Better Definitions

Question 1

Fanon

Manichaeism

Answer 1

Manichaeism is about the struggle of being caught between a ‘good’ and a ‘bad’ and comes from the belief in the ancient world called ‘mani’ that revolves around the duality of god—one good and bad that were equally powerful. It is most closely associated with the works of Fanon as he understood politics in Manichaen terms and a struggle between ‘us’ and ‘them’. It is closely connected with structural racism and the European imperial project as racial Manichaeism endorsed the idea that Europeans were justified is colonising other countries. It also links to the 19th century idea of the ‘white man’s burden’—that white peoples were morally superior and so had the responsibility to go to other countries and conquer them so they could be managed better.

Question 2

Fanon

Mani

Answer 2

Mani refers to the belief in the ancient world of the duality of god - one good, one bad, equally powerful and human life was caught in a struggle between the two. It is most closely associated with Fanon who discusses Manichaeism and how it relates to racism and the anti-colonial struggle in Algeria. In this context, it connects to theories of racial manichaeism developed by Fanon to support decolonisation efforts and explain why Europeans believed they were justified in colonising other countries.

Question 3

Fanon

Dialectic

Answer 3

Dialectics are pairs of opposite concepts that, by existing, necessarily presuppose their opposite, meaning that all ideas operate in binaries. The idea was proposed by Hegel who believed that human history was merely a resolving of ideas in a dialectic way, and is closely associated with Fanon as this was his answer to the aspect of de-colonisation concerned with undoing Manichaen ideology. It therefore connects to the theory of racial Manichaeism.

Question 4

Dialectice of Colonial Violence

Answer 4

The initial act of colonisation creates a binary of violence, so the dialectic is the negation of the violence of colonisation by the violent response of the natives resolving into something new. This idea was proposed by Fanon when looking at the binary of the settler and the native and the literal dividing line of legal categories of people in colonial states, as neither group can exist without the other. It’s foundation is in Hegel’s theories of dialectics and connects also to ideas of the white man’s burden where white people are inherently and naturally superior to non-white people.

Question 5

Four Stages of Native Violence

Answer 5

The four stages of native violence are: minor resistance and apolitical acts of deviancy that provide people with the first steps of agency; acts of collective, spontaneous resistance, still without clear political intention; repressive violence from authorities to clamp down with liklihood of militarisation; and a sense of national cohesion that results from that, as violence is perceived by the natives to be part of the solution to occupation. Fanon proposed these stages as part of the cycle of escalation of anti-colonial dissent. The theory of dialectics is important when looking at the stages of native violence as, for Fanon, each action generates a reaction on the opposite side, and then a reaction, and so on. This connects to the theory of the dialectic of colonial violence to explain the conflict between settler and native and emphasises how natural such a thing is in a colonial system of structural and racial harm towards the oppressed.

Question 6

Decolonisation

Answer 6

Decolonisation is the response to political occupation and the reworking of society by the imperial power that results from that. It necessarily entials both removing of the formal political power and the restructuring of society in such a way that the native population can regain agency and rebuild their culture/society. Decolonisation is most closely associated with Fanon and he is potentially the first philosopher/scholar to use the term. It is suitably linked with the theory of dialectics, especially the dialectic of colonial violence, as decolonisation is the result of the negation of the binary of settler violence and native violence.

Question 7

Arendt

Power vs Violence

Answer 7

This is the claim that political power and violence are complete opposites. This claim was founded by Hannah Arendt who believes that the idea that ‘power grows out of the barrel of a gun’ is completely backwards. a person is politically weakest when they have to resort to violence to get their way. Real political power, however, comes when the threat of violence is not necessary to get people to do what they want.

Question 8

Arendt

Political Action

Answer 8

To Arendt, this is simply people going out and actively participating in politics. To her, the most significant aspect of politics is that it consists of the fact that ‘men’, not ‘man’ inhabit the earth - politics happens because people are different and see the world differently. This is strongly rooted in the theory of natality in politics. While these differences result in political struggles, they are generative of solutions, and the conflict of politics is actually where freedom lies. The consequence of no political action is that people end up having no agency, and the political system feeds into a small group of elites in power.

Question 9

Arendt

Natality

Answer 9

There are two aspects to the term ‘natality’ when it comes to political action which are important to Arendt’s writings in ‘On Violence’. The first is that if each person is different, then each new birth brigns new perspective, feelings and demands, so society has the ability to renew itself and the way it is structured. Secondly, the core of politics is the idea of starting something new. Most political movements happen because someone wants to try something different, because they find something they deem to be intolerable and try to change it. This connects to Arendt’s definition of political action, as to her, the most significant aspect of politics is the fact that all of our differences cause political conflict which is generative of solutions. The conflict of politics is where freedom lies.

Question 10

Arendt

Initiation

Answer 10

Initiation in the context of political action and protest is the idea that the only time change occurs is when someone takes the intiative and if other people agree and follow it. One example of this is the initiative taken by Rosa Parks when she refused to follow segregation laws which led to the Montgomery Bus Boycott. This idea is important to Arendt as the power comes when someone takes action in such a way that other people are encouraged to follow along. This connects to the theory of power being the opposite of violence as political change is built in complete absence of violence by the protestors.

Question 11

Arendt

The New Left

Answer 11

As opposed to the old left that was grounded in labour and organised through the trade-union movement, the New Left grew out of the political breakthorughs after WWII around ideas of a strong welfare state and was fuelled by the rise of identity politics, the Civil Rights Movement, and the Feminist Movement to name a few. ‘The New Left’ is most closely associated with Arendt as she is quite critical of it. The movements associated with the New Left push for progress and reform, not on the axis of economic equality like its predecessor but rather expanding rights or ending discrimination because of identity. Arendt takes issue with this because to her it is not political enough, focusing on interests and not action as people join them because the movement will give them something in return. This links to the theorisation around what ‘politics’ is, and reflects Arendt’s definition of the term as collective action and collective deliberation.

Question 12

Gregg

Counter Modernity

Answer 12

To counter modernity is part of Gregg’s policy of non-violence. He believes that using violence to ahcieve something is a myth founded in the modern western belief system, meaning modernity is founded on a philosophy of violence. He believes we must change non-violently and deeply the motives, functions and institutions of society. Therefore, a policy of non-violence would be used to counter our modern ideas and acceptance of violence. It connects to Gregg’s theories of power-over and power-with, and the rejection of the former for the latter.

Question 13

Gregg

Definition of Violence

Answer 13

According to Gregg who has a very expansive understanding of violence, it is any act, motive, thought, active feeling, or outwardly directed attitude that is divisive in nature or result in respect to emotions or innter attitude, that is inconsistent with spritiual unity’. This definition reflects Gregg’s complete rejection of violence in any form as he believed thought patterns of anger at even small inconveniences are what he considers violent dispositions that respond to disturbances with anger, fear and emnity. It closely links with Ghandi’s theories of duragraha and satyagraha, as these violent dispositions are a representation of the former, contrasting with the latter.

Question 14

Gregg

Power-with

Answer 14

Power-with is the idea that power comes from how you interact with other people, and that we have more power working collectively together with others. This is one of Gregg’s theories of power, as he believes in the importance of intersubjective interaction with and for each other in cooperative ways. To him, no one is an isolated individual and we are always part of a community which is where we can draw power from and give power to. This contrasts with the theory of power-over which is closely associated with violence, force and control.

Question 15

Gregg

Power-Over

Answer 15

Power-over is the idea that ‘I have power if I can coerce other people into doing what I want’; violence and domination are often predicated on this false belief. This is one of Gregg’s theories of power, as he equates power-over with brute force or control over insturments of violence. To him, power-over hinges on a false belief that humans are independent, insecure and incapable of organisation. It is very similar to Arendt’s idea of force, and contrasts Gregg’s theory of power-with which emphasises the value of community.

Question 16

Gregg

Banyan Tree

Answer 16

In the context of non-violence, the image of the Banyan Tree is associated with a policy of satyagraha (truth force) as it has multuiple trunks that grow and interweave with numerous interrelated branches. Ghandi developed this idea to emphasise that one’s entire life must be made up of a weaving of non-violent branches, civil disobdeince is one branch, and the other two important branches are satya and ahisma.

Question 17

Gregg

Constructive Programmes

Answer 17

These are non-violent communities engaged in collective self-government and have participatory democracy and dispute resolution, developed by Gregg. It relates to Ghandi’s idea of the ashram which was central to his ideology because it resulted in a spiritual transformation of the attitudes and mindset of people from something individualistic and insecure, to something focused on community and self-discipline.

Question 18

Gregg

Voluntary Simplicity

Answer 18

Voluntary simplicity is a reorientation of one’s life into something non-violent that is rebuilt more in accordance with nature and the natural order of things. This idea was developed by Gregg to encourage the value of community, and is heavily connected to his constructive programmes and Gandhi’s ashrams. Furthermore, it links to Thoreau’s emphasis on departing from society to live a life of simplicity.

Question 19

Gregg

Moral Jiu-Jitsu

Answer 19

Moral Jiu-Jitsu is a rethinking of non-violence that uses an opponent’s violence or anger against them, the same way that martial arts focus on using an opponent’s flows of energy against them. Gregg developed this idea because if someone is being violent, they are expecting violence in return, and the natural instinct is to resist in kind. However, this can justify the adversary’s actions but responding with non-violence disarms the opponent because they are thrown off balance. It connects with the theory of satyagraha and living a life of non-violence despite what may be thrown at you.

Question 20

Gregg

Psychology of Non-Violence

Answer 20

This is the understanding that part of non-violence is withstanding the initial discomfort and allowing the opponent to burn themselves out. An assailant will lose moral certainty if their victim doesn’t respond, and bystanders will be convinced as to who is in the wrong if they see someone being violent to a passive opponent. Gregg developed this theory from the idea that violence is driven by anger and is actually very exhausting. The surprising response of the victim makes the attacker’s mind susceptible to their influence and overthrows their violence. It is strongly connected with moral jiu-jitsu which uses non-violence to disarm the opponent.

Question 21

Gregg

Psychology of Violence

Answer 21

This is the understanding that violence is driven by anger and is actually very exhausting. This theory was developed by Gregg who believes that cruelty is a complex of fear, anger and pride. As well as that, greed is a distorted desire for security and completion. To him, it is a fear of lack, and violent personalities are very insecure and weak. This connects with Gregg’s theory of power-over which looks at the use of force, violence and coercion by insecure people to get what they want.

Question 22

MLK

Just Laws vs Unjust Laws

Answer 22

The concept of just and unjust laws was developed by MLK Jr from the natural law theory. Natural law tradition says that justice doesn’t come from human law but reflects the natural law of the universe. Positive laws are creaed instead by human institutions. King says there is something beyond the written laws of a state that is justice and if those two are out of allignement then injustice prevails. If positive law matches natural law it is a just law, but if the two contradict the law is unjust. It is therefore possible for something to be legal and unjust, such as segregation laws in the context of MLK.

Question 23

MLK

Negative Peace

Answer 23

Negative peace is a situation where there is merely an ‘absence of tension’, where there are no protests or visible dissent despite the presence of injustice. An example of this would be black citizens in the South accepting their mistreatment under Jim Crow law. It is closely associated with MLK JR who spoke of situations ‘in which the Negro passively accepted his unjst plight’. This links to the theory Hayward discusses of a second face of power, whcih is the ability through the institutions you control to keep issues off the agenda and keep people from speaking about them.

Question 24

MLK

Positive Peace

Answer 24

Positive peace is a situation where there is a presence of justice, a concept closely associated with MLK JR who described positive peace as a state ‘in which all men will respect the dignity and worth of all human personality’. This is achieved through a process of disobedience and protest against the unjust laws that target and oppress black citizens, and, for MLK Jr, would be the result of his policy of non-violent political action adopted by the SCLC.

Question 25

MLK

Non-Violent Politica/Direct Action

Answer 25

This form of political action, while non-violent, is confrontational, disruptive and offensive. This was the tactic that Martin Luther King Jr proposed to protest racial segregation and discrimination in the South. The Southern Christian Leadership Conference engaged in four steps as part of this non-violent political action: investigation/identification of locations for campaigns and knowledge about the local situation; engaging in negotiation to try and meet with officials and get concerns addressed; self-purification of activists through intensive training sessions to prepare them for the emotional strength it would take to engage in non-violent resistance; and finally engaging in direct action after all other legal means had been attempted.

Question 26

MLK

‘A Call for Unity’

Answer 26

‘A Call for Unity’ is most closely associated with MLK JR and the SCLC. It advert taken by local pastors in a Birmingham newspaper, directed at black citizens and calling on them to renounce their association with King and the SCLC. The rhetoric was that they supported the cause but not the tactics, and that they urged the community to ‘unite locally in working peacefully for a better Birmingham’. Above all was an appeal for ‘law and order, and common sense’. It was also a general condemnation of King’s Birmingham campaign and the tactics of non-violent political action that he was encouraging people to engage in.

Question 27

MLK

Alabama Voting Literacy Test

Answer 27

This was a method used to block ‘less-educated’ citizens from voting after the Civil War amendments to the consitution introduced the equal right to vote. It is most closely associated with MLK Jr as it was used to maintain a system of racist discrimination. Alabama introduced the voting literacy test where state officials (at their discretion) could ask voters to take a test at the polling station before they cast their vote that was deliberately written to be almost impossible for the average citizen to pass. It was applied only to black citizens to reduce their voting power and allowed a permanent kind of electoral majority that could exercise political power to be voted in over several election cycles.

Question 28

D’Arcy

Militancy

Answer 28

D’Arcy’s definition of militancy is ‘a grievance motivated, adversarial and confrontational direct action’. Militancy doesn’t necessarily reject violence, and involves law-breaking but resists arrest so violates the punishment proviso that theorists such as King and Rawls believed to be necessary to justify civil disobedience. It is not to persuade but to stage a confrontation to force your adversary to negotiate and resolve the dispute. It generates power through direct action in order to change the choices of the target group. There are four escalating types of militancy - defiance, disruption, destruction, and armed force. The more likely the political system is to not respond to the militant, the more likely they are to move up the scale.

Question 29

D’Arcy

Sound Militancy

Answer 29

This is the idea that an action may be acceptable for a protester to take, but not only because it is justified. The protester may act within good reason but the action may not be justified or righteous. The two ‘criteria’ of sound militancy are will the action work, and is the action acceptable to other people. The concept was developed by D’Arcy and helps to understand the difference between an action being acceptable and being justified. For example, in cases where democracy is hampered, militancy may be sound. There are four principles for when military may be sound: opportunity, agency, autonomy and accountability.

Question 30

D’Arcy

Opportunity Principle

Answer 30

This is the idea that militancy should create new opportunities to resolve grievances when attempts to do so are thwarted by those in the political system. It creates a new situation in which the issue can be resolved in a different way. This is proposed by D’Arcy as one of his criteria for sound militancy, where if an act of militant protest meets the criteria then it is sound because it is aiming to preserve democracy. This links closely to theories about power phases, especially Hayward’s writings on the second phase of power as it is not about persuading people to agree with your perspective but taking an off-the-agenda issue and bringing it on.

Question 31

D’Arcy

Agency Principle

Answer 31

This is the idea that militancy should encourage the most directly effected people to take the lead in securing the resolution of their own greivances. Protest movements may attract many people sympathetic to the plight of others, but they should let those affected directly by the injustice take the lead in articulating what the demands should be and deciding what counts as fair resolution of their grievances. This is proposed by D’Arcy as one of his criteria for sound militancy, where if an act of militant protest meets the criteria then it is sound because it is aiming to preserve democracy.

Question 32

D’Arcy

Autonomy Principle

Answer 32

This is the idea that militancy should promote autonomy and enhance the power of the people to govern themselves through inclusive, reason-guided public discussion. The organisations in picking their actions should decide on them thorugh democratic processes within them. This is proposed by D’Arcy as one of his criteria for sound militancy, where if an act of militant protest meets the criteria then it is sound because it is aiming to preserve democracy. This is also known as pre-figurative politics where organisations aiming to be democratic and support greater freedoms, rights, inclusiveness etc should also engage in practices they want to promote in the long term.

Question 33

D’Arcy

Democratic Standard

Answer 33

This outlines that one of the reasons a group is right to engage in militancy is if their opponent has acted undemocratically. D’Arcy proposes the democratic standard as another criteria alongside the four principles of militancy to determine whether a group is justified in engaging in militancy. This is democracy viewed in the deliberative democratic tradition where it is not just the practice of voting, but if people have the capacity to deliberate on the law and if the outcome is the result of that deliberation.

Question 34

Mandela

ANC

Answer 34

The ANC is the African National Congress, a South African political party formed to advocate for the rights of Black South Africans and to oppose institutionalised apartheid. Mandela joined the party in 1944 which was engaged in many kinds of civil disobedience protests from the 1930s-50s. There is strong association with Ghandi’s teachings as they saw his political campaign as a model for what they wanted to achieve in South Africa. After the Sharpesville Massacre of 1960 in which 69 black protesters were killed by authorities at a non-violent protest organised by the ANC, Mandela offered to set up a paramilitary wing called Umkhonto we Sizwe that engaged in a capmaign of sabotage until his arrest in 1963.

Question 35

Mandela

Umkhonto we Sizwe

Answer 35

UWS is the paramilitary faction of the ANC. After the Sharpesville Massacre of 1960 in which 69 black protesters were killed by authorities at a non-violent protest organised by the ANC, Mandela offered to set up this paramilitary. The crucial disctinction from UWS and terrorist groups is that they used a tactic of sabotage that targeted objects rather than armed inssurection which Mandela was very strict about. Bombing was used to target buildings and equipment associated with apartheid which would destroy the infrastructure that upholds the oppressive system that they were opposed to. They also engaged in cold sabotage which used other methods to destroy things such as cutting power lines.

Question 36

Mandela

Apartheid

Answer 36

Apartheid in South Africa was the legal regime set up by the white minority which made up around 5-10% of the population at the policy was in place. It was a system of social stratifiaction based on race, intended to limit the right to vote, determine where you could live, what jobs you could have and where you ccould travel. This regime was the greatest motivation for the ANC as when the National Party government came to power in 1948, their central purpose became to oppose Apartheid. However, the ANC were unable to stand candidates for parliament as a result, but instead campaigned and lobbied against the system until its dismantling in 1990.

Question 37

Mandela

Sabotage

Answer 37

Sabotage is defined as non-lethal violence against infrastructure, intended to disrupt and destroy the means of production and communication in society as a way to weaken an institution. People who engage in sabotage generally try to conceal their identity, and examples of activity include cutting power lines, breaking machinery, and burning/bombing important buildings. The logic is that institutions function through ‘things’, so sabotage results in both economic cost on the organisation to replace what is lost, and a struggle for the institution to function due to the damage. Additionally, the action draws attention to the political cause. While it is a method of persuasion, the key difference of sabotage from disobedience is that it breaks objects rather than breaking the law. Umkhonto we Sizwe, the paramilitary wing of the ANC, engaged in a campaign of sabotage 1960-63 to protest apartheid, primarily through a tactic of bombing buildings important to the institution.

Question 38

Mandela

Rivonia Trial

Answer 38

This was the trial in 1963 of Nelson Mandela and other members of the UWS on the charges of treason and terrorism. This was significant because terrorism was a life sentence, but treason could result in the death penalty. In spite of this, Mandela represented himself in court and decided not to contest the charges, arguing that this would give legitimacy to the state and legitimise apartheid in itself. This is similar to the MLK’s idea of just and unjust laws and the political obligation to break the law, as Mandela believed he was justified in engaging in sabotage because the South African apartheid system was deeply unjust.

Question 39

Mandela

‘I am prepared to die’ Speech

Answer 39

This is the speech that Mandela made during the opening statement of the Rivonia Trial of 1963-64 where he represented himself and refused to contest the charges of treason and terrorism against him. The last line of the speech is ‘I am prepared to die’, which is essentially him declaring that he did what he did because the system is unjust, and that he is willing to let the state put him to death for the cause. This echoes the teachings of Gregg, Ghandi, and MLK of being prepared to take the pain and the punishment for fighting for a cause, and using the actions of the oppressors for the benefit and the progress of the movement. This action was recognised by the judge who sent him to prison rather than the death sentence and making him a martyr for the cause.

Question 40

Gandhi

British Raj

Answer 40

British Raj is the name for the political rule of India after the uprising against the East India Company in 1857 to secure the economic assets from the country. Multiple political movements grew under the British Raj pushing for independence, especially due to the extent of deaths and suffering experienced by the Indian people since then. One important event was the Amritsar Massacre of 1919 which is often seen as the political catalyst for the independence movement that Gandhi took over in later years. The non-violent nature of his teachings and campaigns were a direct result of the British violence committed against the Indian people.

Question 41

Gandhi

Hind Swaraj

Answer 41

There are two aspects to this definition. Hind Swaraj means Home Rule and is the name of the compilation of articles written by Gandhi during his time in South Africa and travelling through the villages of India for newspapers. These reflections were Gandhi’s message to an audience about pushing for Home Rule and devolution. The second aspect is Gandhi’s focus on ‘swaraj’ meaning self-governance, as he was not particularly interested in Indian nationalism. He wanted the Indian people to transform their mindset, as through spiritual self-transformation, Home Rule would be achieved. Spiritual swaraj is freedom from greed, covetousness, and importantly, a desire to dominate others. This philosophy shaped the independence movement that he led to campaign for freedom from British rule.

Question 42

Gandhi

Satyagraha

Answer 42

Satyagraha translates to soul force or truth force. It sees the politics of liberation as a trasnforming of the agent’s self and, for Gandhi, the renunciation of violence gives agency to those without it. He doesn’t believe in the use of non-peaceful action against an unjust cause, nor that the ends justifies the means. To him, if violence is used to achieve independence the end result will be one of political violence and a tyranny will rule after indpendence is won. The only way the cycle of violence stops is to renounce it and adopt a policy of satyagraha. Soul force specifically is the refusal to do something repugnant to your conscience; and refusing to follow an unjust law, accepting the penalty, and disrupting the government’s operation which will be transformational over time.

Question 43

Hayward

Greensboro Sit-In

Answer 43

This was a repetitive campaign of disruption by the Greensboro Four in 1960 who operated independently of other significant Civil Rights movements. They visited sgregated establishments and restaurans and asked to be served in spite of this. They wouldbe asked to leave, refuse, and then be removed by the police. This campaign attracted crowds and national media attention which encouraged other sutdent groups across the country to start doing similar campaigns. Sometimes there were acts of violence committed against these people along with threats of intimidation and harassment, but eventually many major department store chains relented their segregation policies, and it led to the inclusion in the civil rights act of specific legislation against segregation/discrimination in restaurants and other businesses that traded with the public. It is a significant example of the tactic of disruption and how it can be successful in political movements to stop the normal operating of the system to the extent that those in power will be compelled to consider the position of the protesters.

Question 44

Hayward

Social View of Power

Answer 44

The social view of power argues that, rather than power-over where dominant tells subordinate what to do, power runs both ways in society as elites need subordinates to comply in order to exercise power. This theory is crucial to Hayward’s model of disruption towards epistemic power structures. Majority of people in a power hierarchy have more power than they think but often don’t exercise it. Understanding of this is reflected in the actions of the Greensboro Four and other similar groups who realised that mass disruption is an efficient method for challenging segregation/oppressive power structures.

Question 45

Hayward

Epistemic Power Relationship

Answer 45

Social epistomolgy is the idea that our knowledge is sustained through social relations, so the way society is structured will reflect in what is known or accepted. Hayward develops the idea of the epistemic power relationship in a society, the shaping of one by the other which determines what is know by what news is covered and what information is shared, for example. The Fatal Force project in 2015 understood this relationship in relation to the recording of killings by police officers, so used publically available data to track this number and make it known in society. Police killings then became a phenomenon in the public conscience, whereas before there was no awareness of such a thing as a concept.

Question 46

Hayward

Epistemic Disruption

Answer 46

Epistemic disruption is based on the epistemic power relationship in society–the idea that power shapes knowledge, and vice versa. Hayward develops this idea to look at successful forms of resistance in a society structured around motivated ignornace. It manifests latent conflict, thus bringing it to the surface and forces members of dominant groups to take sides. In addition to this, it forces that which is held off the agenda on to the agenda, which the Fatal Force Project did in 2015 by recording data on police killings which was previously off the agenda. The resulting change in the political agenda enables suboridante actors to negotiate to the politically powerful, with a view of enacting change.

Question 47

Hayward

Motivated Ignorance

Answer 47

Motivated ignorance is an idea developed by Hayward looking at resistance in epistemic power structures that combines motivated reasoning and willful ignorance. Motivated reasoning states that we are hardwired to seek out information that confirms our prior beliefs and we tend to discount information that contradicts our views, meaning political persuasion is very hard because of this. Willful ignorance is the attempt to avoid liability or a subjected sense of guilt and it is unsettling to accept information that tells us we are wrong, bad etc. Motivated ignorance holds epistemic power relationships in place. The public tries to ignore things that are uncomfortable about their situation, so disruption forces us in the moment to pay attention to something we would otherwise ignore.

Question 48

Delmas

Uncivil Disobedience

Answer 48

Uncivil disobedience is lawbreaking due to deep moral motivation held because the political system is engaged in something the agent believes to be an extreme politically or morally intolerable action. This theory is developed by Delmas who refers to disobedience (civil or uncivil) as ‘principled disobedience’ and challenges a lot of assumptions and criteria held by Rawls and his definition of civil disobedience. Acts of uncivil disobedience are cover, evasive, anonymous, and violent/offensive. She argues that there is actually a moral obligation to engage in uncivil disobedience against unjust or immoral actions.

Question 49

Delmas

Duty to Obey

Answer 49

This is the defence against uncivil disobedience that it violates our political obligation and moral duty to obey the law. However, Delmas argues that in citizens’ basic right to political participation is embedded the moral right to disobedience. Principled disobedience may also be better than complying with the law, and Delmas believes that our concept of political obligation should be expanded to include duties to resist injustice through disobeying the law.

Question 50

Delmas

Undermines Rule of Law

Answer 50

This is the case against uncivil disobedience that says it violates our political obligation and moral duty to obey the law. It is often said that any disobedience sows anarchy and invites violence, but Delmas, along with others, believe that it can instead strengthen it. She relies on the instance of government whistlebowling to argue that disobedience of this nature that fails to adhere to norms of civility exposes serious abuses and thus promotes the rule of law.

Question 51

Delmas

Challenges Democracy

Answer 51

This is the case against uncivil disobedience that says it erodes democratic authority and undermines conditions for the democratic concord. However, many theorists have argued that civil disobedients often protest precisely a lack of democracy, and Delmas believes that this can be applied to uncivil disobedience too. A historic example of this is the Suffragette Movement which escalated from civil to uncivil disobedience to assert political agency and protest democratic exclusion. According to her, ‘concern’ for democracy should be a viable moral prohibition against principled disobedience.

Question 52

Delmas

Undermines Civic Friendship

Answer 52

The argument is that uncivil disobedience is the less appealing choice of resistance because civility is a moral duty in liberal democracy. Rawls writes that ‘resistance cuts the ties of community’, but Delmas disagrees in many circumstances and uncivil disobedience can instead expose a pre-existing lack of civic friendship. She highlights conditions where the majority may be bound by civic friendship but it is actually an illusion for oppressed minorities.