Contention and Institutions in International Politics (lecture 10) Flashcards
this paper argues that
mass-based transnational social movements are hard to construct, are difficult to maintain, and have very different relations to states and international institutions than more routinized international NGOs or activist networks
questions around declining Westphalian state
- is this cyclical (meaning that states will be renewed, get higher capacity)
- is this gap filled by forms of nonterritorial institutional governance?
- is it providing space for social movements and other nongovernmental forms of collective action
- is it a combination of all three?
three cautions / lessons from history
- states remain dominant in most areas of policy (e.g. domestic security + borders)
- transnational organizations and contention appeared well before globalization, thus their increase must rely on mechanisms other than today’s version of economic interdependence
- social movements, transnational networks, and NGOs are not the only agents operating transnationally (states play a key international role)
realist paradigm IR
IOs are merely instruments of governments, and therefore unimportant in their own right
world politics paradigm (alternative to the realist paradigm)
- introduced by Nye and Keohane
transnational activity: contacts, coalitions, and interaction across state
boundaries that are not controlled by the central foreign policy organs of governments
later definition of them = transnationalism: international activities of nongovernmental actors
transgovernmental actors (Nye and Keohane)
sub-units of governments on those occasions when they act relatively autonomously from higher authority in international politics
international organizations (Keohane and Nye)
multilevel linkages, norms, and
institutions between governments prescribing behavior in particular situations
unfortunately narrowing effects Keohane and Nye
- most scholars focused mainly on transnational economic relations and on multinational corporation -> little attention to political and humanitarian transnational organizing
- they only recognized transnational contention under narrow heading of the diffusion of ideas and attitudes (disjuncting it from international pluralism)
- emphasis on free-wheeling transnational interaction -> impression that transnational activity occurs at the cost of states
international pluralism (Keohane and Nye)
the linking of national interest groups in transnational structures, usually involving transnational organizations for purposes of coordination
from the old transnationalism to the new transnationalism
- sociological institutionalism
- domestic structures and transnational relations
- the normative turn
they helped provide a bridge between international relations and the field of contentious politics
sociological institutionalism - Meyer and the Stanford School
Transnational isomorphism: Institutions and norms are observed in widely dispersed parts of the world
Meyer detached this phenomenon from capitalism, he saw it as part of a global process of rationalization
Meyer + Stanford school mostly focused on mapping isomorphism rather than understanding the mechanism of diffusion
mostly focus on commonalities of norms and institutions across states
- less contribution to understanding of social mechanisms and political processes that connect actors transnationally
domestic structures and transnational relations - Risse-Kappen
main focus on domestic structures
Risse-Kappen revived attention to transgovernmental politics (beyond economics: institutions)
brought two changes:
1. attempted to deal with the intersection between transnational relations and domestic structure
2. advanced a more normatively charged concept of transnational relations
“Under similar
international conditions, differences in domestic structures determine the variation
in the policy impact of transnational actors”
-> to gain impact, transnational actors must gain access to the political system of their target state and then contribute to winning policy coalitions
3 main weaknesses ‘‘domestic structure’’ argument of Risse-Kappen
- extremely generic: including elements as general as political culture, openness and pluralism
- couldn’t predict why some transnational actors succeed while others fail in the same context
- made no clear distinctions between different types of transnational actors
the normative turn + possible drawbacks
norm = standard of appropriate behavior for actors with a given identity
idea that norms have an autonomous role in structuring international debate + interests are formed by learning, norm diffusion and identity shift
potential drawbacks:
- considerable amount of transnational activity is driven by material interests
- it isn’t always clear where norms are lodged
- assumption of normative consensus is challenged by the often-contested nature of international norms
- if norms are more than the result of contingent coalitions of interest, it will have to be shown that they are actually translated into state policies
it is good at mapping changes in world culture, but not in understanding them
creative work that has grown out of normative turn
- Transnational normative consensus can result in international agreements capable of constraining state behavior
- International normative agreements could create political opportunities for domestic actors living under governments which would otherwise be reluctant to tolerate dissidence
- Even where international normative consensus was lacking, strong states could endow international institutions with the authority to enforce behavior consistent with these norms
- Norms could contribute to the construction of new identities, which in some cases could bridge national identities, providing a normative basis for transnational coalitions or principled issue networks