DEA by social class - sociologists Flashcards
What did Douglas argue?
Parental interest and education.
Found working-class parents showed less interest in their children’s education (e.g., less likely to attend parents’ evenings), which negatively affected performance.
Argues that cultural factors (e.g., attitudes, values) are key — not just material poverty.
What did Sugerman argue?
Developed the idea of working-class subculture.
Argued working-class culture is characterized by:
Fatalism (belief that outcomes are fixed)
Immediate gratification (preferring short-term rewards over long-term goals)
Present-time orientation
These values act as a barrier to educational success compared to the middle-class emphasis on deferred gratification and future planning.
What did Bourdieu argue?
Cultural capital: Middle-class families pass on knowledge, language skills, tastes, and cultural experiences that align with the school system.
Social capital: Networks and connections that give access to opportunities (e.g., internships, private tutors).
Economic capital: Material resources.
Argued that schools value middle-class culture, so working-class students are at a disadvantage.
Education reproduces class inequalities by rewarding those with cultural capital.
What did Sullivan argue?
Built on Bourdieu’s work using empirical data.
Found that students with greater cultural capital (e.g., reading complex books, engaging in cultural activities) performed better at GCSEs.
Found that even when material deprivation was accounted for, cultural capital still had a strong effect on achievement.
What did Gewirtz argue?
Focused on marketisation of education and parental choice.
Identified three types of parents:
Privileged-skilled choosers (middle-class, high cultural and social capital)
Disconnected-local choosers (working-class, less informed, rely on local schools)
Semi-skilled choosers
Argued middle-class parents are better equipped to navigate school choice due to greater social and cultural capital.
What did Feinstein argue?
Early childhood development and how social class impacts achievement from a young age.
Key argument: Children from lower social classes often start school already behind in terms of cognitive development due to material deprivation and lack of access to enriching experiences.
Found that middle-class children who performed poorly at age 3 often overtook working-class children who performed well, due to different levels of parental support and cultural capital.
Evaluation of Feinstein.
-Critics argue he may overemphasise the role of parenting without fully acknowledging systemic inequalities in education (e.g., funding, school quality).
Doesn’t explore how schools themselves reproduce inequality.
Evaluation of Douglas
Some say Douglas blames working-class parents for lack of interest, ignoring the pressures of poverty (e.g., long working hours, stress).
Doesn’t consider institutional bias or school-based factors.
Evaluation of Sugerman
Seen as deterministic — assumes all working-class people share the same values.
Ignores diversity within the working class and the influence of external structures like the education system itself.
Evaluation of Bourdieu
Some argue Bourdieu’s ideas are theoretical and hard to measure in practice.
Doesn’t fully explain how working-class students can still succeed despite lacking cultural capital (e.g., resistant learners or “success against the odds”).
Evaluation of Sullivan
Although more scientific than Bourdieu, it still doesn’t fully capture school-level influences like teacher expectations, streaming, or institutional racism.
Evaluation of Gertwiz
Doesn’t explore deep-rooted cultural attitudes or internal school processes as much.
More focused on parental choice than what actually happens within schools.
