Diseases of Modern Life Flashcards
Timmerman (2011), emergence of chronic disease as a category
20th C, first in USA and later elsewhere in industrialized world
Post-war:
term ‘chronic’ was increasingly used as a synonym for ‘non-communicable’
acute phases of these ‘new’ chronic diseases were thought to be preceded by long, symptom-free periods, even dormancy, and triggered by various forms of stress—not unlike consumption in the early nineteenth century.
it may have been the
shortage of adequate facilities for patients with long-term illnesses in the USA (compared with the relative abundance of pauper beds in Britain and France, for example) that prompted the emergence of chronic disease as a new, distinct category
Kleinman, distinction between ‘illness’ and ‘disease’
‘illness’ = the experience
‘disease’ = an identifiable entity
Timmerman (2011), past experiences mimicking those of ppl with chronic disease in the 20th-C
sufferers from tuberculosis or syphilis, for example, once
touched by the illness, were cursed for the rest of their lives: the illness and its symptoms, abating and recurring, good days and bad days, came to define their biographies—a feature that recent analysts have described as characteristic of the modern chronic illness
experience
Illich, origins of chronic diseases (Timmerman’s Account)
characterized
chronic disease as an effect of civilization, caused by alienating aspects of modern life that
disturbed the age-old harmony of man and nature and by the failures of recent medicine.
Timmerman (2011), consumption’s persistence, summary
While it is often assumed that tuberculosis and consumption were identical, consumption, I argue, did not disappear when tuberculosis was conquered
some of consumption’s cultural meanings transferred to other chronic illnesses in the twentieth century.
René and Jean Dobos, The White Plague
much of what was described as consumption in old
medical writings was not pulmonary tuberculosis.
Until the late nineteenth century, when a patient was seen to waste away slowly and seemingly inevitably, the diagnosis was usually consumption.
Timmerman (2011), consumption
Rather than being synonymous with tuberculosis—a diagnosis that presupposes the identification of tuberculous lesions in post-mortem examinations and,
following Robert Koch (1843–1910), the demonstrable presence of a specific bacillus— consumption was associated with the clinical picture of patients deteriorating, sometimes rapidly, sometimes over years.
Wasting diseases whose final stages were often characterized as consumption included also scurvy, scrofula, and various forms of cancer.
Conditions such as asthma or dropsy were also linked to consumption
Consumption, thus, was not a distinct disease entity, but rather, being consumptive was a personal quality
Once consumptive, incurable.
Chronic illness signalled a
weak constitution irreparably damaged by a life lived carelessly or under unfavourable conditions.
Consumption was thus the endpoint of much chronic illness
pulmonary tuberculosis remained a chronic, incurable disease until the mid-twentieth century, despite considerable investments.
Timmerman (2011), perceived causes of consumption
If an individual had a consumptive diathesis, that is, an inherited
proneness to consumption, the illness could be brought on by a variety of precipitating factors.
Overindulgence, for example, might merely lead to a salutary attack
of gout in an individual with a strong constitution, clearing the blood of purulent matter. In
individuals with a weak constitution, be this due to poor inheritance, previous illnesses, or
bad habits, the same behaviour might trigger consumption.
Timmerman (2011), importance of patient stories
they complement longue durée histories of disease that focus merely on statistical patterns. They tell us what illness meant for individuals and also
illustrate the role of individual patients in a historiography of medical progress that has
traditionally been written exclusively around contributions by medical researchers.
Sanitary Commission for Investigating the State of the Infirmaries of Workhouses for The Lancet in 1865
Multitudes of sufferers from chronic diseases, chiefly those of premature old age, crowd the so-called
‘infirm’ wards of the houses, and swell the mortality which is a melancholy characteristic of these establishments. Examples are not uncommon in which the really able-bodied form but a fourth, a sixth, or even an eighth of the total number of inmates.
Timmerman (2011), shift in process of diagnosing consumption
What defined the disease in the classificatory system promoted by Laennec
and his followers was no longer a (potentially infinite) set of symptoms that the physician considered in the context of the patient’s biography, but the existence of a finite number of specific disease markers in the body
Peitzman (Timmerman’s account)
diagnosis of Bright’s disease in a person with no symptoms, based merely on a urine examination, ‘represented an entirely new manner of transforming a person into a patient … The felt bodily sensations of the patient and the patient’s recounted story of them, would increasingly lose their primacy and power
Timmerman (2011), Diabetes mellitus
Matthew Dobson (d.1784), a Liverpool physician, suggested that the sugar was not formed in the kidneys but removed from the patients' blood, explaining their emaciation. A succession of dietary therapies followed, which attempted to feed sufferers with foods their bodies could assimilate, but with minimal benefits
Children under ten years of age could expect to live no more than three years following diagnosis, while elderly patients survived for about twice as long.
diabetes became model for the long-term management of other conditions being identified as chronic diseases. When the
British clinician Smirk experimented with the clinical use of the ganglion-blocking drug hexamethonium for the treatment of malignant
hypertension in the early 1950s, he implemented a similar regime, instructing patients to self-inject the drug with tuberculin
syringes
Isolation of peptide hormone by Banting, Best et al
1921
First British insulin available
1923
Patients’ had to have own regime of self-injection - power back to them from clinicians?
Timmermans (2011), renal failure
identity of renal failure was similarly transformed when, from the 1960s, dialysis was increasingly available to chronic renal patients. These new regimes required a high degree of organization and self-discipline.
Timmerman (2011), antibiotics and drug companies
Antibiotics since the 1940s cured many chronic infections and shortened hospital stays.
Following the antibiotic bonanza, drug companies proved keen to develop the market for cardiovascular
drugs and other treatments for chronic illness, which promised stable and long-lasting profits.
Timmerman (2011), TB and welfare
1911 National Insurance Act was partly motivated by concerns over tuberculosis. The Medical Research Council had its roots in this context: its precursor institution, the Medical Research Committee, was established to promote research into this disease. Many of the new welfare services in the interwar period were dedicated (besides mother and child provisions) to tuberculosis,
Timmerman (2011), changing mortality and morbidity patterns and their significance
Deaths in childhood/adolescence had declined rapidly
more people lived past
middle age, making illnesses associated predominantly with middle and old age, such as heart disease, strokes, or cancer, much more visible
By 1950s, mortality rates for TB lower than cancer
lung cancer sole contributor to increase in cancer deaths: work by R. Doll (1912-2005) and A. B. Hill (1897-1991)
rise of welfare administrations and the growing costs associated with this development turned the prevention of these conditions into an important issue for public health policy.
Graph of the 1962 Report by the Royal College of Physicians on Smoking and Health (Timmerman, 2011)
mortality from a number of respiratory diseases among men aged 45 to 64
around 1950, for the first time, mortality from tuberculosis in this cohort was lower than that from cancer
Also, lung cancer alone was to blame for the increase in cancer mortality, a disease that by the mid-1950s had been firmly linked to smoking cigarettes
US National Health Survey 1935-6
over 700,000 households in 83 cities
nearly 1/5 of population had a chronic disease or disability
Joint Comte on Chronic Illness formed
1945
by the American Hospital Association, the American Medical Association, the American Public Health Organization, and the
American Public Welfare Association.
Committee passed on the baton in 1949 to a Commission on Chronic Illness, which published four-volume report in 1957.
Welfare Council of New York study, 1928
20,700 people incapacitated by chronic conditions
Only one-fifth of these (403) were over 70 years old; more than half were under 45.
NY Welfare Council estab comte on Chronic Illness
1933
chaired by Boas
With its ageing population, Boas argued, America was facing a social and health crisis to which a public health system focusing on mortality alone could not do justice