Definitions

Question 1

Fanon

NEEDS EDITING Manichaeism
Manichaeism is about the struggle of being caught between a ‘good’ and a ‘bad’ and comes from the belief in the ancient world called ‘mani’ that revolves around the duality of god—one good and bad that were equally powerful. It is most closely associated with the works of Fanon as he understood politics in Manichaen terms and a struggle between ‘us’ and ‘them’. It is closely connected with structural racism and the European imperial project as racial Manichaeism endorsed the idea that Europeans were justified is colonising other countries. It also links to the 19th century idea of the ‘white man’s burden’—that white peoples were morally superior and so had the responsibility to go to other countries and conquer them so they could be managed better.

Answer 1

Heretical theologies are advanced by people claiming to be Christian. The Catholic Church increasingly dictates which theologies are correct and which are not. Mani was the belief that there was a duality of god - one good, one bad, equally powerful and human life was caught in a struggle between the two. A crucial turning point in Christianity was that God was omnipotent, so the rival ‘God’ cannot be as powerful. Fanon understood politics is Manichaen terms, a struggle between us and then. In his first book Black Skin White masks he claims that one of the reasons for the levels of mental health problems among racial minorities in France in the 1950s was because of structural racism, and the way society thinks about people on racial terms is Manichaen. This causes the problems if you live in a culture, and you are a racial minority, and the culture is saying you are a bad person because of it. He thinks this is one of the major flaws in western culture and he wanted to track the psychological implications of this. It also has political implications. Within the European imperial project racial manichaeism endorsed the idea that Europeans were justified in going to other countries, conquering and enslaving them or pushing the people into marginalised economic conditions and taking their resources. One common phrase in the 19th century was the ‘white man’s burden’ where white people are morally superior and so have the responsibility to go to other countries, and conquer them so they could be managed better. Fanon argues this is so deeply engrained into our cutlture that it shapes how we interpret the world.
The term means. It is most associated with. It is most significant when connected with the theory of

Question 2

Mani
Mani refers to the belief in the ancient world of the duality of god - one good, one bad, equally powerful and human life was caught in a struggle between the two. It is most closely associated with Fanon who discusses Manichaeism and how it relates to racism and the anti-colonial struggle in Algeria. In this context, it connects to theories of racial manichaeism developed by Fanon to support decolonisation efforts and explain why Europeans believed they were justified in colonising other countries.

Answer 2

Mani refers to the belief in the ancient world of the duality of god - one good, one bad, equally powerful and human life was caught in a struggle between the two. It is most closely associated with Fanon who discusses Manichaeism and how it relates to racism and the anti-colonial struggle in Algeria. In this context, it supports theories

Question 3

NEEDS EDITING Dialectic
Dialectics are pairs of opposite concepts that, by existing, necessarily presuppose their opposite, meaning that all ideas operate in binaries. The idea was proposed by Hegel who believed that human history was merely a resolving of ideas in a dialectic way, and is closely associated with Fanon as this was his answer to the aspect of de-colonisation concerned with undoing Manichaen ideology. It therefore connects to the theory of racial Manichaeism.

Answer 3

This is Fanon’s answer to the aspect of de-colonisation concered with undoing manichaen ideology. This was developed by Hegel as a mode of logic where every concept necessarily presupposes its opposite; ideas always operate in binaries. Furthermore, for Hegel human history is a working out/resolving of ideas in the dialectic way. At any point in time there is a clashing of two rival ideas of the way the world should be, which necessarily presuppose the opposite, and the political struggles we encounter often resolve themselves into something different from both the initial premise and its opposite. In the context of Hegel’s time, it was all about clashes of ideas about political authority, especially with the French Revolution. The clash of two different ideas resolves itself into something new. Other examples of classic philosophical binaries include freedom and nature, and the individual and society.

Question 4

NEEDS EDITING Dialectic of Colonial Violence
The initial act of colonisation creates a binary of violence, so the dialectic is the negation of the violence of colonisation by the violent response of the natives resolving into something new. This idea was proposed by Fanon when looking at the binary of the settler and the native and the literal dividing line of legal categories of people in colonial states, as neither group can exist without the other. It’s foundation is in Hegel’s theories of dialectics and connects also to ideas of the white man’s burden where white people are inherently and naturally superior to non-white people.

Answer 4

Fanon thinks about decolonisation as itself dialectical and he understands that the acts of violence point us towards opposites in the binary struggle. Violence is the dialectic clashing and negating itself, so the initial act of colonisation creates a binary. There is quite literally a dividing line of legal categories of people. One of Fanon’s crucial points is that the first act of violence is the conquest which splits the two people apart and sets up the binary of settler and native. Neither can exist without the other. Then there is a second act of violence which is the maintenance of that order which would be the military and the police force because there would naturally be resistence.

Question 5

Stages of Native Violence
The four stages of native violence are: minor resistance and apolitical acts of deviancy that provide people with the first steps of agency; acts of collective, spontaneous resistance, still without clear political intention; repressive violence from authorities to clamp down with liklihood of militarisation; and a sense of national cohesion that results from that, as violence is perceived by the natives to be part of the solution to occupation. Fanon proposed these stages as part of the cycle of escalation of anti-colonial dissent. The theory of dialectics is important when looking at the stages of native violence as, for Fanon, each action generates a reaction on the opposite side, and then a reaction, and so on. This connects to the theory of the dialectic of colonial violence to explain the conflict between settler and native and emphasises how natural such a thing is in a colonial system of structural and racial harm towards the oppressed.

Answer 5

1. The resistence of the native is initially quite minor such as petty crime, disrespect etc as people try and lash out at and disobeying the rules of a system that they disapprove of. There is value in this initial revolution as engaging in small acts of deviancy provides people with the first steps of agency. However these acts are apolitical and the action is not linked with negative feeling towards the system.
2. Acts of collective, spontaneous resistence and violence, one example being a riot. This is different to individuals breaking laws because there are a large group of people who are angry and use the temporary breakdown of social control as a way of expressing that. It’s not clearly political because the psychological contradiction they haven’t yet confronted is that they don’t like their lot because of the institutions of colonialism, but they can’t comprehend the way things could change.
3. After the moments of uprising the normal reaction from authorities is to clamp down, and this repressive violence is aimed at stopping the initial stage of violence from before. It actually causes a backlash with more resistence from the natives following, and the state may respond even more violently with massacres or assassinations. This is where the situation becomes militarised.
4. Repression leads to a sense of national cohesion. Dialectically, for Fanon, each action generates a reaction on the other side, which then generates another reaction from the first side, causing a cycle of escalation as anti-colonial violence becomes more widespread and produces a political identity. Violence is then perceived by the natives to be part of a process that hopefully leads to the end of occupation.

Question 6

NEEDS EDITING Decolonisation
Decolonisation is the response to political occupation and the reworking of society by the imperial power that results from that. It necessarily entials both removing of the formal political power and the restructuring of society in such a way that the native population can regain agency and rebuild their culture/society. Decolonisation is most closely associated with Fanon and he is potentially the first philosopher/scholar to use the term. It is suitably linked with the theory of dialectics, especially the dialectic of colonial violence, as decolonisation is the result of the negation of the binary of settler violence and native violence.

Answer 6

He is potentially the first to use this term. He understands the violence as a process of undoing colonialism. Colonisation is not just political occupation but the complete reworking of society in the image of the imperial power. Decolonisation necessarily entails not just the removing of the formal political power but the restructuring of society in such a way that the native population can regain agency and rebuild their culture/society. The colonisers will try and seize the colonisers’ instruments of domination, which is the first step. In this moment the settlers respond with an ‘its us or them attitude’, so this is the moment where the violence is the worst.

Question 7

Arendt

NEEDS EDITING Power vs Violence
This is the claim that political power and violence are complete opposites. This claim was founded by Hannah Arendt who believes that the idea that ‘power grows out of the barrel of a gun’ is completely backwards. a person is politically weakest when they have to resort to violence to get their way. Real political power, however, comes when the threat of violence is not necessary to get people to do what they want.

Answer 7

Her greatest claim is that political power and violence are opposites. She thinks the idea that ‘power grows out of the barrel of a gun’ is completely backwards. A person is politically weakest when they have to resort to violence to get their way. Real political power comes when the threat of violence is not necessary to get people to do what they want.

Question 8

Arendt

NEEDS EDITING Politics

Answer 8

In her view, most of what people think about politics is not political. The modern form of politics is a bastardised form of the ‘pure form’ that can be found only in rare moments such as the French Revolution and in Athenian democracy. She often returns to the idea of politics as collective action and collective deliberation.

Question 9

NEEDS EDITING Political Action
To Arendt, this is simply people going out and actively participating in politics. To her, the most significant aspect of politics is that it consists of the fact that ‘men’, not ‘man’ inhabit the earth - politics happens because people are different and see the world differently. This is strongly rooted in the theory of natality in politics. While these differences result in political struggles, they are generative of solutions, and the conflict of politics is actually where freedom lies. The consequence of no political action is that people end up having no agency, and the political system feeds into a small group of elites in power.

Answer 9

People going out and participating actively. The most significant aspects of politics is that it consists of the fact that ‘men’ not ‘man’ inhabit the earth - politics happens because people are different and see the world differently, and we have political struggles due to it but they are generative of solutions. The conflict of politics is where the freedom lies. The consequence of no political action is one does as they are told and end up having no agency, and the political system feeds into a small group of elites in power.

Question 10

NEEDS EDITING Natality
There are two aspects to the term ‘natality’ when it comes to political action which are important to Arendt’s writings in ‘On Violence’. The first is that if each person is different, then each new birth brigns new perspective, feelings and demands, so society has the ability to renew itself and the way it is structured. Secondly, the core of politics is the idea of starting something new. Most political movements happen because someone wants to try something different, because they find something they deem to be intolerable and try to change it. This connects to Arendt’s definition of political action, as to her, the most significant aspect of politics is the fact that all of our differences cause political conflict which is generative of solutions. The conflict of politics is where freedom lies.

Answer 10

1. If each person is different, then each new birth brings a new person with new perspective, feelings, wants and demands, so each society has the ability to renew itself.
2. The core of politics is the idea of starting something new. Most political movements happen because someone wants to try something different, they find something they deem to be intolerable and try to change it.

Question 11

NEEDS EDITING Initiation
Initiation in the context of political action and protest is the idea that the only time change occurs is when someone takes the intiative and if other people agree and follow it. One example of this is the initiative taken by Rosa Parks when she refused to follow segregation laws which led to the Montgomery Bus Boycott. This idea is important to Arendt as the power comes when someone takes action in such a way that other people are encouraged to follow along. This connects to the theory of power being the opposite of violence as political change is built in complete absence of violence by the protestors.

Answer 11

The only time that change occurs is when someone takes the initiative, and if other people agree and follow it. One example could be the initiative taken by Rosa Parks which led to the Montgomery Bus Boycott. The power comes when someone first takes initiative in such a way that other people follow along, as that is how political change builds which for Arednt is the complete opposite of violence.

Question 12

Arendt

NEEDS EDITING The New Left
As opposed to the old left that was grounded in labour and organised through the trade-union movement, the New Left grew out of the political breakthorughs after WWII around ideas of a strong welfare state and was fuelled by the rise of identity politics, the Civil Rights Movement, and the Feminist Movement to name a few. ‘The New Left’ is most closely associated with Arendt as she is quite critical of it. The movements associated with the New Left push for progress and reform, not on the axis of economic equality like its predecessor but rather expanding rights or ending discrimination because of identity. Arendt takes issue with this because to her it is not political enough, focusing on interests and not action as people join them because the movement will give them something in return. This links to the theorisation around what ‘politics’ is, and reflects Arendt’s definition of the term as collective action and collective deliberation.

Answer 12

Different to the old left which was classic left-wing socialist parties in democracies 1970s-1950 that were primarily organised through the trade-union movement. At the end of WWII there were significant political breakthroughs, consensus in a lot of western industrial democracies that there should be strong welfare state. There was then the rise of identity politics and a Civil Rights Movement, rise of the Feminist Movement, increased concerns about environmentalism, beginning of a Gay Rights movement etc. These movements push for progress and reform, not on the axis of economic equality but rather expanding rights or ending discrimination because of identy. The old left was grounded in labour, but the new left is made up of voluntary associations not tied to a workplace and are seen as ‘social movements’. It takes off in the mid-1960s with most famous example being CRM. Arendt is quite critical of the New Left because it is not political enough, focusing on interests and not action as people join them because the movement is going to get them something in return.

Question 13

Gregg

Counter Modernity
To counter modernity is part of Gregg’s policy of non-violence. He believes that using violence to ahcieve something is a myth founded in the modern western belief system, meaning modernity is founded on a philosophy of violence. He believes we must change non-violently and deeply the motives, functions and institutions of society. Therefore, a policy of non-violence would be used to counter our modern ideas and acceptance of violence. It connects to Gregg’s theories of power-over and power-with, and the rejection of the former for the latter.

Answer 13

He believes that using violence to achieve something is a myth founded in the modern western belief system - modernity is founded on a philosophy of violence. The core of the Leviathan is one of violence and that idea along with the idea that violence is needed to stop non-violence has infected our political philosophy. Gregg believes we must change non-violently and deeply thre motives, functions and institutions of society. So a policy of non-violence would be used to counter our modern ideas and acceptance of violence.

Question 14

Gregg

Definition of Violence
According to Gregg who has a very expansive understanding of violence, it is any act, motive, thought, active feeling, or outwardly directed attitude that is divisive in nature or result in respect to emotions or innter attitude, that is inconsistent with spritiual unity’. This definition reflects Gregg’s complete rejection of violence in any form as he believed thought patterns of anger at even small inconveniences are what he considers violent dispositions that respond to disturbances with anger, fear and emnity. It closely links with Ghandi’s theories of duragraha and satyagraha, as these violent dispositions are a representation of the former, contrasting with the latter.

Answer 14

His understanding of violence is very expansive. ‘Violence is any act, motive, thought, active feeling, or outwardly directed attitude that is divisive in nature or result in respect to emotions or inner attitude, that is inconsistent with spiritual unity.’ Thought patterns of anger at even small inconveniences are what he considers violent dispositions that respond to disturbances with anger, fear and emnity - duragraha, which contrasts with satyagraha.

Question 15

Gregg

Power-with
Power-with is the idea that power comes from how you interact with other people, and that we have more power working collectively together with others. This is one of Gregg’s theories of power, as he believes in the importance of intersubjective interaction with and for each other in cooperative ways. To him, no one is an isolated individual and we are always part of a community which is where we can draw power from and give power to. This contrasts with the theory of power-over which is closely associated with violence, force and control.

Answer 15

Intersubjective interaction with and for each other in cooperative ways in interdependent relationships with oneself, other humans, all forms of life, and the spiritual dimension of existence. No one is an isolated individual and are always art of a community, and so power comes form how you interact with other people. Collectively someone has more power if they work together with other people.

Question 16

Gregg

Power-over
Power-over is the idea that ‘I have power if I can coerce other people into doing what I want’; violence and domination are often predicated on this false belief. This is one of Gregg’s theories of power, as he equates power-over with brute force or control over insturments of violence. To him, power-over hinges on a false belief that humans are independent, insecure and incapable of organisation. It is very similar to Arendt’s idea of force, and contrasts Gregg’s theory of power-with which emphasises the value of community.

Answer 16

Power equted with brute force or control over instruments of violence (similar to Arendt’s idea of force). Violence and domination are predicated on a false belief that ‘I have power if I can coerce other people into doing what I want’. This hinges on a false belief that humans are independent, insecure, and incapable of organisation. It seems like it comes from a position of security but it is actually the opposite and is held by insecure people.

Question 17

Gregg

Banyan Tree
In the context of non-violence, the image of the Banyan Tree is associated with a policy of satyagraha (truth force) as it has multuiple trunks that grow and interweave with numerous interrelated branches. Ghandi developed this idea to emphasise that one’s entire life must be made up of a weaving of non-violent branches, civil disobdeince is one branch, and the other two important branches are satya and ahisma.

Answer 17

Non-violence/satyagraha (truth force) is like a Banyan Tree with multiple trunks that grow and interweave with numerous interrelated branches. One’s entire life must be made up of a weaving of non-violent branches - civil disobedience is one branch, and the other two important branches are satya and ahisma.

Question 18

Gregg

Constructive Programmes
These are non-violent communities engaged in collective self-government and have participatory democracy and dispute resolution, developed by Gregg. It relates to Ghandi’s idea of the ashram which was central to his ideology because it resulted in a spiritual transformation of the attitudes and mindset of people from something individualistic and insecure, to something focused on community and self-discipline.

Answer 18

Refers to Ghandi’s idea of the ashram, people should be living in non-violent communities that are engaged in collective self-government and have participatory democracy and dispute resolution.

Question 19

Gregg

Voluntary Simplicity
Voluntary simplicity is a reorientation of one’s life into something non-violent that is rebuilt more in accordance with nature and the natural order of things. This idea was developed by Gregg to encourage the value of community, and is heavily connected to his constructive programmes and Gandhi’s ashrams. Furthermore, it links to Thoreau’s emphasis on departing from society to live a life of simplicity.

Answer 19

Links to Thoreau’s idea of leaving society. A reorientation of one’s life into something non-violent that is rebuilt more in accordance with nature and the natural order of things.
And links to ashrams/constructive programmes.

Question 20

Gregg

Moral Jiu-Jitsu
Moral Jiu-Jitsu is a rethinking of non-violence that uses an opponent’s violence or anger against them, the same way that martial arts focus on using an opponent’s flows of energy against them. Gregg developed this idea because if someone is being violent, they are expecting violence in return, and the natural instinct is to resist in kind. However, this can justify the adversary’s actions but responding with non-violence disarms the opponent because they are thrown off balance. It connects with the theory of satyagraha and living a life of non-violence despite what may be thrown at you.

Answer 20

This is a re-thinking of non-violence. A lot of martial arts are about flows of energy and using your opponent’s actions against them. Jiu means gentle/yielding and jitsu means art/technique so it is literally the art of yielding. If someone is being violent towards you they are expecting violence back in return. The natural instinct is to resist with the same levels of violence, but doing this can justify the adversary’s actions and responding with compassion/non-violence disarms the opponent because they are thrown off balance. Famous example is the march on Selma

Question 21

Gregg

Psychology of Nonviolence
This is the understanding that part of non-violence is withstanding the initial discomfort and allowing the opponent to burn themselves out. An assailant will lose moral certainty if their victim doesn’t respond, and bystanders will be convinced as to who is in the wrong if they see someone being violent to a passive opponent. Gregg developed this theory from the idea that violence is driven by anger and is actually very exhausting. The surprising response of the victim makes the attacker’s mind susceptible to their influence and overthrows their violence. It is strongly connected with moral jiu-jitsu which uses non-violence to disarm the opponent.

Answer 21

Violence is driven by anger and is very exhausting. Part of non-violence is withstanding the initial discomfort and allowing the opponent to burn themselves out. If the assailant is attacking someone who is not responding, then begin to doubt themselvese, and they lose the moral certainty. Bystanders will also be convinced as to who is in the right and who is in the wrong if they see someone attacking a person who is not responding with violence. The surprising response of the victim makes the attacker’s mind susceptible to the influence of the victim and overthrows their violence. It indicates respect for the moral integrity of the assailant

Question 22

Gregg

Psychology of Violence
This is the understanding that violence is driven by anger and is actually very exhausting. This theory was developed by Gregg who believes that cruelty is a complex of fear, anger and pride. As well as that, greed is a distorted desire for security and completion. To him, it is a fear of lack, and violent personalities are very insecure and weak. This connects with Gregg’s theory of power-over which looks at the use of force, violence and coercion by insecure people to get what they want.

Answer 22

Violence is driven by anger and is very exhausting. Cruelty is a complex of fear, anger and pride. Greed is a distorted desire for security and completion. In a sense it is a fear of lack. Violent personalities are very weak and it is used because of fear of not being able to get something or from being threatened.

Question 23

MLK

Just Laws vs Unjust Laws
The concept of just and unjust laws was developed by MLK Jr from the natural law theory. Natural law tradition says that justice doesn’t come from human law but reflects the natural law of the universe. Positive laws are creaed instead by human institutions. King says there is something beyond the written laws of a state that is justice and if those two are out of allignement then injustice prevails. If positive law matches natural law it is a just law, but if the two contradict the law is unjust. It is therefore possible for something to be legal and unjust, such as segregation laws in the context of MLK.

Answer 23

King works on the natural law theory. Natural law tradition says that justice doesn’t come from human laws but reflects the natural law of the universe. There are things that are right and wrong that are broadly in accordance with the universe or God’s way, and we figure out what is just by using reasoning. Positive laws are created instead by human institutions. Kind says there is something beyond the written laws of a state that is justice and if those two are out of allignment then injustice prevails. If positive law matches natural law it is just, but if positive law contradicts natural law it is unjust. So it is positive for something to be legal and unjust, such as segregation laws.

Question 24

MLK

Negative Peace
Negative peace is a situation where there is merely an ‘absence of tension’, where there are no protests or visible dissent despite the presence of injustice. An example of this would be black citizens in the South accepting their mistreatment under Jim Crow law. It is closely associated with MLK JR who spoke of situations ‘in which the Negro passively accepted his unjst plight’. This links to the theory Hayward discusses of a second phase of power, whcih is the ability through the institutions you control to keep issues off the agenda and keep people from speaking about them.

Answer 24

Negative peace is a situation where there is an ‘absence of tension’. There are no protests or visible dissent, for example black citizens in the South accepting their mistreatment - ‘in which the Negro passively accepted his unjust plight’. This links to the idea Hayward discusses of a second phase of power which is the ability through the institutions you control to keep issues off the agenda and keep people from speaking about them.

Question 25

MLK

Positive peace
Positive peace is a situation where there is a presence of justice, a concept closely associated with MLK JR who described positive peace as a state ‘in which all men will respect the dignity and worth of all human personality’. This is achieved through a process of disobedience and protest against the unjust laws that target and oppress black citizens, and, for MLK Jr, would be the result of his policy of non-violent political action adopted by the SCLC.

Answer 25

Positive peace is the presence of justice - ‘in which all men will respect the dignity and worth of all human personality’. This is achieved through a process of disobedience and protest against the unjust laws that target and oppress black citizens.

Question 26

MLK

Non-violent Political Action
This form of political action, while non-violent, is confrontational, disruptive and offensive. This was the tactic that Martin Luther King Jr proposed to protest racial segregation and discrimination in the South. The Southern Christian Leadership Conference engaged in four steps as part of this non-violent political action: investigation/identification of locations for campaigns and knowledge about the local situation; engaging in negotiation to try and meet with officials and get concerns addressed; self-purification of activists through intensive training sessions to prepare them for the emotional strength it would take to engage in non-violent resistance; and finally engaging in direct action after all other legal means had been attempted.

Answer 26

He wanted to always emphasise that it was non-violent but confrontational, disruptive, and would probably offend. The four steps of this for the Southern Christian Leadership Conference would be:
1. Investigate and identify different locations for campaigns for a period of time through black baptist churches. It was important to know accurately how the local political power structure was enforcing segregation, and what the local support on the ground would be like.
2. Engage in negotiation through letters, newspaper adverts. Try to meet with officials and get problematic laws appealed, and concerns addressed. It would only be after that political action would be considered.
3. Self-purification of supporters/activists through intensive training sessions. Kind understood the tremendous emotional strength that it took to engage in non-violent resistance.
4. Only then would they engage in direct action after all other legal means had been tried.

Question 27

‘A Call for Unity’
‘A Call for Unity’ is most closely associated with MLK JR and the SCLC. It advert taken by local pastors in a Birmingham newspaper, directed at black citizens and calling on them to renounce their association with King and the SCLC. The rhetoric was that they supported the cause but not the tactics, and that they urged the community to ‘unite locally in working peacefully for a better Birmingham’. Above all was an appeal for ‘law and order, and common sense’. It was also a general condemnation of King’s Birmingham campaign and the tactics of non-violent political action that he was encouraging people to engage in.

Answer 27

An advert taken by local pastors in a Birmingham newspaper, directed at black citizens and calling on them to renounce their association with King and the SCLC. The rhetoric was that they supported the cause but not the tactics, and that they urged the community to ‘unite locally in working peacefully for a better Birmingham’. Above all was an appeal for ‘law and order, and common sense’. It was also a general condemnation of King’s Birmingham campaign and the tactics he was encouraging people to engage in.

Question 28

Alabama Voting Literacy Test
This was a method used to block ‘less-educated’ citizens from voting after the Civil War amendments to the consitution introduced the equal right to vote. It is most closely associated with MLK Jr as it was used to maintain a system of racist discrimination. Alabama introduced the voting literacy test where state officials (at their discretion) could ask voters to take a test at the polling station before they cast their vote that was deliberately written to be almost impossible for the average citizen to pass. It was applied only to black citizens to reduce their voting power and allowed a permanent kind of electoral majority that could exercise political power to be voted in over several election cycles.

Answer 28

One aspect of the Civil War amendments to the constitution introduced the equal right to vote. To block ‘less-educated’ citizens from voting, Alabama introduced the voting literacy test where state officials (at their discretion) could ask voters to take this test at the polling station before they cast their vote. It was deliberately written to be almost impossible for the average citizen to pass, and then applied only to black citizens to reduce their voting power. Over several election cycles a permanent kind of electoral majority was voted in that could exercise political power.

Question 29

D’Arcy

Militancy
D’Arcy’s definition of militancy is ‘a grievance motivated, adversarial and confrontational direct action’. Militancy doesn’t necessarily reject violence, and involves law-breaking but resists arrest so violates the punishment proviso that theorists such as King and Rawls believed to be necessary to justify civil disobedience. It is not to persuade but to stage a confrontation to force your adversary to negotiate and resolve the dispute. It generates power through direct action in order to change the choices of the target group. There are four escalating types of militancy - defiance, disruption, destruction, and armed force. The more likely the political system is to not respond to the militant, the more likely they are to move up the scale.

Answer 29

Darcy defines militancy as ‘a grievance motivated, adversarial and confrontational direct action’. Militancy doesn’t necessarily reject violence, and involves law-breaking but resists arrest so violates the punishment proviso that King, Rawls etc thought was necessary to justify civil disobedience. It is not to persuade but to stage a confrontation to force your adversary to negotiate and resolve the dispute. It generates power through direct action in order to change the choices of the target group. There are four escalating types of militancy - defiance, disruption, destruction, and armed force. The more likely the political system is to not respond to the militant, the more likely they are to move up the scale.

Question 30

D’Arcy

Battle of Seattle

Answer 30

WTO set up in the 1990s. There was a succession of free trade agreements signed in the ’80s and ’90s that led to a rapid dropping of tariffs and a lot of national industries lost their manufacturing base because it became cheaper to do so in poorer countries. If states wanted low tariffs they would need a system in place in the international courts system that would punish states if they tried to engage in tariff mechanisms, which the WTO did. In 1999 the WTO met to discuss the next round of tariff reductions and free trade practices, and a coalition formed to protest this. Support came from a strand of right-wing republicans who were anti-free trade; traditional trade unionists (old left), opposing the impact on local industry and labour protections; an emerging green movement and the trouble free trade caused with states implementing protections for the environment; and the ‘new left’ who were pushing for democratisation of globalisation.
Protesters staged a demonstration that would block off the streets that the politicians would travel down to go from their hotels to the convention centre. The black bloc attacked and vandalised high-profile, name-brand stores. It broke down at some point into a riot and the WTO meeting was called off. The protesters didn’t set out to break the law but instead engaged in different tactics with the goal of a specific kind of disruption. They also breached through the agenda and got their issue being discussed in the mainstream media.

Question 31

D’Arcy

Defiance

Answer 31

This is essentially civil disobedience

Question 32

D’Arcy

Disruption

Answer 32

Occupations and other tactics that disrupt the normal operating of the system are effective and try and compel those in power to pay attention to the grievances of the group trying to engage with them.

Question 33

D’Arcy

Armed Force

Answer 33

Insurrection and revolution take a significant amount of organisation and levels of grievance so it is hard to achieve and should only be used a last resort.

Question 34

D’Arcy

Destruction

Question 35

D’Arcy

Sound Militancy
This is the idea that an action may be acceptable for a protester to take, but not only because it is justified. The protester may act within good reason but the action may not be justified or righteous. The two ‘criteria’ of sound militancy are will the action work, and is the action acceptable to other people. The concept was developed by D’Arcy and helps to understand the difference between an action being acceptable and being justified. For example, in cases where democracy is hampered, militancy may be sound. There are four principles for when military may be sound: opporunity, agency, autonomy and accountability.

Answer 35

This is where an action may be justified but that is not the only reason why it is acceptable for the protester to take that action. They act with good reason but the action may not be justified or righteous. The two aspects are will the action work, and is the action acceptable to other. Democracy is public autonomy, the governence of the people through inclusive, reason-guided public discussion. In cases where this is hampered, militancy may be sound. There are four principles for when military may be sound: opportunity, agency, autonomy and accountability. If an act of militant protest meets the four principles of D’Arcy’s criteria, then militancy is sound because it preserves democracy.

Question 36

D’Arcy

Opportunity Princple
This is the idea that militancy should create new opportunities to resolve grievances when attempts to do so are thwarted by those in the political system. It creates a new situation in which the issue can be resolved in a different way. This is proposed by D’Arcy as one of his criteria for sound militancy, where if an act of militant protest meets the criteria then it is sound because it is aiming to preserve democracy. This links closely to theories about power phases, especially Hayward’s writings on the second phase of power as it is not about persuading people to agree with your perspective but taking an off-the-agenda issue and bringing it on.

Answer 36

Militancy should create new opportunities to resolve grievances when attempts to do so are thwarted by those in the political system. It creates a new situation in which the issue can be resolved in a different way. This links closely to Hayward’s second phase of power as it is not about persuading people to agree with your perspective but taking an off-the-agenda issue and bringing it on.

Question 37

D’Arcy

Agency Principle

This is the idea that militancy should encourage the most directly effected people to take the lead in securing the resolution of their own greivances. Protest movements may attract many people sympathetic to the plight of others, but they should let those affected directly by the injustice take the lead in articulating what the demands should be and deciding what counts as fair resolution of their grievances. This is proposed by D’Arcy as one of his criteria for sound militancy, where if an act of militant protest meets the criteria then it is sound because it is aiming to preserve democracy.

Answer 37

Militancy should encourage the most directly effected people to take the lead in securing the resolution of their own greivances. Protest movements may attract many people sympathetic to the plight of others, but they should let those affected directly by the injustice take the lead in articulating what the demands should be and deciding what counts as fair resolution of their grievances.

Question 38

D’Arcy

Autonomy Principle
This is the idea that militancy should promote autonomy and enhance the power of the people to govern themselves through inclusive, reason-guided public discussion. The organisations in picking their actions should decide on them thorugh democratic processes within them. This is proposed by D’Arcy as one of his criteria for sound militancy, where if an act of militant protest meets the criteria then it is sound because it is aiming to preserve democracy. This is also known as pre-figurative politics where organisations aiming to be democratic and support greater freedoms, rights, inclusiveness etc should also engage in practices they want to promote in the long term.

Answer 38

Militancy should promote autonomy and enhance the power of the people to govern themselves through inclusive, reason-guided public discussion. The organisations in picking heir actions should decide on them thorugh democratic processes within them. This is also known as pre-figurative politics where organisations aiming to be democratic and support greater freedoms, rights, inclusiveness etc should also engage in practices they want to promote in the long term.

Question 39

D’Arcy

Accountability Principle

Question 40

D’Arcy

Democratic Standard
This outlines that one of the reasons a group is right to engage in militancy is if their opponent has acted undemocratically. D’Arcy proposes the democratic standard as another criteria alongside the four principles of militancy to determine whether a group is justified in engaging in militancy. This is democracy viewed in the deliberative democratic tradition where it is not just the practice of voting, but if people have the capacity to deliberate on the law and if the outcome is the result of that deliberation.

Answer 40

The reason a group is right to engage in militancy is if their opponent has acted undemocratically, where democracy is viewed in the deliberative democratic tradition where it is not just the practice of voting, but if people have the capacity to deliberate on the law and if the outcome is the result of that deliberation). What justifies militancy is where people in positions of power refuse to negotiate in good faith with the people who are affected negatively by their decision-making. So militancy becomes a part of the system of checks and balances for democracy.

Question 41

Nelson Mandela

The ANC
The ANC is the African National Congress, a South African political party formed to advocate for the rights of Black South Africans and to oppose institutionalised apartheid. Mandela joined the party in 1944 which was engaged in many kinds of civil disobedience protests from the 1930s-50s. There is strong association with Ghandi’s teachings as they saw his political campaign as a model for what they wanted to achieve in South Africa. After the Sharpesville Massacre of 1960 in which 69 black protesters were killed by authorities at a non-violent protest organised by the ANC, Mandela offered to set up a paramilitary wing called Umkhonto we Sizwe that engaged in a capmaign of sabotage until his arrest in 1963.

Answer 41

It often looked to the Indian struggle and the work of Gandhi as a template for resisting apartheid and bringing about an equal society. In 1944 Mandela joined this political party that was unable to stand for the South African Parliament but they lobbied for the abolition of apartheid. They were engaged in all kinds of non-violent civil disobedience protests from the 1930s-50s. Many of their early campaigns of the 1950s were modelled upon Gandhi’s campaigns of non-violence. The change for Mandela was the Sharpesville Massacre in 1960 of a non-violent protest organised by the ANC, killing 69 black protesters. This split the movement in half and Mandela offered to set up a paramilitary wing of the ANC which engaged in a campaign of sabotage over the next three years until Mandela is arrested in 1963. The wing was called Umkhonto we Sizwe - the tip of the spear/the spear of the nation.

Question 42

Nelson Mandela

Umkhonto we Sizwe
UWS is the paramilitary faction of the ANC. After the Sharpesville Massacre of 1960 in which 69 black protesters were killed by authorities at a non-violent protest organised by the ANC, Mandela offered to set up this paramilitary. The crucial disctinction from UWS and terrorist groups is that they used a tactic of sabotage that targeted objects rather than armed inssurection which Mandela was very strict about. Bombing was used to target buildings and equipment associated with apartheid which would destroy the infrastructure that upholds the oppressive system that they were opposed to. They also engaged in cold sabotage which used other methods to destroy things such as cutting power lines.

Answer 42

This is the paramilitary faction of the ANC that Mandela formed after the split in 1960. It translates to ‘the tip of the spear/the spear of the nation’. They engaged not in armed inssurection against people but used a tactic of sabotage. The crucial distinction from terrorist groups was objects and things not people which Mandela was very strict about. The primary tactic was bombing and the primary target was buildings and equipment associated with apartheid. They engaged in 200 bombing campaigns over 3 years. They also engaged in cold sabotage which did things other than bombing for example cutting power lines, other methods to break things.

Question 43

Nelson Mandela

Apartheid
Apartheid in South Africa was the legal regime set up by the white minority which made up around 5-10% of the population at the policy was in place. It was a system of social stratifiaction based on race, intended to limit the right to vote, determine where you could live, what jobs you could have and where you ccould travel. This regime was the greatest motivation for the ANC as when the National Party government came to power in 1948, their central purpose became to oppose Apartheid. However, the ANC were unable to stand candidates for parliament as a result, but instead campaigned and lobbied against the system until its dismantling in 1990.

Answer 43

Legal regime set up btw white south african majority, 5-10% population at the time. Only white people permitted to vote for parliament and that minority proceeded over first half of 20th century to implement racial segregation laws. Intended to limit right to vote, determine where you could live, what jobs you could have, and where you could travel.
ANC unable to stand candidates for parliament as a result but campaigned and lobbied against apartheid.
Social stratification based on race.

Question 44

Nelson Mandela

Sabotage
Sabotage is defined as non-lethal violence against infrastructure, intended to disrupt and destroy the means of production and communication in society as a way to weaken an institution. People who engage in sabotage generally try to conceal their identity, and examples of activity include cutting power lines, breaking machinery, and burning/bombing important buildings. The logic is that institutions function through ‘things’, so sabotage results in both economic cost on the organisation to replace what is lost, and a struggle for the institution to function due to the damage. Additionally, the action draws attention to the political cause. While it is a method of persuasion, the key difference of sabotage from disobedience is that it breaks objects rather than breaking the law. Umkhonto we Sizwe, the paramilitary wing of the ANC, engaged in a campaign of sabotage 1960-63 to protest apartheid, primarily through a tactic of bombing buildings important to the institution.

Answer 44

Non-lethal violence against infrastructure intended to disrupt and destroy the means of production and communication in society as a way to weaken an institution. Institutions function through things, buildings, power etc.
They try to conceal identity and not §get caught.
Key difference btw disobedience because not breaking laws but breaking things.
1. Economic cost on the organisation to replace
2. Damage the things needed to function which makes it harder to do so
3. Action draws attention to the political cause and sabotage often makes it clear the group responsible.

There are two reasons. 1 - disruptive action, everytime a building was targeted it would end up in the news and would get a lot of attention then people would realise this group exists. 2 - destroy the infrastructure of the organisation they are opposed to.

Question 45

Nelson Mandela

Rivonia Trial
This was the trial in 1963 of Nelson Mandela and other members of the UWS on the charges of treason and terrorism. This was significant because terrorism was a life sentence, but treason could result in the death penalty. In spite of this, Mandela represented himself in court and decided not to contest the charges, arguing that this would give legitimacy to the state and legitimise apartheid in itself. This is similar to the MLK’s idea of just and unjust laws and the political obligation to break the law, as Mandela believed he was justified in engaging in sabotage because the South African apartheid system was deeply unjust.

Answer 45

Police raided the UWS’s headquarters in Rivonia and arrested Mandela and several other members. They are put on trial, charged with multiple things one being terrorism, and treason which was significant because it could get you the death penalty. As a lawyer, he did the two things you are not supposed to do, which is represent himself in court, and not contest the charges because that would give legitimacy to the state and legitimise apartheid in itself. Links to the idea of just and unjust laws, as he believes he is justified in breaking the law because the South African apartheid system is injust. Instead at the beginning of the trial he made the ‘I am prepared to die speech’.

Question 46

Nelson Mandela

‘I am prepared to die’ Speech
This is the speech that Mandela made during the opening statement of the Rivonia Trial of 1963-64 where he represented himself and refused to contest the charges of treason and terrorism against him. The last line of the speech is ‘I am prepared to die’, which is essentially him declaring that he did what he did because the system is unjust, and that he is willing to let the state put him to death for the cause. This echoes the teachings of Gregg, Ghandi, and MLK of being prepared to take the pain and the punishment for fighting for a cause, and using the actions of the oppressors for the benefit and the progress of the movement. This action was recognised by the judge who sent him to prison rather than the death sentence and making him a martyr for the cause.

Answer 46

Last line is ‘i am prepared to die’ - i’m not going to contest the charges, i did it because the system is unjust, a cause i believe in and i’m willing to let you put me to death.
like mlk’s theory of non violend direct action and also ghandi’s and gregg’s teachings of being prepared to take the pain and the punishment and the opposition and using it for the movement. recognised by the judge who decided not to make him a martyr.

Question 47

British Raj is the name for the political rule of India after the uprising against the East India Company in 1857 to secure the economic assets from the country. Multiple political movements grew under the British Raj pushing for independence, especially due to the extent of deaths and suffering experienced by the Indian people since then. One important event was the Amritsar Massacre of 1919 which is often seen as the political catalyst for the independence movement that Gandhi took over in later years. The non-violent nature of his teachings and campaigns were a direct result of the British violence committed against the Indian people.

Question 48

Gandhi

Hind Swaraj
There are two aspects to this definition. Hind Swaraj means Home Rule and is the name of the compilation of articles written by Gandhi during his time in South Africa and travelling through the villages of India for newspapers. These reflections were Gandhi’s message to an audience about pushing for Home Rule and devolution. The second aspect is Gandhi’s focus on ‘swaraj’ meaning self-governance, as he was not particularly interested in Indian nationalism. He wanted the Indian people to transform their mindset, as through spiritual self-transformation, Home Rule would be achieved. Spiritual swaraj is freedom from greed, covetousness, and importantly, a desire to dominate others. This philosophy shaped the independence movement that he led to capaign for freedom from British rule.

Answer 48

His political activism began in the context of fighting for rights of indian citizens of SA btw 1893-1915. Twds end of time in SA he writes for newspaper in India, task is to call for ‘Indian Home Rule’.
HR - not for independence, one of the ways countries decolonise is threough a process of inc leg power to the colony over time. Didn’t want to be a completely indpendent state but own elected parliaments that indians voted for. Gandhi pushing for devolution.
writes a set of essays in newspapers in india beginning while in SA then walks around India gathering stories and writes reflections.
These articles are combined into a book called Hind Swaraj it means Indian home rule.
Gandhi is not interested in Indian nationalism, but more focused on ‘swaraj’ which is more about self-governance, which refers to the nation and the self
His point is to write to the audience and get them to transform the way we are and through spiritual self transformation home rule will be brought about.
Spiritual swaraj is freedom from greed, covetousness and importantly a desire to dominate others.

Question 49

Satyagraha
Satyagraha translates to soul force or truth force. It sees the politics of liberation as a trasnforming of the agent’s self and, for Gandhi, the renunciation of violence gives agency to those without it. He doesn’t believe in the use of non-peaceful action against an unjust cause, nor that the ends justifies the means. To him, if violence is used to achieve independence the end result will be one of political violence and a tyranny will rule after indpendence is won. The only way the cycle of violence stops is to renounce it and adopt a policy of satyagraha. Soul force specifically is the refusal to do something repugnant to your conscience; and refusing to follow an unjust law, accepting the penalty, and disrupting the government’s operation which will be transformational over time.

Answer 49

soul force or truth force. contrast to Fanon, they both see the politics of liberation as transforming the agent’s self, but for fanon its the act of violence gives the agency but renunciation of violence that does this for Gandhi.
For gandhi ‘ends justifies the means’ is a mistake, just bc the cause is just the actions aren’t justified if they’re not peaceful.
If you use vio to achieve independence the end result will be one of political violence, a tyranny that rules after winning independence.
States that won decolonisation through armed conflict or independence are virtually all military dictatorships because the military won power and they don’t have the skills to govern democratically.

Question 50

Greensboro sit in
This was a repetitive campaign of disruption by the Greensboro Four in 1960 who operated independently of other significant Civil Rights movements. They visited sgregated establishments and restaurans and asked to be served in spite of this. They wouldbe asked to leave, refuse, and then be removed by the police. This campaign attracted crowds and national media attention which encouraged other sutdent groups across the country to start doing similar campaigns. Sometimes there were acts of violence committed against these people along with threats of intimidation and harassment, but eventually many major department store chains relented their segregation policies, and it led to the inclusion in the civil rights act of specific legislation against segregation/discrimination in restaurants and other businesses that traded with the public. It is a significant example of the tactic of disruption and how it can be successful in political movements to stop the normal operating of the system to the extent that those in power will be compelled to consider the position of the protesters.

Answer 50

In NC 1960. Repetetive campaign of black protesters visiting segregated restaurants/establishments and asking to be served by the Greensboro four independent of other significant movements. They would be asked to leave, refuse, and then be removed by the police. This campaign often drew crowds and attracted national media attention, encouraging other student groups across the south started doing similar campaigns. Sometimes there were acts of violence committed against these people along with threats of intimidation and harassment. Eventually many major department store chains relented their segregation policies and it led to the inclusion in the civil rights act of specific legislation against segregation/discrimination in restaurants and other businesses that traded with the public.
Occupations and other tactics that disrupt the normal operating of the system are effective and try and compel those in power to pay attention to the grievances of the group trying to engage with them.

Question 51

information persuasion model of protest

Epistemic power relationship
Social epistomolgy is the idea that our knowledge is sustained through social relations, so the way society is structured will reflect in what is known or accepted. Hayward develops the idea of the epistemic power relationship in a society, the shaping of one by the other which determines what is know by what news is covered and what information is shared, for example. The Fatal Force project in 2015 understood this relationship in relation to the recording of killings by police officers, so used publically available data to track this number and make it known in society. Police killings then became a phenomenon in the public conscience, whereas before there was no awareness of such a thing as a concept.

means relating to knowledge

Answer 51

Disruption is not about information but breaking the epistemic power relationship. This is a social epistomolgy, our knowledge is sustained through social relations, if society is structured in a certain way things that are seen as true or false will reflect that, so knowledge is strongly related to systems of power.
So you can’t simply persuade peoople because their beliefs are shaped by the world, so the point of disruption is to break that power relationship in a few ways.

Power shapes knowledge - social power determines what is known eg what news is covered, what information is shared.
Fatal Force project used understanding of this 2015 and began using publically available data to track the number of people killed by the police because of the lack of national data base for police killings.

Question 52

Epistemic Disruption
Epistemic disruption is based on the epistemic power relationship in society–the idea that power shapes knowledge, and vice versa. Hayward develops this idea to look at successful forms of resistance in a society structured around motivated ignornace. It manifests latent conflict, thus bringing it to the surface and forcees members of dominant grouops to take sides. In addition to this, it forces that which is held off the agenda on to the agenda, which the Fatal Force Project did in 2015 by recording data on police killings which was previously off the agenda. The resulting change in the political agenda enables suboridante actors to negotiate to the politically powerful, with a view of enacting change.

Answer 52

Protest involves the witholding of cooperation.
Epistemic disruption brings latent conflict to the surface and manifests it, and forces members of dominant groups to take sides. It forces that which is held off the agenda on to the agenda.
The resulting change in the political agenda enables suboridante actors to negotiate to the politically powerful, with a view of enacting change.

Question 53

Motivated ignorance
Motivated ignorance is an idea developed by Hayward looking at resistance in epistemic power structures that combines motivated reasoning and willful ignorance. Motivated reasoning states that hardwired to seek out information that confirms our prior beliefs and we tend to discount information that contradicts our views, meaning political persuasion is very hard because of this. Willful ignorance is the attempt to avoid liability or a subjected sense of guilt and it is unsettling to accept information that tells us we are wrong, bad etc. Motivated ignorance holds epistemic power relationships in place. The public tries to ignore things that are uncomfortable about their situation, so disruption forces us in the moment to pay attention to something we would otherwise ignore.

Answer 53

Disruptive tactic is not to persuade people in the restaurant or the general public but force people to confront motivated ignorance.
It is a combination of motivated reasoning and willful ignorance.
People are hardwired to seek out information that confirms our prior beliefs and we tend to discount information that contradicts our views, so political persuasion is very hard because of this.
Willful is the attempt to avaid liability or a subjected sense of guilt and it is unsettling to accept information that tells us we are wrong, bad etc.
Motivated ignorance holds epistemic power relationshiops in place. The public tries to ignore things that are uncomfortable about their situation, so disruption forces us in the moment to pay attention to something we would otherwise ignore.

Question 54

Second Face of Power

Answer 54

The ability to keep a topic off the agenda and stop people talking about it. The way to overcome that power is to force it onto the agenda somehow.

Question 55

Social view of power
The social view of power argues that, rather than power-over where dominant tells subordinate what to do, power runs both ways in society as elites need subordinates to comply in order to exercise power. This theory is crucial to Hayward’s model of disruption towards epistemic power structures. Majority of people in a power hierarchy have more power than they think but often don’t exercise it. Understanding of this is reflected in the actions of the Greensboro Four and other similar groups who realised that mass disruption is an efficient method for challenging segregation/oppressive power structures.

Answer 55

Power is often thought of in the sense of power-over, where dominant tells subordinate what to do. However social pwoer argues power runs both ways in socieity as elites need subordinates to comply in order to exercise power. A boss needs workers to follow commands because otherwise it disrupts the workplace. Even if people are in a power heirarchy they have more power than they think but they often don’t exercise it. If, on mass, black residents in the south constantly challenged rules on segregation, it would cause mass disruption. So people in a subordinate position can withold power from the elites.

Question 56

Uncivil disobedience
Uncivil disobedience is lawbreaking due to deep moral motivation held because the political system is engaged in something the agent believes to be an extreme politically or morally intolerable action. This theory is developed by Delmas who refers to disobedience (civil or uncivil) as ‘principled disobedience’ and challenges a lot of assumptions and criteria held by Rawls and his definition of civil disobedience. Acts of uncivil disobedience are cover, evasive, anonymous, and violent/offensive.

Answer 56

She argues that there is actually a moral obligation to engage in uncivil disobedience. Rather than ‘civil’ or ‘uc’ it is better to think about the idea of principled disobedience. There is a deep moral motivation and law is broken because the pol system is engaged in extreme politically or morally intolerable action.
These acts are covert, evasive (no punishment provisio), anonymous, violent or offensive. This challenges assumptions that Rawls makes about the civil rights movement.

Question 57

Duty to obey

Answer 57

This is the case against uncivil disobedience that says violates our political obligation and moral duty to obey the law. However, Delmas argues that in citizens’ basic right to political participation is embedded the moral right to disobedience. Principled disobedience may also be better than complying with the law, and Delmas believes that our concept of political obligation should be expanded to include duties to resist injustice through disobeying the law.

Question 58

Undermines Rule of Law

Answer 58

This is the case against uncivil disobedience that it violates our political obligation and moral duty to obey the law. It is often said that any disobedience sows anarchy and invites violence, but Delmas, along with others, believe that it can instead strengthen it. She relies on the instance of government whistlebowling to argue that disobedience of this nature that fails to adhere to norms of civility exposes serious abuses and thus promotes the rule of law.

Question 59

Challenges Democracy

Answer 59

This is the case against uncivil disobedience that says it erodes democratic authority and undermines conditions for the democratic concord. However, many theorists have argued that civil disobedients often protest precisely a lack of democracy, and Delmas believes that this can be applied to uncivil disobedience too. A historic example of this is the Suffragette Movement which escalated from civil to uncivil disobedience to assert political agency and protest democratic exclusion. According to her, ‘concern’ for democracy should be a viable moral prohibition against principled disobedience.

Question 60

Undermines Civic Friendship

Answer 60

The argument is that uncivil disobedience is the less appealing choice of resistance because civility is a moral duty in liberal democracy. Rawls writes that ‘resistance cuts the ties of community’, but Delmas disagrees in many circumstances and uncivil disobedience can instead expose a pre-existing lack of civic friendship. She highlights conditions where the majority may be bound by civic friendship but it is actually an illusion for oppressed minorities.

Question 61

Walden Pond

Question 62

Rose Parks

Question 64

Montgomery Bus Boycott

Question 65

Jim Crow Laws