Chapter 7 (Lecture) Flashcards

1
Q

what is nosology?

A

The study of how medicine classifies illnesses

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2
Q

Nosology classification methods

A
  • one method of classification is by cause - often used for physical/medical illnesses, but difficult to use in mental health (due to lack of biomarkers)
  • DSM concentrates on symptoms and clusters of symptoms (rather atypical in medicine)
  • mental disorders are classified according to symptoms (the patterns of thoughts, moods, and behaviours) that people exhibit
  • this is a descriptive or symptom-based approach: key assumption is that symptom typical of a particular disorder stem from the same underlying condition (or disorder) - this has been the approach since the DSM-III (1980)
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3
Q

Symptom-based classification

A

two key issues that represent a challenge to this approach to classification include:
1. symptom overlap
2. heterogeneity

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4
Q

What is Symptom Overlap?

A

some symptoms (like anhedonia) are common to many mental illness (like schizophrenia, MDD) - some are especially common (anxiety/tension)

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5
Q

What is heterogeneity?

A

Individuals with the same diagnosis may display very different symptoms and present differently (wide variety of symptoms for each disorder)

  • DSM criteria usually require only some of the noted criteria (MDD diagnosis based on 5/9 potential markers)
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6
Q

Implications of symptom-based classification

A
  1. symptom overlap - poses a challenge in discerning the dividing lines between different mental disorders (are the distinctions accurate or meaningful?)
    - may cause us to question definitions and distinctions between disorders
  2. heterogeneity - diversity of presentations/behaviours/symptoms makes it difficult to explain behaviours and determine the best treatments
    - Diagnoses are short-hand (like a label) and sometimes approximate: given range of symptoms and variation, are these two cases or individuals experiencing the same disorder?
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7
Q

OCD and PTSD are both similar and different

A
  • distinct disorders, separate chapters in the DSM-5, different core symptoms that differ meaningfully
  • some underlying similarities (anxiety, worry, fear)
  • described by same DSM-5 committee, which also was responsible for anxiety
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8
Q

What is OCD?

A

OCD can be described as a manifestation of anxiety revolving around obsessive and intrusive thoughts
- widely misunderstood, partially due to media depictions

Two primary components:
1. Obsessions: disruptive, anxiety producing thoughts and/or mental images - uncontrollable thoughts - common themes related to contamination, sex, religion, precision violence, harm
2. Compulsions: repetitive actions or thoughts which are performed in order to help relieve anxieties stemming from obsessions - these could be repetitive cleaning, counting, checking on things
- when severe, can prevent individuals from completing normal routines, and can result in serious impairment

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9
Q

OCD prevalence and tendencies

A
  • estimated to affect 1-3% of US population
  • OCD often thought as chronic (or persistent) - lasting throughout a person’s lifetime, rather than being episodic
  • people with OCD may avoid people, places, things that trigger obsessive thoughts (avoidance is part of the disorder, similar to anxiety)
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10
Q

What is PTSD?

A

Similar to OCD due to the intense sensations of anxiety and tension (but not the same at all)
- typically arises following a single traumatic event or repeated trauma over a period of weeks, months, or years (diverse route to emergence)
- these events involve experiencing or witnessing severe harm, injury, danger, or death
- symptoms brought on by trauma, including second-hand experience of trauma (a loved one experiencing trauma)
- we are familiar with combat-related PTSD, but accidents, abuse, and violent crime can also trigger PTSD (a wider range of experiences are now understood to be traumatic)

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11
Q

PTSD Symptoms

A
  • “dissociative” episodes (flashbacks, nightmares) associated with triggers
  • nightmares
  • negative moods
  • sleep disruption
  • constantly feeling tense
    Reliving trauma is a key component, which may bring on or intensify symptoms
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12
Q

Similarities between OCD and PTSD

A
  • anxiety (symptoms of worry or fear)
  • attempts to avoid triggers (avoidance)
  • OCD may also manifest following experiences of trauma (or may emerge independently)
  • similar treatments for both: psychotherapy (CBT) and exposure-based therapies
  • both are similar to anxiety, and were previously grouped within anxiety disorders in earlier DSM editions
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13
Q

Differences between OCD and PTSD

A
  • core features are distinct: obsessions and compulsions are very different experiences than “flashbacks”
  • OCD is not always triggered by a traumatic incident
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14
Q

Somatic symptom and related disorders

A
  • These two disorders involve concerns about one’s health, substantial anxiety, excessive worry, rumination (repetitive thinking or dwelling on negative feelings and distress) and avoidance
    Somatic Symptom Disorder: describes individuals who have anxiety and/or a fixation on somatic symptoms such as headache and pain
  • was previously “conversion disorder” (distress or internal conflict “converted” into physical dysfunction) before that “hysteria”
  • people may or may not have a diagnosis for a physical illness that is causing their symptoms
  • the diagnosis of this disorder is related to an “excessive and abnormal” psychological reaction to the physical symptoms
    Illness Anxiety Disorder: this disorder is characterised by excessive worry about the possibility of becoming ill, previously known as hypochondriasis
  • “easily alarmed about personal health status” may perform excessive health-related behaviours (checking for signs of illness)
  • may extensively use health system, but concerns are rarely alleviated through care/visits, often feel medical assessments has been inadequate
  • may be extra-sensitive to bodily sensations, including more likely to report side effects of medications

Both of these disorders demonstrate that there is a complex link between physical and mental health, and raise some interesting questions:
1. Who determines when health concerns are “excessive”?
Traditionally it is a clinical, but what about the patient perspective?
2. Might these diagnoses pathologies people who have medically unexplained illnesses?
Perhaps there is a real medical condition at the root of the symptoms but it is not yet discovered or known

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15
Q

Clinical Perspectives (positivist and constructivist)

A

Study of assumptions about knowledge are often based on two broad frameworks:

  1. Positivist Framework: sees scientific knowledge as always improving, assumes that we can acquire concrete knowledge about a topic using technology and reason (THERE IS AN OBJECTIVE TRUTH)
  2. Constructivist Perspective: sees knowledge as fluid and contextual. Our understanding of a phenomena is influenced by our social position and experiences. Our decisions about what to study and how we think about it are influenced by culture, politics, scientific trends, and other factors (“TRUTH” IS SUBJECTIVE, AND DEPENDENT UPON SOCIAL CONTEXT AND EXPERIENCE, AND WILL EVOLVE/CHANGE)
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16
Q

Epistemology

A

The study or a theory of the nature and grounds of knowledge especially with reference to its limits and validity

  • ways of looking at or knowing the world
  • what counts as valid knowledge, as “truth”
  • rules for knowing things about the world
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17
Q

Positivism

A
  • strongly associated with natural sciences (think physics)
  • one reality/truth exists (there is an objective external reality)
  • reality can be measured objectively and accurately
  • concerned with verifiable observation and measurement, prediction and control
  • assumptions reduce complexity and context - tends to fragment human experiences
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18
Q

Positivism –> Post-positivism

A
  • increased acknowledgement of (and ability to deal with) complexity/context
  • increased recognition of social construction and subjectivity
  • increased opposition to positivism and critiques from: feminist research, social justice research, indigenous ways of knowing and knowledge/perspectives
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19
Q

Post-Positivism

A
  • all observations is fallible and has error
  • all theory is revisable
  • still a goal to capture reality/truth but recognition that we can never really get there
  • all scientists are biased but through transparency can approach the goal of objectivity
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20
Q

constructivism

A
  • all understanding is constructed by humans in social interaction with each other
  • multiple meanings are possible
  • aim: understanding these constructions and how they are produced (language, interactions, symbolism, structures)
  • employing a social science perspective
  • even science (or medicine) is cultural knowledge system, constantly evolving and subject to social influences
21
Q

Post-positivist quantitative research designs

A

Strategies of inquiry: surveys and experiments
Methods: close-ended question, predetermined approaches, numeric data
Practices of research:
- tests or verifies theories or explanations
- identifies variables to study
- relates variables in questions or hypothesis
- uses standards of validity and reliability
- observes and measures numerically
- uses approaches believed to be “unbiased”
- employs statistical procedures

22
Q

constructivist qualitative research designs

A

Strategies of inquiry: phenomenology, grounded theory, ethnography, case study (not medical cases)
Methods: open-ended questions, emerging approaches, text or image data
Practices of Research:
- positions self in relation to research/study
- generates data on participant meanings
- focuses on a whole concept or phenomenon
- brings personal values into the study
- studies the context of participants lives
- validates the accuracy of findings
- makes interpretations of the data
- creates an agenda for change
- collaborates with research participants

23
Q

two perspectives on knowledge and scientific understanding, and the underlying assumptions (epistemology) in relation to mental health

A
  • positivism or post-positivism: mental illness is objective and concretely knowable, and its true nature will be discovered in the future, resolving debates about diagnosis and treatment
  • constructivism: mental health and illness can only be understood in relation to social context, and what is agreed upon as truth today will change with time - and scientific consensus will be influenced by evolving evidence, socio-cultural forces, scientific trends, and changing research funding priorities

in the field of mental health:
- the constructivist or contingent nature of knowledge is evident in the evolving nature of diagnostic criteria and definitions of mental disorders in each new version of the DSm (disorders removed or redefined, new ones added, criteria revised)

This highlights how scientific understanding and medicine is not truly an objective “truth” but rather an evolving cultural system of knowledge
- there are numerous examples of how scientific understanding is revolutionised at varying points in history, illustrating the role of cultural and social influences upon science and knowledge

24
Q

Sex differences in OCD

A

males more affected in childhood
females slightly more affected in adulthood

25
Q

Debating OCD symptom dimensions

A

People with OCD have wide variations in their symptoms (extensive heterogeneity in focus of both obsessions and compulsions)
- may have one individual obsessed about contamination and compelled to clean, another plagued with intrusive thoughts about harm displaying compulsives “checking” rituals
This raises the questions: should the disorder be further divided into “subtypes”?
- if there are distinct subtypes this could mean that causes, level of functioning, and treatment options might be different for each

26
Q

Should the disorder be further divided into “subtypes”?

A

Schizophrenia was previously diagnosed using “paranoid” and “catatonic” subtypes, highlighting how overarching symptoms (delusions) are shared but behaviour may differ widely - this is now conceptualised differently in the DSM-5 as it was argued subtypes could not be reliably diagnosed
- “checking” type of OCD may be different from subtypes focused on “contamination” or “symmetry” - and subtypes may benefit from specific treatments

27
Q

Researchers disagree about how and whether OCD should be divided into subtypes - should classification of subtypes be categorical or dimensional?

A
  • “subtype” implies a single discrete category, but many people with OCD have symptoms which would fall into more than one subtype category
  • infrequent that individuals have only one subtype of symptom (e.g., only checking, or only symmetry-related behaviours)
  • “symptom dimension” approach recognises that it is possible to have several types of symptoms (representing potential subtypes) at varying levels of severity
  • this suggests “symptom dimension” may be more accurate than symptom type or subtype (may be too simplified)
28
Q

How to define what constitutes a dimension of a symptom?

A

Research on OCD symptom dimensions frequently uses and relies upon the Yale-Brown Obsessive Compulsive Scale: deemed to be the most comprehensive symptom checklist
- 7 types of obsessions (aggressive, contamination, sexual, hoarding, religious, symmetry, and somatic)
- 6 types of compulsions (cleaning, checking, repeating, counting, ordering, and hoarding)
- conceptual issue/concern: categories (to date) are not based on empirical evidence, but rather on clinical experiences/researchers assumptions (rationally rather than empirically derived)

29
Q

Debating OCD symptom dimensions

A

Autogenous vs reactive symptoms model (internal vs external triggers): there is evidence for differences between these groups, but clinical value is unclear
- autogenous symptoms: self-generated triggers (sexual or aggressive thoughts)
- reactive symptoms: réponse to external stimuli (triggers regarding contamination or symmetry)

Core dimension model: defines dimensions based on symptom theme - the focus or content of the obsessions and compulsion
- allows for possibility of heterogeneity of symptoms, yet still identifies core or key dimensions in classification of OCD, two examples:
1. harm avoidance motivation (leads to checking believed to ensure safety, like checking smoke alarms or locks)
2. fear of incompleteness (actions or intentions have not been correctly achieved)

Is OCD one condition w many different variations, or is it actually multiple disorders?
Should the DSM break up OCD into not just subtypes but different disorders?
- improved symptoms measures, larger samples of patients, and investigation of alternative models (like the core dimensions model) can help solve these questions

30
Q

Diagnostic criteria for PSTD include:

A
  • direct or indirect experience of a traumatic event
  • two defining symptoms of PTSD include hyperarousal (being highly vigilant and alert) and re-experiencing of events related to the trauma
31
Q

PSTD and its dissociative subtype

A

Some people w PSTD experience dissociation
Dissociation: psychobiological defence mechanism where normal integration of consciousness, memory, identity, perception, emotion, body representation, motor control and behaviour is disturbed
- temporary psychological escape in times of extreme trauma or stress
- symptoms of dissociation include: disengagement, emotional construction, depersonalisation (feeling outside own body), derealisation (feeling things around you are strange and unfamiliar), and identity dissociation
- about 15-30% of people w PSTD experience symptoms of dissociation - they may be diagnosed with PTSD-DS (dissociative subtype)

  • there is research evidence supporting this distinction, including difference in duration and severity of the illness, differences in brain activity (imaging studies), and correlations with severity and type of trauma
  • also associated with greater disease severity, more comorbidities, and greater illness burden
  • it is thought that the severity of PSTD-DS is in part due to the cognitive impairment associated with dissociation
32
Q

Difficulties associated with dissociation and cognitive impairment of PTSD-DS include:

A
  • lowered attention, memory, executive function
  • poorer social cognition
  • poorer treatment response (especially with exposure-based treatment)
    individuals without a psychiatric diagnosis who have dissociative symptoms also show functional deficits
33
Q

more on PTSD-DS

A
  • some researchers do not believe that PTSD-DS is a meaningful distinction in diagnosis (little difference stemming from subtype) - and argue including the subtype in the DSM-5 was a mistake
  • some studies do NOT show differences in treatment outcomes when people with PTSD and PTSD-DS are compared
    Conclusion: current literature on effects of dissociative symptoms on treatment is inconsistent - so is it worth it to view it as a separate subtype, distinct from PTSD?
34
Q

Conceptual Issues

A

Typically the experience of a particular mental illness (and specific symptoms) predates the creation of a diagnostic category - later society tries to make meaning of the experience (primarily through medicine) and it is “named” (as a condition)
- process of creating and formalising categories and classifications of illness is complex (and social): OCD and PTSD have a similar social trajectory as “disorders”
- are the symptoms and components of OCD inherent to the human condition (having existed for a long time)?
- some researchers say yes (and the it is only recently it has been named/classified as OCD), perhaps it was a form of “madness” before, or not seen as an illness at all (just eccentricity, within the normal range of behaviour)

35
Q

conceptual issues continued

A
  • while our current cultural context influences our interpretation of these symptoms (re-conceptualizing them as particular disorders), an alternative view asks whether our social environment has changed in a fundamental way that has caused the emergence of new mental health disorders?
  • newly emerged conditions resulting from highly complex and rapidly changing society (social and environmental stressors) = unique social environment leads to truly new conditions and disorders
  • we can look at this debate through the social trajectory of PTSD: what are we seeing common or unique experiences of war and trauma over time
  • likely a combination of “timeless” symptoms and new phenomena resulting from changing social/political context
36
Q

“social trajectory” of a disorder

A
  • story of how it “emerges” or comes to attention in society
  • is it considered treatable?
  • how it comes to be officially recognised (e.g., in the DSM) as a condition
    Often a contentious or disputed process
  • differing views and perspectives from those living with the condition and those in positions of authority (governments, clinicians)
    The way “combat-induced trauma” has evolved to be viewed differently now than it was in the Second World War provide an illustration of these processes
37
Q

The emergence of PSTD

A

War has been an enduring feature of human social life for millennia, but PTSD is a new diagnosis - why?
- is war fundamentally different now than in the past?
- consider how war and military service has evolved
As a condition is legitimised or delegitimised as a diagnostic category, consider the role of various actors (patients, physicians, governments, militaries)
- initially understood in relation to “extreme stressors such as military combat, rape, severe assault, and natural or manmade disasters”
- has evolved to include “hearing hate speech, learning of a relatives death, or watching a catastrophe unfold on TV” - the latter are unfortunately relatively common in recent decades

38
Q

WW1 - the emergence of PTSD

A

WW1 - understood as “shell shock”, very broad range of symptoms with both biological and psychological explanations
- military response: attempts to screen recruits and soldiers to root out those “predisposed” to shell shock
- questioned whether they were truly sick or wounded (deserving of compensation and treatment, or not)
- post-ww1: shell shock diagnosis declined, and was banned - militaries argued non-medical conditions were cause (cowardice, poor morale), enacting screening to reduce problems stemming from psychological weakness, setting up barriers to claiming compensation

39
Q

WW2 - emergence of PTSD

A

WW2: combat neurosis and battle exhaustion diagnoses
Explanation: even healthy individuals could break down under stress of war
- symptoms: restlessness, irritability, aggression, fatigue, sleep difficulties, anxiety rather than the tremors, blindness, and paralysis of shell shock
- military response: quick attention to problems, rest, and return to duty
Post-WW2: some former soldiers received compensation for psychiatric injury, but American psychiatry relied on psychoanalysis which located problems in ex-soldiers childhood experiences instead of combat related stress/trauma
- subsequently combat neurosis diagnoses decline

40
Q

1960s Vietnam War

A

Emerging understanding of the effects of trauma - but the lack of a diagnostic category made accessing treatment difficult
- as the war grew more unpopular, veterans became sympathetic figures, illustrating that conditions in the war were producing mental health problems (a changed understanding)
- DSM-II did not have a diagnostic related to combat trauma (previously existing “gross stress reaction: from DSM-I has been eliminated in DSM-II): resulting in a lack of access to mental healthcare for ex-soldiers

41
Q

Addition of PTSD to DSM-III in 1980

A
  • advocacy led to inclusion of PTSD in DSM-III in 1980 partially due to demands that the APA recognise suffering and illness related combat
  • cause was attributed to the experience of war, (being inherently insanity provoking or distressing) not the characteristics of the individual
  • flashbacks and dissociative episodes recognised as new and key symptoms
  • soon, a range of traumatic event other than war were understood to be causes of PTSD
42
Q

The emergence of PTSD - significant distress and impairment

A
  • although shell shock, combat neurosis and PTSD have similar causes, our understanding of symptoms has changed
  • all diagnosis describe significant distress and impairment stemming from war trauma (or armed conflicts)
  • but symptoms vary and do not necessarily overlap: flashbacks were not recognised until PTSD, people with PTSD may not meet criteria for shell shock or combat neurosis (w different symptoms)
  • the evolution of this diagnosis illustrates the ways in which social contexts influence our understanding of dysfunction and disease, and mental health/illness
43
Q

The emergence of PTSD - constructivist and positivist view

A

Highlights the need to view particular disorders and diagnosis in context: each disorder (cause/symptom) is understood in relation to social factors and social context (constructivist view):
- military goal to return soldiers to duty
- protests advocating for recognition of war horrors and combat trauma

Positivist view: perhaps PTSD always has existed, but it took a few tries and modifications through the DSM-3 to accurately describe and diagnosis it

44
Q

Conclusion

A
  • debates related to OCD and PTSD: previously grouped together with “anxiety” disorders, changes provoked debates related to nosology and diagnosis
  • debates about subtypes: heterogeneity raises questions about boundaries of diagnosis and disorders - are they all one condition or are they different, this brings us to questions of positivism and constructivism
  • the idea of the “social trajectory of a disorder”: influence of social and political context in shaping medical definitions is extensive
  • all these points add to our understanding of the nature of mental health and illness
45
Q

heterogeneity

A

the fact that people who are diagnosed with the same disorder often exhibit different symptoms.

  • For instance, many people who share a diagnosis of schizophrenia may in fact behave quite differently
46
Q

executive function

A

Several cognitive processes related to organising thoughts, managing time, decision making, problem solving, and remembering details. These processes are important for goal-directed behaviour

47
Q

nosology

A

a branch or aspect of medicine concerned with how illnesses and diseases are classified and categorised

48
Q

depersonalisation

A

a feeling of being outside, or as if you do not belong to your own body

may feel as if the world around them is a dream or somehow an altered reality

49
Q

derealization

A

a feeling as though things around you are strange or unfamiliar

often feel detached from the events around them, as if they are not part of them