Whereas, unpopular schools lose income and find it difficult to match the teacher skills and facilities of their more successful rivals. A study of international patterns of educational inequality by the Institute for Public Policy Research (2012) found that competition-orientated education systems produce more segregation between children of different social backgrounds. ``` ``` (e) PARENTAL CHOICE: The Canadian Centre for Educational Sociology conducted a 5 year study in Scotland and found that far from promoting parental choice, increased competition and open enrolment proved to be a retrograde step. The increased emphasis on testing and competition between schools undermined the principles of comprehensive schooling and represented a move back to the era of the tripartite system. They concluded that the key effect of giving parents the right to choose, increased segregation between working and middle-class pupils as middle class parents were in a stronger position to pick schools with a good academic record which benefitted from a more privileged intake. ``` BALL and GEWIRTZ (1995) conducted research between 1991-94 in 14 schools in three neighbouring LEAs. They visited 15 schools, attended meetings, examined LEA documentation and interviewed teachers and head-teachers and 150 parents whose children were about to start secondary school. Their aim was to assess the effects of that the ERA reforms were having on education and educational opportunities for different social groups. They found that in this new educational climate schools were very keen to attract academically able as opposed to all pupils, in order to boost their reputation and position in the league tables. They detected a shift in emphasis away from what schools can do for pupils, to what pupils can do for schools. Therefore, rather than schools improving their educational standards they became more focused on attracting ‘good’ pupils. They claim that the ERA led to a significant shift in the value framework of educational provision whereby commercial rather than educational principles became increasingly dominant in the making of curriculum, organisational and resource allocation. They believe that in this new climate schools became far more concerned with their image and pupils have become like commodities sought after to promote the school rather than their own needs. ``` BALL and GEWIRTZ identify three main types of parents: 1. Privileged-skilled choosers: These were mainly professional middle-class parents were able to exploit the new market place in education more effectively than working class parents. Because of their own higher levels of education they were more able to use their cultural and economic capital to ensure their children go to the school of their choice. They found that middle class parents possessed the knowledge, contacts and capital to understand and compare schools in league tables, know more about how to access school inspection report, afford transport costs or move closer to the ‘best’ schools and make appointments with head teachers, multiple applications and make appeals if refused a place at their chosen school. ``` 2. Disconnected-local choosers: These were working class parents whose choices were restricted by their lack of cultural capital (less confident in their dealings and knowledge of school and the admissions procedures and less able to manipulate the system to their own advantage) and economic capital (limited funds meant that the nearest school was often the only realistic option). 3. Semi-skilled choosers: These parents were also mainly working class, but compared to disconnected-local choosers, they were more ambitious for their children. However, they too lacked cultural capital and found it difficult to make sense of the education market, often having to rely on other people’s opinions about schools. They were often frustrated at their inability to get their children into the schools they wanted. Thus, although in theory the education market gives everyone greater choice, BALL and GEWIRTZ argue that in practice middle-class parents possess cultural and economic capital and have more choice than working-class parents. They concluded that the measures introduced as a result of the ERA which were designed to make education more market-orientated, served to make education less egalitarian and produced a more socially differentiated and divisive system.

Answer 61

NATIONAL CURRICULUM: LAWTON (1989) argued that the NC undermined local democratic control of education and the independence of the teaching profession by centralising power in the hands of the government. He argued that the content of the NC was very traditional and unimaginative in its exclusion of certain subjects claiming that it neglected important areas of learning such as political understanding, economic awareness and many other cross-curricular themes. JOHNSON (1991) also criticised it on the grounds that it defined certain types of knowledge as worthy of study while excluding others. He argued that the use of a single curriculum for all pupils based on a common culture did not encourage equality of opportunity. MacNEIL (1990) stated that it reflected white Anglo-Saxon culture and excluded the contribution of minority ethnic groups. Reflecting this, the NC has been accused of being ethnocentric. For example: - African, Afro-Caribbean and Asian history is neglected, and the emphasis is placed on the benefits of British colonialism. - In literature emphasis is placed on traditional and classical English writers such as Shakespeare, Hardy, Milton and Dickens. - European languages dominate the language component of the NC. - Religious specifications reflected Christian religious traditions and could not treat other major religions in the same way.

Answer 62

SATs: Critics argue that SATs have turned education into a rat race. They claim that frequent formal testing of children at a young age can lead to labelling and that it changes the nature of education in a detrimental way

Answer 63

``` LEAGUE TABLES: Most academics and teachers argue that league tables give parents (and others) a misleading impression of the quality of a school. A school’s position in the league table was originally based only on crude exam data leading critics to argue that they revealed more about the social class backgrounds of pupils than the quality or effectiveness of the school itself. League tables can therefore conceal under-performing schools in advantaged middle-class areas and good schools in working class areas. Therefore, league tables may not show how much value has been added by the school. Critics also note that the emphasis on league table results and presenting a ‘good’ image to parents in the educational marketplace may have the effect of making it harder for poorer schools to improve as pupils go elsewhere. Therefore, poorer schools may lack the resources to improve performance. ``` BARTLETT et al (1933) notes that the introduction of league tables encourages schools to engage in: Cream-skimming: ‘Good’ schools can be more selective, effectively ‘choosing’ their own customers and recruiting high achieving, mainly middle-class pupils. As a result, these pupils gain an advantage. Silt-shifting: ‘Good’ schools can avoid taking less able pupils who are likely to get poor results and damage the school’s league table position.

Answer 64

As a result of popular schools gaining more funds, they can attract and afford better-qualified teachers and better facilities. Again, their popularity allows them to be more selective and attracts more able or ambitious, generally middle-class applicants who can thrive. Whereas, unpopular schools lose income and find it difficult to match the teacher skills and facilities of their more successful rivals. A study of international patterns of educational inequality by the Institute for Public Policy Research (2012) found that competition-orientated education systems produce more segregation between children of different social backgrounds.

Answer 65

``` PARENTAL CHOICE: The Canadian Centre for Educational Sociology conducted a 5 year study in Scotland and found that far from promoting parental choice, increased competition and open enrolment proved to be a retrograde step. The increased emphasis on testing and competition between schools undermined the principles of comprehensive schooling and represented a move back to the era of the tripartite system. They concluded that the key effect of giving parents the right to choose, increased segregation between working and middle-class pupils as middle class parents were in a stronger position to pick schools with a good academic record which benefitted from a more privileged intake. ``` BALL and GEWIRTZ (1995) conducted research between 1991-94 in 14 schools in three neighbouring LEAs. They visited 15 schools, attended meetings, examined LEA documentation and interviewed teachers and head-teachers and 150 parents whose children were about to start secondary school. Their aim was to assess the effects of that the ERA reforms were having on education and educational opportunities for different social groups. They found that in this new educational climate schools were very keen to attract academically able as opposed to all pupils, in order to boost their reputation and position in the league tables. They detected a shift in emphasis away from what schools can do for pupils, to what pupils can do for schools. Therefore, rather than schools improving their educational standards they became more focused on attracting ‘good’ pupils. They claim that the ERA led to a significant shift in the value framework of educational provision whereby commercial rather than educational principles became increasingly dominant in the making of curriculum, organisational and resource allocation. They believe that in this new climate schools became far more concerned with their image and pupils have become like commodities sought after to promote the school rather than their own needs. ``` BALL and GEWIRTZ identify three main types of parents: 1. Privileged-skilled choosers: These were mainly professional middle-class parents were able to exploit the new market place in education more effectively than working class parents. Because of their own higher levels of education they were more able to use their cultural and economic capital to ensure their children go to the school of their choice. They found that middle class parents possessed the knowledge, contacts and capital to understand and compare schools in league tables, know more about how to access school inspection report, afford transport costs or move closer to the ‘best’ schools and make appointments with head teachers, multiple applications and make appeals if refused a place at their chosen school. ``` 2. Disconnected-local choosers: These were working class parents whose choices were restricted by their lack of cultural capital (less confident in their dealings and knowledge of school and the admissions procedures and less able to manipulate the system to their own advantage) and economic capital (limited funds meant that the nearest school was often the only realistic option). 3. Semi-skilled choosers: These parents were also mainly working class, but compared to disconnected-local choosers, they were more ambitious for their children. However, they too lacked cultural capital and found it difficult to make sense of the education market, often having to rely on other people’s opinions about schools. They were often frustrated at their inability to get their children into the schools they wanted. Thus, although in theory the education market gives everyone greater choice, BALL and GEWIRTZ argue that in practice middle-class parents possess cultural and economic capital and have more choice than working-class parents. They concluded that the measures introduced as a result of the ERA which were designed to make education more market-orientated, served to make education less egalitarian and produced a more socially differentiated and divisive system.

Answer 66

The educational policies of the New Labour governments of Tony Blair and Gordon Brown were influenced by both the New Right (NR) and Social Democratic ideas. Labour retained and modified NR policies such as marketisation, however at the same time, it was also committed to reducing inequality and aimed to improve working class opportunity.

Answer 67

(a) Past Labour governments were committed to the ideals and principles of the comprehensive system, however Blair believed the system needed to be modernised (more diverse) and part of this process involved the expansion of the Conservative policy of specialist schools. In 1997 Labour inherited 196 specialist schools from the Conservatives and by 2007 there were over 2,500 – over 75% of all secondary schools in England and Wales. These are intended to be centres of excellence and raise standards of teaching and learning in their particular specialist subjects and they can select 10% of their pupils, choosing those who have an aptitude for their specialist subject. (b) The 2006 Education and Inspections Act gave schools greater freedom to be selective by setting their own admission arrangements. (c) Failing schools, often in low-income communities were closed because they failed to meet targets. As part of the ‘Fresh Start’ programme (2001), they were re-opened as city academies. They had new head teachers and often new staff, new names, uniforms and sometimes buildings. The key objective of this policy was to improved educational standards, particularly in disadvantaged communities, (these can be contrasted with the academisation programme pursued by the Coalition government). (d) Labour accepted the NR view that competition between schools would raise standards and they retained league tables as a means for parents to assess a school’s performance. However, in 2006 they introduced an additional table based on social factors, as a result schools in low income areas with average exam results might score highly because their results are better than expected in view of the background of their students. (e) Labour initiated programmes of privatisation: exam boards and SATs testing, as well as some Ofsted inspections were placed in private hands. It also initiated the Private Finance Initiative (PFI), which involved private contractors and the state jointly funding the building of new schools and colleges. (f) In 1998, as part of the Teaching and Higher Education Act, Labour introduced tuition fees across the UK for undergraduate and postgraduate university courses. Originally introduced at around £3,000 per year, they increased to £9,000 per year when the Coalition government were in power (Scotland does not charge fees for HE).

Answer 68

Past Labour governments were committed to the ideals and principles of the comprehensive system, however Blair believed the system needed to be modernised (more diverse) and part of this process involved the expansion of the Conservative policy of specialist schools. In 1997 Labour inherited 196 specialist schools from the Conservatives and by 2007 there were over 2,500 – over 75% of all secondary schools in England and Wales. These are intended to be centres of excellence and raise standards of teaching and learning in their particular specialist subjects and they can select 10% of their pupils, choosing those who have an aptitude for their specialist subject.

Answer 69

The 2006 Education and Inspections Act gave schools greater freedom to be selective by setting their own admission arrangements.

Answer 70

Failing schools, often in low-income communities were closed because they failed to meet targets. As part of the ‘Fresh Start’ programme (2001), they were re-opened as city academies. They had new head teachers and often new staff, new names, uniforms and sometimes buildings. The key objective of this policy was to improved educational standards, particularly in disadvantaged communities, (these can be contrasted with the academisation programme pursued by the Coalition government).

Answer 71

Labour accepted the NR view that competition between schools would raise standards and they retained league tables as a means for parents to assess a school’s performance. However, in 2006 they introduced an additional table based on social factors, as a result schools in low income areas with average exam results might score highly because their results are better than expected in view of the background of their students.

Answer 72

Labour initiated programmes of privatisation: exam boards and SATs testing, as well as some Ofsted inspections were placed in private hands. It also initiated the Private Finance Initiative (PFI), which involved private contractors and the state jointly funding the building of new schools and colleges.

Answer 73

In 1998, as part of the Teaching and Higher Education Act, Labour introduced tuition fees across the UK for undergraduate and postgraduate university courses. Originally introduced at around £3,000 per year, they increased to £9,000 per year when the Coalition government were in power (Scotland does not charge fees for HE).

Answer 74

New Labour’s educational policy was a paradox: While it was influenced by the NR, it was also based on social democratic views and aimed to ensure equality of opportunity. In the policy document ‘Excellence in Cities’ (1997) they stated that they intended to overcome economic and social disadvantage and to make equality of opportunity a reality. They set about targeting support on disadvantaged groups by introducing measures such as: a) In 1997 some disadvantaged communities were identified and designated Education Action Zones (EAZ) providing additional resources and funding (this was then replaced by their Excellence in Cities programme in 1999). (b) The Educational Maintenance Allowance (EMA) introduced in 1997 aimed to increase the number of young people from low income backgrounds to stay in school, study A-Levels and apply to university. (c) The New Deal (1998) for young people aimed to help the young unemployed gain qualifications to improve their chances of finding work. (d) Free pre-school nursery provision was introduced in 1998. (e) Sure Start children centres (1999) aimed to give pre-school children a better start in life. It brought together a range of educational and other services to support poorer parents in order to tackle cultural and material deprivation, which placed working class children at a disadvantage before they even started school. (f) The Gifted and Talented initiative (2002) identified the top 5% of students aged 11-18 in inner city secondary schools and provide them with extra study support. (g) The Aim Higher initiative (2004) aimed to widen participation in higher education particularly among students from low income backgrounds. (h) Raising the school leaving age in 2008 to 17 (later increased to 18 in 2015), was designed to reduce the number of ‘Neets’ (those ‘not in education, employment or training’). Labour also introduced policies to raise achievement and standards more generally such as reducing primary school class sizes and introducing the National Literacy Strategy, literacy and numeracy hours, homework clubs, home and school contracts and ‘naming and shaming’ the worst performing schools.

Answer 75

(a) In 1997 some disadvantaged communities were identified and designated Education Action Zones (EAZ) providing additional resources and funding (this was then replaced by their Excellence in Cities programme in 1999). (b) The Educational Maintenance Allowance (EMA) introduced in 1997 aimed to increase the number of young people from low income backgrounds to stay in school, study A-Levels and apply to university. (c) The New Deal (1998) for young people aimed to help the young unemployed gain qualifications to improve their chances of finding work. (d) Free pre-school nursery provision was introduced in 1998.

Answer 76

e) Sure Start children centres (1999) aimed to give pre-school children a better start in life. It brought together a range of educational and other services to support poorer parents in order to tackle cultural and material deprivation, which placed working class children at a disadvantage before they even started school. (f) The Gifted and Talented initiative (2002) identified the top 5% of students aged 11-18 in inner city secondary schools and provide them with extra study support. (g) The Aim Higher initiative (2004) aimed to widen participation in higher education particularly among students from low income backgrounds. (h) Raising the school leaving age in 2008 to 17 (later increased to 18 in 2015), was designed to reduce the number of ‘Neets’ (those ‘not in education, employment or training’). Labour also introduced policies to raise achievement and standards more generally such as reducing primary school class sizes and introducing the National Literacy Strategy, literacy and numeracy hours, homework clubs, home and school contracts and ‘naming and shaming’ the worst performing schools.

Answer 77

- critics such as Melissa Benn (2012) see a contradiction between labour policies to tackle inequality and its commitment to marketisation - something she called the 'new labour paradox' as despite introducing policies to reduce inequality such as the education maintenance allowance to encourage students to stay in education. Labour also introduced tuition fees for higher education that may deter them from going to university - new labour governments neither abolished fee-paying schools nor removed their charitable status (estimated to be worth over £165 million per year)

Answer 78

The Conservative-Liberal Democrat Coalition government elected in 2010 accelerated the move away from an education system based largely on comprehensive schools run LEAs. Most of the coalition measures were introduced when Michael Gove was Secretary of state for education. The policies were strongly influenced by New Right ideas about reducing the role of the state in the provision of education through marketisation and privatisation. Reflecting this: (a) cuts were made to the education budget, as part of the government’s general policy of reducing state spending and (b) through policies such as academies and free schools - the role of the LEA was further reduced.

Answer 79

- academies | - free schools

Answer 80

ACADEMIES: From 2010, all schools were encouraged to leave LEA control and become academies. Academies are publicly-funded independent schools. According to Gove, academies benefit from greater freedoms to innovate and raise standards. These include: freedom from local authority control; the ability to set their own pay and conditions for staff; freedoms around the delivery of the curriculum; and the ability to change the lengths of terms and school days. Academies receive the same level of per-pupil funding as they would receive from the local authority as a maintained school, plus additions to cover the services that are no longer provided for them by the local authority. However, academies have greater freedom over how they use their budgets to best benefit their students. They receive their funding directly from the Education Funding Agency (EFA) rather than from local authorities and the governing body has greater autonomy. By 2018, 61% of secondary schools and 21% of primary schools had converted to academy status. Whereas Labour’s original city academies targeted disadvantaged schools and areas, the Coalition government, by allowing any school to become an academy, removed the focus on reducing inequality.

Answer 81

FREE SCHOOLS: Free Schools are all-ability state-funded schools set up in response to what local people say they want and need in order to improve education for children in their community. Through the Free Schools programme, business leaders, charities, parents, education experts and teachers are able to open schools to address real demand within an area. (Teachers do not need to have a teaching qualification to teach in these schools). Supporters of free schools claim that they give parents and teachers the opportunity to create a new school if they are unhappy with the state schools in their area. They also argue that they improve educational standards by taking control away from the state and giving power to parents.

Answer 82

However, ALLEN (2010) argues that research from Sweden, where 20% of schools are free schools, shows that they only benefit children from highly educated families. Other critics claim that free schools are socially divisive and that they lower standards – Sweden’s international ranking has fallen since their introduction. Charter schools in the US, which are similar to free schools, have also been criticised for appearing to raise standards but only doing so by strict pupil selection and exclusion policies. In England, evidence shows that free schools take fewer disadvantaged pupils than nearby schools. For example, in 2011 only 6.4% of pupils attending free schools in Bristol were eligible for FSMs, compared to 22.5% of pupils across the city as a whole.

Answer 83

Ball (2011) argues that promoting academies and free schools had led to both increased fragmentation and increased centralisation of control over education provision: (a) Fragmentation: The comprehensive system is being replaced by a patchwork of diverse provision, much of it involving private providers, that leads to greater inequality in opportunities. (b) Centralisation of control: Central government alone has the power to allow or require schools to become academies or allow free schools to be set up. These schools are funded directly by central government. Their rapid growth has greatly reduced the role of elected local authorities in education.

Answer 84

Other measures introduced by the Coalition government included: E-BACCALAUREATE: The E-bac is awarded to pupils who achieve GCSEs in English, maths, a science, a foreign language and a humanity, such as history or geography at grade C or above. The subjects included are designed to ensure that all pupils have the opportunity to study a broad core of subjects, ensuring that doors are not closed off to them in terms of future progression. For example, for pupils hoping to go to university, The Russell Group guide on making informed choices for post-16 education and identifies ‘facilitating subjects’ at A-level. These are the subjects most likely to be required or preferred for entry to degree courses at Russell Group universities and subjects that the government believe will keep the most options open. The E-bac is composed of these ‘facilitating subjects’. VOCATIONAL SUBJECTS: In January 2012 Gove ordered 96% of GCSE-equivalent vocational qualifications to be stripped from school league tables, following recommendations made in the Wolf report. Therefore, schools are being forced to drop valuable technical, practical and work-related courses or risk getting no credit for the provision. Research supported by the Edge Foundation, an independent education charity found 66% of senior teachers whose schools were cutting vocational provisions admitted the decision had been taken as a result of the changes to the performance tables. Practical training courses have been axed, despite recognition by teachers of their value to pupils. This is despite 85% of senior teachers agreeing that vocational qualifications are valuable for their students. A-LEVELS: Previously, in 2000, A-levels were split into advanced subsidiary (AS) levels, taken in year 12 and A2s, taken in Year 13. Pupils would study four or five subjects at AS and continue with two or three to A2, counting relevant AS ‘units’ they had completed (and been examined on) towards the final award. They were viewed as a compromise between traditional A-levels and the baccalaureate programme of five or six subjects (usually including compulsory maths and a foreign language) followed by most continental pupils. However, Gove reformed this. From September 2015, AS levels will survive, but will not count towards the full A-level which, he insists, must be taken as a linear two-year course, examined at its conclusion. At the same time, he has introduced new school league tables, giving special credit for pupils who get A-level grades AAB in what he calls "facilitating subjects", such as chemistry, biology, Latin and maths, which are most likely to get them into elite universities. H.E TUITION AND EMA: In 2010 the coalition government increased university tuition fees from 3,000 to 9,000 per year. They also scrapped EMAs

Answer 85

While the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition’s marketisation policies are said to have increased inequality, they also introduced policies aimed at reducing it (largely as a result of Liberal Democrat influence). Coalition policies designed to reduce inequality: FREE SCHOOL MEALS: These were introduced for all children in reception and KS1. PUPIL PREMIUM: Schools with high numbers of students eligible for FSMs were given extra funding for each pupil from a disadvantaged background. However, Ofsted (2012) found that in many cases Pupil Premium is not spent on those it is supposed to help. Only 1 in 10 head-teachers said that it had significantly changed how they supported pupils from disadvantaged backgrounds. Furthermore, as part of the coalition government’s ‘austerity’ programme, spending on many areas of education has been cut: spending on school buildings was cut by 60%, many Sure Start centres were closed, the EMA was abolished and university tuition fees tripled to £9,000. Critics argue that cutting Sure Start and the EMA has reduced opportunities for working class pupils. Similarly, increased university fees may discourage them from entering higher education.

Answer 86

- ERA 1988 Policies - free schools - academies - higher tuition fees increased from 3,000 to 9,000 per year - specialist schools - 2006 education and inspections act - schools selective with admission arrangements - 2006 league tables - additional table - privatisation of exam boards, SATS testing, Ofsted inspections / private finance initative - 1998 teaching and higher education act - tutition fees - parental choice - scrapping of vocational qualifications - SATS

Answer 87

- education action zones - education maintenance allowance - new deal - sure start - free school meals - pupil premium - free pre-school nursery provision - gifted and talented initiative - raising the school leave age to 17 in 2015 raised to 18 - comprehensive system - tripartite system - city academies

Answer 88

Privatisation involves moving services previously provided by the government into the private sector. In recent years, there has been a growing trend towards the privatisation of important aspects of education, both in the UK and globally. As a result, education increasingly becomes a source of profit for capitalists, in what BALL (2007) calls the ‘education services industry’ or ESL Private companies in the ESI are involved in an ever-increasing range of activities in education, including building schools, providing teachers, careers advice, catering, Ofsted inspection services and even running entire LEAs. Large scale building projects often involve public-private partnerships (PPPs), where private sector companies provide capital to design, build, finance and operate schools and universities. Typically, such contracts last for 25 years or more, during which time the local council pays a monthly lease and a management fee out of public funds. Many of these activities are very profitable. According to BALL, companies involved in such work expect to make up to ten times as much profit as they do on other contracts. Local authorities often find it necessary to enter into these agreements as the only way of building new schools because of a lack of funding by central government.

Answer 89

BLURRING THE PUBLIC/PRIVATE BOUNDARY: Many senior officials in the public sector, such as directors of local authorities and head teachers, now leave to set up or work for private sector education businesses, often hired as consultants by schools to advise them. These companies then bid for contracts to provide services to schools and local authorities. For example, two companies set up in this way hold four of the five national contracts for school inspection services. The policy of academisation has also facilitated the blurring of the public/private boundary. Many academies are run and operated by private corporations and become part of a chain. As Pollack (2004) notes, this flow of personnel allows companies to buy ‘insider knowledge’ to help with contracts, as well as side-stepping local authority democracy (reflecting the policy of marketization, New Right ideology and Neoliberalism).

Answer 90

PRIVATISATION AND THE GLOBALISATION OF EDUCATION POLICY: Many private companies in the education services industry are foreign-owned. The exam board Edexcel is owned by the US educational publishing and testing giant Pearson, and according to Ball some Pearson GCSE exam answers are now marked in Sydney and Iowa. Similarly, according to Buckingham and Scanlon (2005), the UK’s four leading educational software companies are all owned by global multinationals (Disney, the US toy companies Mattel and Hambro, and French media corporation Vivendi). Many contracts for educational services in the UK are sold on by the original company to others such as banks and investment funds. In a globalised world, these are often bought by overseas companies. Conversley, some UK edu-businesses work overseas. For example, Prospects has worked in China, Macedonia and Finland. Often, private companies are exporting UK educational policy to other countries (for example, Ofsted type inspections) and then providing the services to deliver the policies. As a result, nation-states (governments and LEAs) are becoming less important in policymaking, which is shifting to a global level and which is also privatised.

Answer 91

THE COLA-ISATION OF SCHOOLS: The private sector is also penetrating education indirectly, for example through vending machines on school premises and the development of brand loyalty through displays of logos and sponsorships – this has become known as the ‘cola-isation of schools’. According to Molnar (2005), schools are targeted by private companies because ‘schools by their very nature carry enormous goodwill and can thus confer legitimacy on anything associated with them’. In other words, they are a kind of product endorsement. However, the benefits to schools and pupils of this private sector involvement are often very limited. For example, according to Ball, a Cadbury’s sports equipment promotion was scrapped after it was revealed that pupils would have to eat 5,440 chocolate bars to qualify for a set of volleyball posts. According to Beder (2009), UK families spent £110,000 in Tesco supermarkets in return for a single computer for schools.

Answer 92

EDUCATION AS A COMMODITY: Ball concludes that a fundamental shift is taking place in which privatisation is becoming the key factor shaping educational policy. Policy is increasingly focused on moving educational services out of the public sector controlled by the nation-state, to be provided by private companies instead. In the process, education is being turned into a ‘legitimate object of private profit-making’, a commodity to be bought and sold in an education market. Privatisation means that the state is losing its role as the provider of educational services. For Ball, the overall effect is that: ‘More and more areas of education are now subject to business practices and financial logics, and bought and sold as assets and made part of investment portfolios. The possibilities of privatisation continually expand, and the ratcheting up of policy over time opens up more education services for profit.’ Similarly, Marxists such as Hall (2011) see Coalition government policies as part of the ‘long march of the neoliberal revolution’. Hall sees academies as an example of handing over public services to private capitalists, such as educational businesses. In the Marxist view, the neoliberal claim that privatisation and competition drive up standards is a myth used to legitimate the turning of education into a source for private profit

Answer 93

The impact of neoliberalism can be identified through marketisation and privatisation: 1: The introduction of an internal market within the state education system: This was established by the 1988 ERA, which directed state schools to act more like private businesses, e.g. competing for pupils. However, schooling was still largely delivered by the state, mainly through local authority schools. 2: The privatisation of state education: This takes marketization a step further. In a privatised system, the state ceases to be the actual provider of educational services. Instead, private companies or voluntary organisations deliver education and the state is reduced to two roles: (a) It commissions educational services, putting them up for contract and deciding which private bidder gets the contract. (b) It acts as regulator, setting targets and monitoring performance to ensure that the private providers meet certain standards, e.g. through Ofsted inspections. This form of marketisation began in the late 1980s in a fairly limited way but the trend has steadily accelerated as more areas of the education system have been opened up to private businesses

Answer 94

Since the 1970s policies such as GIST (Girls into science and Technology) and WISE (Women into Science and Engineering) have been introduced to try and reduce gender differences in subject choice. Since the 1990s policies have been introduced to encourage boys to focus on their education and improve their reading: Dads and Sons Campaign, Literacy Hours, Raising Boys Achievement Programme

Answer 95

Policies aimed at raising the achievement of children form minority ethnic backgrounds have gone through several phases: ASSIMILATION: Assimilation policies in the 1960s and 70s attempted to assimilate pupils from minority ethnic backgrounds into mainstream British culture by helping those for whom English was not their first language. Compensatory education was a related policy. However, critics argue that many minority groups at risk of underachieving, already speak English and that the real cause of their underachievement lies in poverty or racism. MULTICULTURAL EDUCATION: Multicultural education policies (MCE) in the 1980s and 90s aimed to promote achievement by valuing all cultures in the school curriculum, thereby raising minority pupils’ self-esteem and achievements. However, critics argue that black pupils do not fail for lack of self-esteem, so MCE is misguided. Critical race theorists argue that MCE is mere tokenism; it picks out stereotypical features of minority cultures for inclusion in the curriculum, but fails to address institutional racism. The New Right criticise MCE, believing education should promote a shared national culture and identity. SOCIAL INCLUSION: Social Inclusion policies became the focus in the late 1990s. Policies include: - Detailed monitoring of exam results by ethnicity; - Amending the Race Relations Act to place a legal duty on schools to promote racial equality; - Help for voluntary Saturday schools in black communities; - English as an Additional Language programmes. Critics argue this a soft approach that focuses on culture, rather than tackling the structural causes of ethnic inequality such as poverty and racism.

Answer 96

The church was the earliest agency to be involved in education. Priest schools existed as early as the seventh century and by the nineteenth century these were the only source of education for the poor. When the state sector emerged, church schools were incorporated within the state sector and recently the number of faiths represented has grown. Advocates of faith schooling emphasise the higher academic results and supportive community ethos that they offer. They also argue that faith schools allow cultures and religions to be preserved – ensuring the home values are mirrored by schools. This they argue, reduces conflict, helping minority communities to integrate comfortably without persecution. However, critics argue that the higher academic results of faith schools is linked to their selective nature. Furthermore, they are critical of segregating children, pointing to the impact that a faith school can have on the social make-up of the surrounding areas. Both of these factors may undermine communities and create tensions.

Answer 97

At the extreme of the debate, some see no place for religion in state education, arguing that children should be exposed to a variety of belief systems and allowed to form their own opinions. They are particularly critical when religious agendas are perceived to distort the curriculum. The city academy scheme provided faith groups with an additional way of involving themselves in schooling. 40% of the academies proposed in the early phases were sponsored by faith charities or evangelical individuals. This generated controversies over religious agendas being pushed through the government’s flagships schools. Two academies in the north-east, established by Reg Vardy attracted particular focus and criticism because creationism and intelligent design are taught in science lessons, rather than in RE, as alternatives to scientific theory.

Answer 98

PRIVATE SCHOOLS: Like faith groups, the private sector has a relatively long history. Independent schools evolved in the thirteenth century, including the elite public schools. The fee-charging sector continued to grow into the twenty first century and there are now 1,280 private schools, educating 7% of children in England and Wales. Though private schools are independent of government, politicians have attempted to share some of their benefits more widely. In 1980 for instance, the Assisted Places Scheme was created and Labour experimented with similar voucher policies. It also threatened to remove the charitable status of schools which could not demonstrate benefits to local communities. However, some would argue that, free from red tape and political agendas, private schools can deliver efficient, quality education. They also contend that it is a parent’s right to pay for a better education for their children. In this context, the problem with the private sector is not its existence, but that not everyone is able to access it (however, policies like voucher schemes aimed to address this).

Answer 99

Others are more critical, arguing that whilst private schools exist, meritocracy is impossible. There is certainly evidence to suggest that buying private schooling sets children on a privileged life path. In part, this is linked to the smaller class size and better resources available in the private sector. However, the social networks created in such institutions are equally important, leaving pupils with the ‘insider’ contacts to obtain elite jobs and influential positions.

Answer 100

``` The Social Mobility and Child Poverty Commission Study (2014) produced a detailed analysis of the backgrounds of more than 4,000 business, political, media and public sector leaders and concluded that the UK is deeply elitist. It highlighted the link between public schools and elite positions in society, reporting that elites, educated at independent schools and Oxbridge, still dominate top roles – therefore these key institutions do not represent the public they serve. Whilst the sector educates just 7% of children, their pupils account for a disproportionate number of people in powerful elite positions. It found that those who had attended fee-paying schools included: • 71% of senior judges • 62% of senior armed forces officers • 55% of top civil servants • 36% of the Cabinet • 43% of newspaper columnists • 53% of senior diplomats ``` Also privately educated were 45% of chairmen and women of public bodies, 44% of the Sunday Times Rich List and 26% of BBC executives. In politics, half the House of Lords attended independent schools, along with 36% of the cabinet, 33% of MPs and 22% of the shadow cabinet.In sport, 35% of the England, Scotland and Wales rugby union teams and 33% of the England cricket team also went to private schools. Figures for top people who went to Oxford and Cambridge paint a similar picture. Some 75% of senior judges, 59% of the Cabinet, 57% of permanent secretaries, 50% of diplomats, 47% of newspaper columnists, 38% of the House of Lords, 33% of the shadow cabinet and 24% of MPs hold Oxbridge degrees. In contrast, less than 1% of the whole population are Oxbridge graduates while 62% did not attend university, says the study.

Answer 101

Neoliberalism is an economic doctrine that has had a major influence on education policy. Neoliberals argue that the state should not provide services such as education, health and welfare. It is based on the idea that the state must not dictate to individuals and should not try to regulate a free-market economy. So governments should encourage competition, privatise state-run businesses and deregulate markets. Neoliberal ideas have influenced all governments since 1979 – whether Conservative, Labour or Coalition. They argue that the value of education lies in how well it enables the country to compete in the global marketplace. They claim that this can only be achieved if schools become more like businesses, empowering parents and pupils as consumers and using competition between schools to drive up standards

Answer 102

The New Right is a conservative political view that incorporates neoliberal economic ideas. A central principle of New Right thinking is the belief that the state cannot meet people’s needs and that people are best left to meet their own needs through the free market.