Chapter 6 Flashcards

1
Q

What is one key consequences of globalization?

A

The activities of organizations in one part of the world are increasingly bound up with people’s lives in other, distant, parts of the world.

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2
Q

Why the difficulty in identifying a clear causal connection between media content and its effect is important?

A

Because it shapes donors’ willingness to support media coverage of development and the global South. As long as donors require there to be clear lines of causality between the work that they fund and the outcomes achieved, support for media representations of development will likely not be a priority.

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3
Q

What is the significance of statistics on global poverty?

A

It derives from the assumption that how the public in donor countries thinks and feels about aid and development influences public policy about it.

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4
Q

What is the argument of the World Bank regarding this issue?

A

In recent years, donor countries have committed to dramatic increases in the supply of foreign aid to developing countries. Meeting and sustaining such commitments will require sufficient support among donor country voter and taxpayers.

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5
Q

Why the media play a key role in determining the nature of public support for official development assistance (ODA)?

A

Since few members of the public have personal experience of international development efforts or travail to aid recipient countries.

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6
Q

What is the media impact on government aid?

A

The media have a significant impact on government aid budgets, however the connection between media representations and development policy is highy problematic.

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7
Q

What is the first key assumption in the argument of the media’s influence on public support for ODA?

A

Media content has a direct influence on public opinion. Such an assumption is evident in two kinds of claim.

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8
Q

What is the first claim of this assumption?

A

There are optimistic accounts which argue (or assume) that media content has a strong, positive influence on public disproportions towards the global South.

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9
Q

How these accounts usually understand the role of the media?

A

In political and civic terms – as a source of information. Media coverage of the global South creates a more informed public who will be more inclined to support higher levels of government spending on aid.

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10
Q

What is the second claim of this assumption?

A

A pessimistic counterview argues that the media promote cynical and stereotypical ways of understanding the world rather than acting as a source of information.

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11
Q

How the media exposure influence public?

A

Media exposure has the opposite influence on public dispositions towards the global South and on corresponding levels of support for overseas aid.

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12
Q

What did Jennifer van Heerde-Hudson and David Hudson found?

A

On average, awareness of events in developing countries from TV news or newspaper readership is negatively related to concern or support. The largely negative sensationalistic and truncated nature of media coverage of global poverty works to reduce individuals’ feelings of efficacy in solving the issue.

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13
Q

On what point the pessimistic and optimistic accounts agree?

A

Albeit from different standpoints, that the media have a direct influence on public support for overseas aid. However, both accounts also suffer from a number of key weaknesses which disrupt their rather simplistic claims of media effects (in addition to offering contradictory claims).

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14
Q

What both accounts fail to do primarily?

A

To pays sufficient attention to the ability of the audience to contest, negotiate and reject media content, assuming instead that audiences all respond to media content in the same, predictable, way.

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15
Q

On what factors our feelings about levels of overseas aid depends on?

A

Perceptions of aid effectiveness and levels of poverty in other countries, for instance. Some of these perceptions may well have been informed by the media, but they will also have been simultaneously negotiated through audiences’ existing knowledge and attitudes through the context of consumption.

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16
Q

Through what are attitudes towards foreign aid are refined?

A

Individual personalities, values, beliefs and interests, resulting in complex, contingent, contested and highly personalized standpoints.

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17
Q

Why the individual media use is also a deciding factor?

A

Since the content of different texts is likely to offer very different influences. Thus, while the media may well have a role to play in informing public attitudes towards overseas aid, the nature of this influence will differ greatly between individuals and between different media. Media effects are certainly not direct, universal or predictable.

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18
Q

What is a more fruitful way of conceptualizing the role of the media?

A

To examine their influence on how issues are framed.

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19
Q

What is the study of the influence of the framing of poverty of Shanto Iyengar?

A

The media do not have a direct influence on particular elements of public disposition, but they can shape the way in which public dispositions are structured.

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20
Q

How the way people think about poverty is dependent on how the issue is framed?

A

When news media presentations frame poverty as a general outcome, responsibility for poverty is assigned to society-at-large; when news presentations frame poverty as a particular instance of a poor person, responsibility is assigned to the individual.

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21
Q

What are the effects of the frames engendered by the media?

A

The media have powerful effects on judgement and choice. The understanding of causal responsibility engendered by a particular news frames influences the degree to which people hold government responsible for assisting the poor and the amount of governmental assistance respondents are willing to award to poor people.

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22
Q

What Iyengar shows about how the media can structure public dispositions?

A

By making particular ways of understanding the world available and others less so. While media may not have a direct and predictable effect on public support for ODA, there are more measured ways of thinking about the complex and subtle influences that the media do have.

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23
Q

What is the second major assumption?

A

Public opinion influences government policy in this area. In the context of current international commitments to increase aid, levels of public support for ODA have indeed taken on greater salience. A commitment to ODA can be maintained only with support from the public.

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24
Q

Where can be found some evidence of positive relationship between public support and government expenditure on aid?

A

By comparing donor countries. Nordic countries, which have particularly high levels of support for aid, also have high levels of ODA as percentage of GNP while the opposite is true for countries with low levels of public support, such as Germany.

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25
Q

Why such correlations exist according to Marc Stern?

A

Because where public support is well articulated and well informed, it can make the political price sufficiently high to both protect and increase aid.

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26
Q

Why is the causal chain that connects public attitudes and public policy unclear?

A

Identifying what the public’s attitude towards ODA actually is is extremely difficult. Various unreliable measures of public attitudes towards the global South are used as indicators in public opinion surveys. Expressions of concern for poverty in developing countries are for example, often taken to be equivalent to public support for ODA, when they are two different issues.

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27
Q

What is the social desirability response bias?

A

Measures of support for current or increased levels of development assistance are heavily influenced by it. Also described as the thought who is going to say no to this.

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28
Q

What is the result of the social desirability response bias?

A

It would be unwise to simplistically assume that there exists any single or stable public opinion on such complex matters. Support for ODA is generally regarded as remarkably weak. Political parties’ policies on international development are not key election issue.

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29
Q

If public opinion is so shallow, shifting and difficult to capture, how can it possibly influence policy?

A

There is no single public opinion, so how does one respond to a huge community, a public community of stakeholders. The only time that public opinion is likely to have some influence is with respect to levels of short-term, humanitarian, aid, when it is often as its clearest and strongest.

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30
Q

What leaves decision-making on ODA as elite-centred and top-down?

A

The strong public support for helping the poor has an outlet in the form of emergency assistance and support for NGOs. Governments therefore have a relative freedom in this policy area to pursue their sense of moral obligation to do the right thing, even if this goes against public opinion.

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31
Q

Why is it important to make a distinction between mass public opinion and elite opinion?

A

Mass public opinion may influence ODA only in certain contexts while elite opinion may be far more important in influencing decision-making.

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32
Q

What determined the public support for ODA?

A

Public support for ODA is itself a composite determined by a range of public attitudes towards the global South, whose causal relationship with media is, at best, difficult to determine. We can conclude that while there me be some link between the media levels of ODA, the nature of this link is varied, contingent, indirect and extremely difficult to isolate. Media representations may matter for development, but influencing support for ODA and levels of government aid is not the most compelling example of their significance.

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33
Q

What are some of the potential consequences that media-informed public attitudes can have for development?

A

The possible impact of the media on government aid budgets, decision to give money to overseas charities, join protests, sign petitions, buy fair-trade goods and travel to other countries are all, to a greater or lesser extent, informed in some way by media representations.

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34
Q

What this more diffuse role of the media in public’s engagement with development issues have lack of?

A

A coherent framework, or even an informed vocabulary.

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35
Q

How are defined the ways in which the public are disposed towards the global South?

A

Engagement interest, understanding, perceptions, appetite and being informed.

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36
Q

How is described the media coverage of the global South?

A

Negative and should be more positive. Western publics are seen to have negative perceptions and ways need to be found of using the media to encourage them to be more positive.

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37
Q

Why is this positive/negative dichotomy highly problematic?

A

Because it grossly oversimplifies the complex and nuanced ways in which the global South is represented and how these representations influence public attitudes and behaviours. Defining stories as positive or negative is reductive and even childish. Stories are interesting or dull, surprising or obvious, not positive or negative. Stories can be seen as positive by some and negative by others.

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38
Q

What is the concept of cosmopolitanism?

A

A means of referring to (mediated) public sentiment vis-à-vis faraway strangers. The term has traditionally been associated with a particular understanding of political governance which entails a more inclusive relationship between nations and individuals within nations (perhaps even aimed at a world government).

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39
Q

More recently, how the term cosmopolitanism has been described?

A

A revolution in the social sciences. One way in which the term has been reactivated has been in references to a particular disposition associated with a conscious openness to cultural differences, which entails, first of all, a willingness to engage with the other.

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40
Q

What does being cosmopolitan or citizen of the world mean?

A

Having a disposition which is not limited to the concerns of the immediate locality, but which recognises global belonging, involvement and responsibility. It is the sense of openness to the world which better captures what is about public attitudes that influences our willingness to engage in development-related activities, such as eco-tourism, ethical consumerism or supporting NGOs.

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41
Q

How the media have the potential to foster cosmopolitanism?

A

Because of how they produce and circulate images of places, brands, peoples and the globe itself, and narratives of various figures, heroes and organisations. In doing this, they provide a pervasive and continuous visible access to other people’s experiences and existences.

42
Q

What is the potential of having such access to the world?

A

To dissolve the distinction between our experience and theirs and make us reflect upon and perhaps do something about the conditions of faraway strangers.

43
Q

What this appealing view of the role of the media does not provide?

A

An account of how the increasing diffusion of information and images might help to stimulate and deepen a sense of global responsibility.

44
Q

Of what are accused those who make such claims?

A

Of turning to wishful thinking to explain this apparent effect of the media. Audiences, we are told, must turn their sense of responsibility into a form of moral-practical reflection because this is the best – the only option we have. The dream is asserted but the questing of how we get there is essentially ignored. No account is given of why having visible access to other people’s experiences and existences and theirs and not reinforce them.

45
Q

How visible access to other people’s experiences and existence also offer a space for individuals?

A

It offer a space in which individuals can understand themselves in relation to the world by reflecting on their own social roles and identities.

46
Q

What is the role of television according to Chris Baker?

A

Television is a major and proliferating resource for the construction of cultural identity. This view of mediated cosmopolitanism is based less on wishful thinking and draws on a well-grounded active audience approach to media effects.

47
Q

Why is this argument problematic?

A

Because it does not attend to the idea that audiences may not make use of the resources the media provide to produce a cosmopolitan identity, but instead may use them to inform equally valid, though morally opposite, communitarian identities.

48
Q

What is the result of accompanying discourses relating to a positive orientation to faraway others?

A

A counter discourse of fear, exclusion, global homogeneity ad suspicion of global others.

49
Q

What is banal globalism?

A

The proliferation of global images may at least lead to a banal sense of cosmopolitanism, in the same way that a proliferation of national symbols, such as flying flags on public buildings and identifying with one’s own sports-heroes, constitutes a sense of banal nationalism.

50
Q

How is interpreted the word banal?

A

There is no guarantee that a proliferation of global images will necessarily contribute to a sense of openness. Banal is interpreted as something affirmative but an equally valid interpretation of the concept of banal globalism would be in a pejorative or critical sense, as a staged, superficial reality.

51
Q

How could be regard the staged nature of the reality presented by global images?

A

As something shallow and artificial rather than something affirmative. It is not clear why the proliferation of global images should lead to cosmopolitanism, rather than any other feeling of being in the world.

52
Q

How is television unique?

A

In being able to offer audiences an experience of simultaneous participation in global events through the act of watching something at the same time as millions of dispersed others. Television helps to create the nation as an imagined community by addressing many people simultaneously, so television can help to create an imagined global community in the same way.

53
Q

How does act technological immediacy in this account?

A

Technological immediacy – the images that bring the sufferer close to our home – does not act as a testimony of the sufferer’s pain, but as a guarantee of the co-presence of spectators.

54
Q

What account should this be considered as?

A

This should not be considered an account of how the media produce a cosmopolitan disposition but an account of how television connects us to people who are already like us because they share our privileged position in front of, rather than behind the screen.

55
Q

What is cosmopolitan fallacy?

A

Assuming that media coverage of the global South necessarily leads to an expansion of horizons. They fail to recognize the existence of an opposing force to that of cosmopolitanism: an immunizing and interiorizing force which might cancel out and indeed reverse any such trend.

56
Q

How the media create the conditions of incommensurability?

A

By continually presenting audiences with a number of circumstances, all of which invite them to take action, but which together make it impossible to rationally arbitrate between them.

57
Q

How can be defined incommensurability in this context?

A

As the existence of a plurality of moral arguments, each of which is rational in terms of its initial premise but which is incompatible with the initial premise of an alternative argument. The consequence of which is an absence of any possible consensus over what ought to be done.

58
Q

How are the audiences left?

A

Unable to make any decisive and consensually valid ethical judgments.

59
Q

How is this argument undermined?

A

There are circumstances in which audiences do achieve some form of moral involvement with appeals to act through the media. Otherwise we would not be able to account for the scale of public responses around the world to the 2005 Asian tsunami or the 2010 Haiti earthquake, or other instances in which publics do act in response to distant suffering. The media do not always block cosmopolitan sentiments, just as they do not always invite them.

60
Q

What are the two contradictory understandings of how the media shape cosmopolitan dispositions?

A

Optimistic accounts and pessimistic accounts.

61
Q

What is the optimistic accounts?

A

The potential of the media to promote a cosmopolitan dispositions.

62
Q

What is the pessimistic accounts?

A

The media always promote opposing, communitarian, responses.

63
Q

What is the potential of the media to promote a cosmopolitan disposition?

A

It is at once inevitable and impossible. These accounts are not only contradictory, they also fail to adequately explain how media texts produce one response rather than another.

64
Q

How the optimistic and pessimistic accounts dominates the debates?

A

About the effect of media coverage of the global South on audiences. They appear in accounts of the role of the media in fostering support for ODA as we have seen earlier, as well as in accounts of the role of the media in charitable donations and civic engagement.

65
Q

How does the media foster a cosmopolitan disposition?

A

The potential of the media to make audiences feel for distant strangers should be considered neither de facto possible, nor a priori impossible, but contingent upon the peculiarities of individual texts.

66
Q

What is the analytics of mediation of Chouliaraki?

A

It is an elaborate theoretical and methodological framework. It involves analysing how the central contradictions between the competing optimistic and pessimistic narratives are played out in individual texts.

67
Q

Which contradictions are included?

A

The competing claims that media: simultaneously establish and undermine the immediacy of distant others, create a sense of proximity and distance and render the audience as both active and impotent. By examining empirically how these three contradictions are played out in individual texts we can determine what moral horizon are made available in any given text.

68
Q

What abstract theoretical claims about media representations illustrate?

A

The need to take seriously the role that an institution increasingly embedded in our everyday lives has on our sense of responsibility to others in the world. It may be difficult, if not impossible, to pin down precisely how the media make us feel about acting on behalf of distant others. But it would also be unreasonable to deny that media have a real significance in the choices we make regarding our public participation, or lack thereof, in international development.

69
Q

What is the most obvious link between media representations of the global South and development?

A

The impact of media coverage on public attitudes. However, it is not the most well cited nor, arguably, the most consequential.

70
Q

From a political economy perspective how such representations are linked?

A

To all manner of phenomena – from influencing levels of international trade and investment, to legitimizing Western interventions in Iraq and Afghanistan

71
Q

With what are concerned political economy approaches to media representations?

A

With how the ideological content of the media is controlled by those with power in order to maintain a system of values and beliefs that serve elite interest. Political economy shift the focus of attention away from the apparent influence of media representations on individuals’ attitudes and behaviours and towards the function of media representations within society more generally.

72
Q

What is the result of applying political economy to the study of representations of the global South?

A

Such representations reflect and reinforce imbalances of power between different countries and between the global North and South in general. Representations of the global South are seen to matter, not for how they influence public support for ODA or broader public engagement with development, but for their impact on a country’s position within human society, their international clout and their possibilities of development.

73
Q

What reveal the analyses of how the global South appears in the media in this context?

A

Old and new forms of colonialism, cultural, political and economic imperialism and the maintenance of Western hegemony.

74
Q

How are media texts understood from this perspective?

A

To achieve their ideological function through the circulation of discourses.

75
Q

To what discourses refers to?

A

The way issues get represented, or the use of language to reflect and shape social order as well as shaping individuals’ interaction with society. Discourses can relate to social identities, such as race, social relations, such as colonialism and dependency, and systems of knowledge, such as Orientalism and tribalism.

76
Q

How does discourse produce the world?

A

Discourses do not simply reflect the world but produce it by constructing knowledge and reinforcing certain ideologies over others.

77
Q

How discourse matter?

A

For the way they contribute to establishing, maintaining and changing social relations of power, domination and exploitation. In a political economy approach, it is through the circulation of discourses about the global South that media representations are understood to matter for global relations of power.

78
Q

What does establish the fact that media act as a form of knowledge?

A

The conditions of possibility for geopolitics.

79
Q

What is orientalism?

A

Not just a style of thought but a Western mode of discourse for dominating, restructuring, and having authority over the Orient.

80
Q

Why is it important to examine orientalism discourse?

A

Without examining orientalism discourse one cannot possibly understand the enormously systematic discipline by which European culture was able to manage – and even produce – the Orient politically, sociologically, military, ideologically, scientifically, and imaginatively during the post-Enlightenment period. Because of the Orientalism the Orient was (and is not) a free subject of thought of action.

81
Q

Why the distinction between Orientals and Europeans was originally forged?

A

To justify colonial intervention: since Europeans defined themselves as superior it became their duty to intervene in the Orient.

82
Q

What was the central framework employed to justify the US-led war in Afghanistan?

A

Construct the West as the beacon of civilization with an obligation to tame the Islamic world and liberate its women. Specifically, the level of attention the US media gave to women’s liberation in Afghanistan served as one of the pillars on which elites sought to sell the war to the US public.

83
Q

Why orientalism has been criticized?

A

Its selective use of evidence and its failure to provide details of the precise causal sequence by which discourse translates into power.

84
Q

How was this work instrumental?

A

In inspiring a whole new set of approaches to understanding colonialism and imperialism which draw attention to representations, rather than economics.

85
Q

What allows the classification of societies?

A

Such discourses of them and us enable evaluation and comparison – emphasizing European or Western uniqueness and non-Western inferiority.

86
Q

Why media discourses about the global South can be seen to matter?

A

Not only for sustaining global power relations between the North and the South in general, but for how they support more specific national interests or political ideologies.

87
Q

What the discourse analysis of Western media coverage of China presents?

A

Stereotypical images of the unstoppable monolith of Chinese development, the destroyer of traditional industries in the west, a vast seething mass of humanity relentlessly expanding, intent on eventual world financial domination. Such claims form part of a wider demonizing China argument in which the Western media are accused of advancing a distorted vision of China, in order to combat the apparent threat of this rising superpower.

88
Q

How is conceptualized the media discourse in a hegemony approach?

A

As a tug of war between competing interests (in which power determines the relative outcome) rather than as determined entirely by any singular elite interest.

89
Q

What is the impact of new technologies on orientalism?

A

New communication technologies have expanded the range of opportunities for counter-hegemonic voices to be heard and to confront dominant discourses.

90
Q

What is one of the key criticisms of political economy approaches?

A

They often fail to explain how elite power functions in reality to ensure that media content is consistent with elite interest.

91
Q

What is the propaganda model?

A

It identifies five filters which impact upon the editorial decision-making process and the selection of news and which are a product of corporate control of mass communication.

92
Q

What do they include?

A

Concentration of media ownership, advertising as primary income, dependency on sources provided by elites, flak used to discipline the media, and particular ideologies as control mechanisms.

93
Q

How these filters operate?

A

As a form of self-censorship by filtering out news that is incompatible with elite interests.

94
Q

What is the consequence for the news output produced as a result of these filters?

A

It serves to mobilise support for the special interests that dominate the state and private activity.

95
Q

What are the critiques of the propaganda model?

A

Not adequately describing how these filters operate in actuality (and how they have changed over time), of overlooking the varying contexts that owners and advertisers operate in and of failing to recognize that the interests of elites are not always agreed or easily defined.

96
Q

How these critiques of the propaganda model are useful?

A

For illustrating the value and limitations of a political economy perspective in general. Any approach which seeks to provide a wide-ranging account of the role of the media in global relations of power will always be likely to struggle to explain precisely how media content conforms to elite interests – and to provide evidence of clear lines of causality between media representations and the exercise of power.

97
Q

Why in this weakness lies its strength?

A

Nevertheless, in this weakness lies its strength, since its broad focus allows it to capture the broader and less tangible implications of media representations as part of a political and economic system.

98
Q

How is this perspective valuable?

A

In stressing the role of media, not simply as a source of knowledge or understanding, but as being involved in the circulation of taken-for-granted assumptions about the world.

99
Q

What is the key role of the academic (or any media-literate audience member)?

A

To expose or denaturalize such discourses and question the interests they appear to serve.

100
Q

How the political economic approach to media representations has wider implications for the study of media and development?

A

If we accept that discourses about development, about other countries and about our relationship with them are important for relations of power, then this dramatically opens up the range of texts, genres and forms of media that are relevant to development. It matters not just how NGOs or news bulletins represent the global South, but how other parts of the world appear, or not, in other – often far more popular – media contexts, such as literature, feature films, documentaries, travel programmes or even reality-TV programmes may actually offer far greater opportunity for the appearance of counter-hegemonic discourses than brief news bulletins because of their capacity to humanize distant others thereby disrupting conventional hierarchies of human life.

101
Q

What is the only way to conclude given the insufficient grounds for other conclusions?

A

By recognizing that media content, in a variety of different forms, generated from a range of different organizations, is, in a number of different ways, likely to matter for development but that it is not possible to determine precisely how or to what extent.

102
Q

What is the aim of the Media Impact Project of the University of Southern California?

A

To measure how media influences the ways people think and act and contributes to broader societal changes. Such efforts to measure the impact of media representations are crucial in an environment where donors require value for money and commercial media organizations have a tendency to avoid broadcasting content about the global South. Representatives from the Bill and Gates Foundation (who sponsors the project) have been told countless times by colleagues how hard – and impossible – this may be.