Chapter Eight: Middle Level Research Flashcards

1
Q

What are some problems with archaeology as a historical science? (3)

A
  • archaeological sites contain only material remains
  • behavior is inferred from these remains and not directly observed
  • not a “precision” science; we can never know the “precise” motives of past human behavior
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2
Q

What is uniformitarianism? (2)

A
  • J. Hutton and C. Lyell formulated the principle that processes shaping the earth’s surface today have operated throughout the geological past
  • observations of the contemporary world provide info to make inferences about the past from observations on archaeological objects
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3
Q

What are the problems with many inferences or multiple competing hypotheses? (4)

A
  • equifinality: an outcome resulting from several different processes
  • example: explanations for why mammal forelimbs are often missing from archaeological faunal assemblages associated with habitation sites
  • several “if…then” bridging statements are needed for each hypothesis
  • these are the archaeological expectations or predictions step in the scientific method
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4
Q

What does middle-level research do?

A

attempts to bridge the gap between material remains and the behaviors that left them behind and is usually done through modern analogy

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5
Q

What is analogy? (5)

A
  • form of logic through which one establishes the equivalence of two things that cannot be directly compared
  • formal analogies are analogies justified by similarities in form between archaeological and ethnographic cases; strengthened by several cases providing a pattern of behavior
  • example: H. heidelbergensis Middle Pleistocene use of wooden spears for hunting
  • relational analogies based on close cultural continuity between ethnographic and archaeological cases or close casual links between the two
  • example: Ancient Puebloan kivas compared with Hopi kivas
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6
Q

How does middle-level theory serve as a powerful analogy? (2)

A
  • happens when casual necessary links can be made between the present and past
  • constructed through taphonomy, experimental archaeology, and ethnographic analogy
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7
Q

What is taphonomy? (3)

A
  • study of how organisms became part of the fossil record
  • archaeology expanded this to include how natural processes produce patterns observed in the archaeological record
  • very key in understanding site formation processes because it considers how human behaviors and natural processes incorporate bones and plants into sites
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8
Q

How do human behaviors and natural processes incorporate bones and plants into sites? (4)

A
  • decomposition, disarticulation, and dispersal of large animal carcasses
  • raptor pellets or carnivore/herbivore feces
  • packrat behavior
  • geomorphological processes
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9
Q

Describe the Hudson-Meng Bonebed Site.

A

In northeastern Nebraska, L. Agenbroad excavated 500 bison with 21 spear points and dated the bone bed to 9500 carbon-14 (10,700 cal) BP

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10
Q

What patterns were observed at the Hudson-Meng Bonebed, and on what did archaeologists base their inferences? (2)

A
  • pattern observed: bones buried in low swale with skull tops missing
  • inferences based on ethnographic analogy
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11
Q

What inferences were formed at the Hudson-Meng Bonebed? (4)

A
  • humans present to remove brains to tan hides
  • hunting strategy where bison driven off a cliff, dragged to a processing location
  • large group of hunters
  • mean of food shortage
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12
Q

How would you characterize Agenbroad’s inferences at Hudson-Meng with regards to analogy? Are there elements of both formal and relational analogy present? (2)

A
  • formal due to similarity of bison skull form and ethnographically-documented butchering practices
  • relational because it extrapolated behaviors of Plains Indians, since the site is presumed to represent Plains Indian ancestors
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13
Q

Are Agenbroad’s inferences at Hudson-Meng middle-level theory, yet? Explain. (2)

A
  • did not demonstrate the bridging argument that missing skull caps = brain harvesting
  • could natural processes have led to the patterns observed?
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14
Q

What are some troubling facts of Hudson-Meng, compared with other bison kill sites in the region? (3)

A
  • few points for so many bison
  • no cut marks on bones and only carnivore tooth marks
  • most bison were lying there undisturbed
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15
Q

How did Lawrence Todd and David Rapson approach Hudson-Meng? (3)

A
  • revisited site for renewed excavations from a taphonomic perspective
  • found several buried soils with artifacts above the bison
  • question: how do dead bison fall apart?
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16
Q

According to taphonomic studies in Africa, how do large animal carcasses fall apart naturally after death? (3)

A
  • natural death assemblages showed collapse in place with gradual disarticulation of the forelimbs and tail; forelimbs and vertebrae separate
  • skeleton lies flat on the ground with the skull raised slightly
  • skulls are last to become buried and rapidly erode
17
Q

What did Todd and Rapson conclude about Hudson-Meng? (3)

A
  • prairie fire drove bison into the swale where they died natural death
  • through time, spear points and other artifacts discarded at this point
  • slow burial of the remains led to the skull caps eroding completely in the sun of the Plains
18
Q

How did taphonomy and uniformitarianism work together at Hudson-Meng? (4)

A
  • incomplete crania resulted from sun exposure and weathering, not brain tanning
  • taphonomic studies of how large animal carcasses today decay and become disarticulated, buried and weathered provide middle-level theory
  • Principle of Uniformitarianism applies here; the ancient bison had the same basic anatomy as the modern-day fauna observed by Hill and Beyrensmeyer
  • analogy can be made with a powerful inference
19
Q

What is experimental archaeology? (3)

A
  • experiments designed to determine the archaeological correlates of ancient behavior; may help overlap with both ethnoarchaeology and taphonomy
  • useful in establishing how things might have been made or worked in the past
  • first experimental archaeology: Ishi and Saxton Pope’s “Hunting with the Bow and Arrow”
20
Q

What were the raw materials involved in flintknapping? (2)

A
  • rocks with a glassy fracture such as obsidian, chert, or quartzite
  • procurement requires searching and extracting the raw material
21
Q

What is heat-treatment in flintknapping?

A

process by which the flintknapping properties of stone tool raw materials are improved by subjecting the material to heat

22
Q

What are cores in flintknapping?

A

objective pieces of stone that are worked or “knapped”

23
Q

What are flakes in flintknapping?

A

thin, sharp sliver of stone removed from a core during the knapping process

24
Q

According to Don Crabtree, what are Folsom fluted points?(2)

A
  • flute: wide, shallow, longitudinal groove on each face of the point, formed by removal of one or more flakes from the point’s base
  • channel flakes: longitudinal flake removed from the faces of Folsom and Clovis Points to create the flute
25
Q

How do archaeologists perform experimental archaeology?

A

they use replicative experiments in several ways and with a variety of methods

26
Q

Describe replicative experiments with regards to Folsom points. (3)

A
  • Folsom point manufacture is difficult and risky
  • fluting results in high breakage rates
  • the precise reason for fluting is still unknown
27
Q

What role does uniformitarianism play in experimental archaeology?

A

uniformitarianism elements present, but sometimes experimental archaeology only tells us what was possible/impossible, not exact technique used or precise method to the outcome

28
Q

What are a couple examples of experimental archaeology? (2)

A
  • monumental architecture

- microwear: minute evidence of use damage on surface and working edges of a stone tool

29
Q

What is ethnoarchaeology? Provide a case study. (5)

A
  • study of contemporary peoples to determine how human behavior is translated into the archaeological record
  • L. R. Binford and the Nunamiut Inuit; 1970s ethnoarchaeological project
  • interested in better understanding humans in periglacial settings
  • F. Bordes: different tool types = different tribes/cultures
  • Nunamiut left behind products of varied behaviors, not different cultures or “tribes;” seasonal use of sites, distances to camps, transportation, amount of food in camp, weather, etc.
30
Q

Describe the case study of R. Kelly in Madagascar. (3)

A
  • goal: explore levels of nomadism archaeologically
  • Mikea: nomadic people in southwestern Madagascar who grow maize and manioc, raise cattle, and do dome hunting and gathering
  • Mikea live in four major settlement types, differing based on length of stays
31
Q

What are the 4 major settlement types of the Mikea? (4)

A
  • permanent villages: wattle-and-daub houses
  • forest hamlets: house w/ shade structure
  • seasonal hamlets: very expedient houses
  • temporary forest camps: lean-tos
32
Q

What variables were recorded in R. Kelly’s study of the Mikea’s settlements? (3)

A
  • trash distribution
  • # of postholes per house
  • features outside houses
33
Q

What role does uniformitarianism play in ethnoarchaeology? (3)

A
  • case study: Ian Hodder’s ethnoarchaeological research of two Sudanese horticulturalist groups
  • similarities in house types, places where activities take place, but ways of treating trash was totally different
  • uniformitarianism difficult here
34
Q

Why was uniformitarianism misleading in Hodder’s ethnoarchaeological research? (3)

A
  • human behavior is not mechanical and can be culturally-based
  • technologies, resources, and hence human response change through time
  • should be provisionally used to set up hypotheses to test