Changing Families studies Flashcards

1
Q

Smith 2013

A

Looking at UK’s New Deal (1998) for lone parents

  • active welfare, targeting lone parents to seek work
  • conflict in supporting families vs regulating their behaviour - right to privacy (Article 8 HRA 1998) vs need to protect children (s1 CA 1989)
  • in order to support the capitalist economy, policies regulate parents to take responsibility for their children
  • idea that good parenting can compensate for disadvantage? NO - need to help lift from poverty
  • some like, help move into work
  • some feel forced away from children
  • some feel threat of losing benefits - ‘work focussed interviews’ - so impacts child’s mental health also
  • even greater sanctions and conditionality with UC
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2
Q

Census trends

A

1971 - 68% married/cohabiting, 6% lone parent
2001 - 53% married/cohabiting, 10% lone parent
2011 - 43% married/cohabiting, 10.6% lone parent

  • predict for 2021 - increase in shared/multifamily living with housing crisis, more intergenerational living
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3
Q

Hennison 2003

A

Complex and contradictory family policy

‘care in supporting families and control in regulating their behaviour’

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4
Q

Hieda 2013

A

Government’s policy position affects changes in public spending on childcare provision
- left-liberal governments increase budget for childcare, right-conservatives don’t

  • 18 advanced industrialised countries analysed from studies spanning 25 years
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5
Q

Korpi et al 2013

A
  • earner-carer models - Denmark, Finland, Sweden, Norway
  • traditional models - France, Germany, Italy
  • market-oriented - UK, USA, Australia, Japan
  • disagrees with claims that earner-carer policies only work for the working class
  • earner-carer model increases employment of women, with no undermined opportunities for women to reach the top (glass ceiling)
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6
Q

Eydal et al 2014

A

Analysing parental leave in Nordic countries

Nordic countries have good gender equality

  • good labour market participation of women (BUT no increase in fathers participation in family life and childcare)
  • daycare services
  • paid maternity leave
  • representation in positions of power
  • sharing of housework and childcare
  • ‘state feminism’ as a political agenda
  • parties left of centre as driving forces - differences between Scandinavian countries growing, different emphasis on fathers’ quota
  • moving towards right ‘free choice’ model, so more flexibility in parental leave
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7
Q

Duncan et al 2017

A

Poverty hinders healthy development

  • family and environmental stress perspective (stress response, impairs cognitive functioning). Elder 1974 ->
  • resource and investment perspective. Becker 1991, household production theory
  • cultural perspective. Lewis 1969, culture of poverty
  • reduced academic skills and attainment in poorer children, especially younger children (1997)
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8
Q

Duncan et al, 2010

A

Adults who were poor as children

  • 2 years less schooling
  • earned <50% as much
  • worked fewer hours
  • received more food stamps
  • 3x as likely to report poor health
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9
Q

Ridge 2009

A

‘Poverty penetrates deep into the heart of childhood, permeating every facet of children’s lives from economic and material disadvantage, through the structuring and limiting of social participation to the most personal often hidden aspects of disadvantage associated with the shame, sadness and the fear of social difference and marginalisation.’

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10
Q

Ridge 2013

A

Hidden costs of austerity on children

  • the generation of stigma and difference - political rhetoric about legitimacy of welfare recipients, deserving vs undeserving poor. Deficit model of poverty, fuelled by media to create social ‘otherness’, and stigmatising labels -> stigmatising policies
  • economic and material concerns - fear of debt and financial insecurity, policies and cuts most affect the poorest with youngest children
  • social and relational support - anxieties about opportunities for participation, poverty restricts chance to make friends via costs of social events and transport. Even eg reduced funding for speed cameras, affects low income children constrained into local neighbourhoods more
  • political visibility and policy engagement - legislative requirement to consult with children, but Coalition’s first child poverty strategy 2011 confused message, behind schedule, language of deficit discourse with no real reference to children themselves. Children not considered citizens in their own rights - but ‘workers of the future’
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11
Q

Flaherty and Banks 2013

A

Dynamics of debt in poor households

  • inability to access mainstream credit -> high-cost alternative sources
  • 69% low-income households use credit - payday loans, home credit companies expanding even in financial crisis
  • employment not required, credit checks less rigorous, repayments over extended period, and ‘trusted’ known source
  • constant juggling of finances - anxiety-inducing, but could be seen as actively managing budget
  • don’t seek help until crisis point
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12
Q

Ridge 2011

A
  • economic and material deprivation - going without toys and leisure goods, also sometimes the essentials
  • poverty and social relationships - anxiety, unhappiness, social insecurity undermine childhood. Increasing commodification of childhood creates barriers to participation
  • personal - fear of being left out, as poverty -> uncertainty and insecurity
  • experiences of poverty in the home - family needs in tension with own social needs and desires, usually empathetic and understanding of parents
  • homelessness and housing - affects health and wellbeing (anxiety, sleep, coldness) and social lives (having friends over)
  • neighbourhood - feeling unsafe

Cope by contributing to family budgets through employment, moderating needs and managing expectations, and concealing effects of poverty

Public services have essential role!

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13
Q

Daly and Kelly 2015

A

Relative (dis)empowerment

  • mostly not disempowered, felt possible to change circumstances - but only with support from family/public/voluntary services
  • if disempowered, think work is only way out of poverty and not available - disability/illness/no work
  • if empowered, on the trajectory of change, in education or local community involvement

Dispositions, resources, capabilities

  • changes personality, always stressed, serious
  • need to emphasise emotional resources gained by those under pressure - ‘rich’ in love, closeness, happiness - should focus on assets, not passive recipients
  • pride - in ability to use money well, in children, in ability to get through adversity and maintain family relationships
  • resilience not helpful idea, -> victim blaming

Constructing family life

  • family as special, different from others
  • for occasions, need to plan and put away money/go without
  • planning money takes work and energy
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14
Q

Dibben 2015

A

Study of teenage mothers in Malta

4 categories of young mother:

  • called to motherhood
  • empowered by motherhood
  • saved by motherhood
  • soldiering through motherhood
  • differently experienced, but all capable of being good mothers, all trying their best
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15
Q

Ruddick 1990s

A

Maternal thinking

- mothering as ‘a way of seeing and thinking about the world’, ‘a kind of work or practice’

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16
Q

Lidz 1970

A

Women’s biological purpose to conceive, bear, nurture children

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17
Q

Wolf 2010

A

Breastfeeding

  • ‘breast is best’ message creates enormous moral pressure
  • some medical benefits yes (GI infections) but generally overstated
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18
Q

Hays 1996

A

Intensive mothering

  • mothers to invest high levels of time and resources in children
  • mothers should get intrinsic satisfaction in devotion of self to child, feel completely fulfilled
  • exhausting for mothers, stressful for children, excluding for fathers
  • ‘child-centred, expert-guided, emotionally-absorbing. labour-intensive, financially expensive’
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19
Q

O’Reilly 2004

A

Intensive mothering came along as women started earning, controlling own income

  • ideology expects mothers to lavish money and attention on child
  • as working mothers feel need to compensate for absence with ‘quality time’
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20
Q

Bernard and Correll 2010

A

Interviews of women, participants told mother/not

  • consistently rated less competent and committed
  • not true if men are fathers/not - then seen as more mature, sensitive, suited to leadership roles
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21
Q

Halpert et al 1993

A

Women who appear to be pregnant scored lower on work performance and commitment ratings by independent evaluators

22
Q

Kreager et al 2010

A

Motherhood (not marriage) has a turning point effect on criminal trajectories
-> reduction in delinquency and drug use (poor American communities)
Because
- shift in identity to carer for child
- change in value placed on arrest, implications for child
- alterations in routines, less nightlife as conform to normative expectations of mothers

23
Q

Williams 2000

A

Employers deserve ‘ideal workers’ with no family responsibilities
- men are ‘ideal workers’

  • women thankful of opportunity to work part-time without challenging ideal worker norm
  • -> redefine job penalties as a cost of good mothering
24
Q

Mills et al 2011

A

Why postponement of motherhood? (mean age of motherhood at first delivery increasing by one year each decade since 1970s in OECD countries (apart from USA))

  • contraceptive technology - can’t be just this, as decreasing fertility even in areas where unreliable methods used
  • increased education level and field of study - hard to balance student and mother roles, more likely to go into careers, steeper wage profile so wait until can ‘afford’ children
  • increasing labour force participation - decreasing role incompatibility, and early childhood -> worse motherhood penalty
  • ideational shifts in norms and values - more individualistic, smaller family sizes
  • increased gender equity - yet opportunity still restricted by having children, less in eg Scandinavia where less institutional constraints
  • more likely to have had multiple partners before first child
  • housing and economic insecurity
25
Q

Morgenroth and Heilman 2017

A

296 participants, men and women (employed, from academic website - 70% work full time, 70% no children), examining implications of maternity leave choice on perceptions of working mothers

  • asked to form impression of employee based on interview, three changes in excerpt - one taking leave, one not taking, one control (passage absent)
  • no gender, age, parental status effects - pervasive and universal views in our culture
  • significant effects on perceived commitment priority
  • if choose to take leave, viewed as significantly less competent and less worthy of promotion
  • if choose to not take leave, seen as worse parent and less desirable partner - damned if you do, damned if you don’t
  • nationality effects - stronger in non-US (where paid maternity leave mandatory so strange not to take)
26
Q

Henderson et al 2015

A

Mental health consequences of idealised motherhood

  • 283 mothers from US (regions of)
  • snowball sampling, mostly married, upper-middle class, highly educated (attracts those prone to guilt and pressure to be perfect?)
  • online questionnaire
  • pressure to be perfect associated with decreased self-efficacy, increased stress, regardless of media influence and intensive mothering beliefs
  • guilt for not meeting parenting expectations associated with decreased self-efficacy, increased stress, increased anxiety, regardless of media influence and intensive mothering beliefs
  • pressures felt across employment status, life-course stages
27
Q

Christopher 2012

A

Employed mothers’ constructions of the good mother
- indepth interviews with 59 mothers of young children in range of jobs, neighbourhoods

  • most employed mothers reject intensive mothering and ideal worker models (prefer to work than childcare)
  • delegatory mothers - as primary caregiver, organiser of children even if absent (assumes class privelege)
  • single mothers less pressure to intensively mother? no choice but to work
  • children need to see mums at work, and mum needs break from childcare
28
Q

Hochschild 1997

A

‘Triple shift’ of work, housework, and care of children and spouses (who feel unhappy that you work)

29
Q

Gunderson and Barrett 2015

A

Emotional cost of emotional support - intensive mothering and psychological wellbeing

  • data from National Survey of Midlife Development, 1400
  • measure psychological wellbeing vs intensive mothering (+ controls)
  • more hours of emotional support given to children linked to worse wellbeing
  • more thought and effort linked to more positive affect, and better relationships with children
  • so effects of intensive mothering span across course of motherhood
  • greater influences on young mothers (more influenceable, more anxiety to reach parenting ideals)
  • may increase negative affect, doesn’t decrease positive affect
30
Q

Lamb, fatherhood

A

Fathers to nurture children’s own development
Children need fathers (involved fatherhood):
- positive engagement, hands on care and play
- warmth and responsiveness, emotional support
- control - setting rules, monitoring behaviour

31
Q

Collier and Sheldon 2008

A

Father as (patriarchal) authority, (employed) breadwinner, (heterosexual) marriage

Now fragmentation of fatherhood:

  • paternity (biologically fathered)
  • fatherhood (social construction to attach men to children)
  • social fatherhood (fathering practices as independent of biological or legal relationships)
  • shift in understanding from fatherhood (status) to fathering (practices)
32
Q

CA 1989

A

Gives parents responsibilities over children as well as rights

33
Q

Acts defining fatherhood

A

1990 Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act s13(5)
- only can get IVF if father present - rights of fatherhood, heterosexual fatherhood

2008 revision of clause
- need ‘supportive parenting’ not ‘father’

2004 Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority (Disclosure of Donations) regulations

  • child has right to know donor identity if made from sperm, egg, or embryos
  • father’s responsibilities through genetic connection
34
Q

Acts on paternal/shared parental leave

A

2002 Employment Act s80A
- 2 weeks paid paternity leave

2014 Children and Families Act
- 52 weeks shared parental leave, 39 weeks shared parental pay to be split as desired

35
Q

Brandth and Kvande 2016

A

Fathers and flexible parental leave

  • 37 married/cohabiting heterosexual fathers in employment (mostly highly educated middle class)
  • 20 took flexible leave - 13 part-time, 7 deferred split into chunks
  • semi structured interviews on experiences of leave
  • boundary setting harder in part-time leave, pressures from work to come back and impossible to shield home life from work (but sometimes just not possible to take 10 weeks continuous leave)
  • half-way fathering, 2/3 say wished hadn’t taken flexible leave (part-time), as neither work nor childcare benefits, hard to establish routine, miss ‘slow-time’ and flow, so confirms mothers role as primary carer
  • avoidant fathering - some find being at home physically and mentally hard, and boring, so want leave only when child older and can remember experiences (more interesting) - prioritising father’s needs over child’s
  • short, earmarked, non-flexible fathers’ quota best way to get men to take leave who wouldn’t otherwise
  • policies can encourage paternal involvement, but choices still down to man
36
Q

Kvande 2007

A

Flexible policies on parental leave actually make men work more, as boundaries between home and work harder to manage

37
Q

Craig et al 2012

A

Even if working from home, only to ‘help out’ with childcare, not primary carer
- choose not to have family-friendly flexible working hours even when available, conform to standard work duty

38
Q

Duvander and Johansson 2012

A

Effects of reforms promoting fathers’ parental leave use

  • three policies introduced in Sweden:
  • 1995 - one month reserved per parent (increases fathers’ leave, decreases mothers’. 43%-75% fathers taking leave)
  • 2002 - second month each (increases fathers’ leave, smaller effect and increases mothers’)
  • 2008 - gender equality bonus, tax credits if share leave equally (no significant changes - maybe time with children means more than bonus? or complicated system?)
  • leave use trend changing regardless of reforms
  • strong initial responses may wear off over time
  • only works as Sweden has generous benefits, available daycare, strong labour-market law on gender equality
  • to have an effect, reforms need to be intuitively easy to grasp and substantial in size
39
Q

Gatrell et al 2015

A

The prioritisation of childcare and income earning among UK fathers
- survey 1,100 working fathers, across range of income levels in two major organisations in UK that support family friendly and flexible working

  • breadwinner fathers - choose to work full-time even if don’t have to, especially if wife in lower pay (so she does childcare instead). May be reluctant to go for promotions still if eg involve travel, as would take away from family
  • involved fathers - single fathers have no choice but to be. Or married/cohabiting fathers choose to be involved, work flexibly part-time and act as primary carer or share childcare equally with partner. May put off going for promotions, but concerned over future impact of this
  • ability to work flexibly does not impact behaviour as either breadwinner or involved father
40
Q

Bunning and Pollman-Schult 2016

A

First-time fathers with child under 4, data from European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions
-> comparable, longitudinal data on 24 countries

  • significant interaction effects, so effect of fatherhood on working hours depends on family policy of country they live
  • family policies do not affect all fathers equally:
  • fathers with lower levels of education respond more strongly to paid paternal leave than fathers with higher levels education
  • fathers work more than childless men in countries with long maternal leave, less in countries with short maternal leave (only for highly educated fathers)
  • family allowances influence working hours only for lower educated fathers
  • public childcare has no effect on relationship between fatherhood and working hours, just reallocates time from mothers -> state

Limitations

  • equates level of education to pay of job
  • differing response rates across countries - 3-48% response rates
  • only looking at first time fathers
41
Q

Department for Work and Pensions, 2009/10 Family Resource Survey

A

Who gives support?

  • spouse if live together
  • parent if don’t live together
  • females help more than males
42
Q

Silverstein and Bengston 1997

A

Intergenerational solidarity model
6 dimensions:
- associational (social contact)
- affectual (type and degree of positive sentiment felt)
- consensual (agreement, values shared)
- functional (helping and sharing of resources)
- normative (commitment to familial roles and obligations)
- structural (number, type, proximity of relations)

  • depends on cohesion, which has been criticised of overly positive consensual bias
43
Q

Kanji 2008

A

Using Millenium Cohort Study

  • grandparent care increases mother’s labour market participation - especially lone mothers
  • for 35%, grandparents are main source of after school/weekend care
  • maternal grandparents help more than paternal grandparents
  • help for all educational levels
  • pressure on grandparents!
44
Q

Leuscher and Pillemer 1998

A

Intergenerational ambivalence model

  • recognises nuance in relationships, neither solidarity nor conflict
  • recognises issues in social relations
  • structural ambivalence - institutional pressure (work) on time and resources, want to help but can’t
  • collective ambivalence - varying qualities of relations across children
45
Q

Evandrou et al 2016

A

Intergenerational flows of support

  • National Child Development Study, cohort of 17,000 born in one week in 1958 in UK
  • sample of 6,245 - good as longitudinal flows of support
  • personal support (dressing, eating)
  • basic support (cooking, cleaning)
  • instrumental support (transport, shopping, financial)
  • 75% had received some support from parents - accommodation (sons), childcare (daughters), finances (both)
  • 50% (at age 50) had provided support to parents - more daughters than sons for all types of support, more less demanding tasks than personal support
  • children more worried about parents 2x as likely to provide support than those who aren’t - esp personal support, esp daughters
  • for personal support, no reciprocity only altruim
  • for basic and instrumental support, at least partly reciprocal

Limitations

  • attrition of sample (mainly males, lower SES, lower education)
  • requires retrospection on support given before
  • doesn’t consider parents support needs, only age
  • doesn’t consider alternative support options - state/private/siblings
46
Q

Antonucci et al 2007

A

Longitudinal study of generations

  • when IGR positive, beneficial to family members
  • better parent-child relations, better self esteem
  • flow of care and concern nearly always bidirectional
  • mental/physical health of one family member influences the entire family
47
Q

Kahn and Antonucci 1980

A

Convoy model of social relations

  • individuals part of dynamic network
  • individual changes, and situation changes over time
  • convoy of people should provide protective cushion that allows individual to learn about and experience the world
  • objective and subjective support
48
Q

Silverstein and Giarrusso 2010

A

Aging and family life affected by:

  • divorce and stepfamilies
  • cohabitation vs marriage
  • childlessness
  • caregivers in marriage
  • caregivers to the elderly
  • widowhood
  • siblings
  • in-laws
  • grandparents and grandchildren
  • ambivalence normal part of human condition
  • need research on great grandparents (1/3 americans part of 4 generational family) and gay/lesbian couples in later life
  • need to understand role demands in combination - in middle-age often occupy multiple roles simultaneously
49
Q

Budig and Hodges 2013

A

Motherhood bonus

  • +13% motherhood bonus in college educated women who have delayed motherhood to focus on careers
  • shows committed and hard working
50
Q

Old age support

A

40-50% old people in UK live with or nearby adult child

  • variation across ethnicity - most likely if Bangladeshi/Pakistani, least likely if White
  • more children had, more likely one will live near/with
  • lower education, more likely to live near - if have degree, more likely to live with
  • if have grandchildren, more likely to live near, less likely to live with