Aristotle (Politics) Flashcards

1
Q

Pol 1.1

A

Definition of the community- common enterprise, friendship, justice.

The polis is the most authoritative community- it encompasses all others, and aims at the highest and most authoritative good.

Different types of rule- statesman, king, household manager, master. These differ in kind.

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2
Q

Pol 1.2 (Natural birth of the polis)

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Two natural human relationships: male and female (from not deliberate choice but the urge to leave something behind), natural ruler and slave (bonded for survival)

Women are not the same as natural slaves- nature made them for different tasks

Household- constituted to satisfy everyday needs. Village- collection of households for needs other than everyday ones.

A complete community, constituted by several villages which are self-sufficient: a polis. ‘it comes to be for the sake of living, but it remains in existence for the sake of living well’.

Thus poleis exist by nature and ‘anyone who is without a city-state, not by luck but by nature, is either a poor specimen or else superhuman.’

‘It is also clear why a human being is more of a political animal than a bee or any other gregarious animal. Nature makes nothing pointlessly, as we say, and no animal has speech except a human being.’ We deliberate together not just to express pleasure/pain, but to make clear what is beneficial/harmful, and so just.

The polis is thus prior to a human being

‘Hence, though an impulse toward this sort of community exists by nature in everyone, whoever first established one was responsible for the greatest of goods.’

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3
Q

Pol 1.3 (Analysing the polis)

A

Four basic relations of rule, with their own kind of knowledge: master over slave, husband over wife, father over children, and rule as ‘wealth management’.

What is at stake: is the rule of a polis like any of these kinds of rule?

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4
Q

Pol 1.4-6 (Slavery)

A

A slave, in Aristotle’s view, is a piece of “animate property” used by a master in order to accomplish the actions that make up the master’s life. (I.4)

‘For ruling and being ruled are not only necessary, they are also beneficial, and some things are distinguished right from birth, some suited to rule and others to being ruled.’

‘‘At any rate, it is, as I say, in an animal that we can first observe both rule of a master and rule of a statesman. For the soul rules the body with the rule of a master, whereas understanding rules desire with the rule of a statesman or with the rule of a king.’ (I.5)

“For he who can belong to someone else… and he who shares in reason to the extent of understanding it, but does not have it himself, is a natural slave.”

Natural slaves vs slaves in fact (1.6)

As a whole, the ‘community’ of master and slave forms a kind of mutual “friendship” that even borders one oneness of person

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5
Q

Pol 1.7-11 (economy and wealth acquisition)

A

“rule by a household manager is a monarchy, since every household has one ruler; rule of a statesman is rule over people who are free and equal.” (1.7)

Oikonomia consists in the dispensation, allotment, or simply the use of resources. (I.8)

Bartering and the production of resources are natural forms of wealth acquisition

Commerce is unnatural. it involves symbolic or monetary exchange, rather than barter’s direct exchange. This allows unlimited profits and stores of wealth. (1.9)

Two potential motivations for the drive to accumulation: 1. Those who are “preoccupied with living, not with living well” (over focused on their survival). 2. Those who think that living well means pursuing physical gratification.

Such commercial excesses are “justly disparaged” (I.x)

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6
Q

Pol 1.12 (Husband and wife, father and child)

A

“For a man rules his wife and children both as free people, but not in the same way: instead, he rules his wife the way a statesman does, and his children the way a king does. For a male, unless he is somehow constituted contrary to nature, is naturally more fitted to lead than a female”

the statesman, though equal and ‘differ[ing] in nothing’ to his subjects, at any one point in time distinguishes himself in ‘demeanor, title, or rank from the ruled’, and male is permanently related to female in this way

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7
Q

Pol 1.13 (Ruling and being ruled, the virtue of slaves/women/children/vulgar craftsmen)

A

“ruling and being ruled differ in kind.” (I.xiii, 1259b.35-37) Confusion between these two could lie at the heart of political disorder

Puzzle: ‘Whichever answer one gives, there are problems. If slaves have temperance and the rest, in what respect will they differ from the free? If they do not, absurdity seems to result, since slaves are human and have a share in reason. Roughly the same problem arises about women and children.’

“It is evident, therefore, that both [ruler and ruled] must share in virtue, but that there are differences in their virtue.”

The “deliberative” part of the soul, which rules by way of reason, is “entirely missing” from a natural slave. Women, meanwhile, have deliberative reason but it “lacks authority.” Children, finally, also have deliberative reason, but it’s incomplete

Slaves only have virtue relative to their masters, not as humans in themselves. Wrt vulgar craftsmen: ‘a slave shares his master’s life, whereas a vulgar craftsman is at a greater remove, and virtue pertains to him to just the extent that slavery does; for a vulgar craftsman has a kind of delimited slavery.’

The virtue of each part (man, woman, father, child) must be re-examined once we have considered the constitution as a whole

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8
Q

Pol 2.1-2 (Unity and difference)

A

Aristotle decides that it would be more effective to consider a variety of the most highly regarded constitutions in his time and compare them with one another. But then A turns not to an existing constitution but to the Kallipolis.

The first Socratic recommendation that Aristotle tackles is the policy of communal families. The purpose of such is to create unity: no familial or tribal conflicts, so that the polis can become a community of pleasure and pain.

CA: A city, he argues, is not simply one thing, but a multiplicity of many things that function together. “I am talking about the assumption that it is best for a city-state to be as far as possible all one unit; for that is the assumption Socrates adopts. And yet it is evident that the more of a unity a city-state becomes, the less of a city-state it will be. For a city-state naturally consists of a certain multitude” (II.i, 1261a.15-18). The point, it seems, is not to overcome this multitude of difference but rather to manage it effectively.

Multiplicity is necessary for self-sufficiency: ‘For a household is more self-sufficient than a single person, and a city-state than a household’. “So, since what is more self-sufficient is more choiceworthy, what is less a unity is more choiceworthy than what is more so.” (II.ii).

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9
Q

Pol 2.3-4 (Against Socratic communism)

A

“what is held in common by the largest number of people receives the least care.” (II.iii, 1261b.33-34). “For there are two things in particular that cause human beings to love and cherish something: their own and their favourite. And neither can exist” in Socrates’ city

Other practical concerns Aristotle has include the inadequate defences of Socrates’ plan against incest, patricide, and other ethical taboos. If no one knows who’s related to whom, how can we be expected to preserve our moral standards?

With a more moderate approach, we could arrive at some kind of mixed system of property: “‘For while property should be in some way communal, in general it should be private. For when care for property is divided up, it leads not to those mutual accusations, but rather to greater care being given, as each will be attending to what is his own. But where use is concerned, virtue will ensure that it is governed by the proverb “friends share everything in common.”.” (II.v)

“Selfishness is rightly criticized. But it is not just loving oneself, it is loving oneself more than one should […]. Moreover, it is very pleasant to help one’s friends, guests, or companions, and do them favors, as one can if one has property of one’s own”

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10
Q

Pol 2.5-6 (Against Socratic Elitism)

A

The city is not one note, but a harmony of many notes: “It is as if one were to reduce a harmony to a unison, or a rhythm to a single beat. But a city-state consists of a multitude, as we said before, and should be unified and made into a community by means of education.”

Socrates spoke of education, but only wrt the guardians- he ignored broader “habits, philosophy, and laws”.

The result of the Socratic regime of guardians is that the guardians live unhappy lives, while the rest of the city is ignored

In the end, he classifies the Socratic city in this way: “The overall organization tends to be neither a democracy nor an oligarchy but midway between them; it is called a polity, since it is made up of those with hoplite weapons.” (1265b.25-30). Socrates is right in advocating such a regime.

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11
Q

Pol 2.7 (Phaleas and practical wealth distribution)

A

2.7- Phaleas had recommended that wealth could be evened out through small, practical measures, such as limiting childbirths or using dowries to balance things out

The mistake that Socrates made, but that Phaleas didn’t, is to emphasize property over laws when it comes to questions of equality and levelling. To Aristotle, it is the laws which must shape habits and desires so that vicious inequality is avoided. There’s no need to end the system of ownership as such.

“For one should level desires more than property, and that cannot happen unless people have been adequately educated by the laws.”

Three kinds of human motivations, all of which can motivate injustice (and their remedies): 1. For Necessities- moderate income & property 2. For Pleasures That End in Pain- temperance 3. For Pleasure In Itself- philosophy & contemplation

‘The greatest injustices, in any case, are committed because of excess and not because of the necessities. For example, no one becomes a tyrant to escape the cold”

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12
Q

Pol 3.1-2 (the agency of a city, citizenhood, the identity of a city)

A

“the question of a city’s agency should cause us to look more closely at the individual agents that constitute that city as a whole. In other words, we have to examine that city’s citizens”

A is discussing ‘unqualified citizens’ (as opposed to honorary citizens, resident aliens, or immigrants with other legal statuses)

“The unqualified citizen is defined by nothing else so much as by his participation in judgment and office.” A ‘citizen’ can be defined in many different ways, depending on which form of constitution is in place.

The unqualified citizen sounds most like a citizen in a democracy, as Aristotle admits- democracies would therefore have the best understanding of what it means to be a citizen.

A addresses “the problem of when we ought to say that a city-state is the same, or not the same but a different one.”

The integrity of the polis, it turns out, has little to do with geographical or spatial concerns. The identity of the city lies instead in the integrity of its constitution

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13
Q

Pol 3.4-5 (Human virtue and citizen virtue)

A

Distinction between PV and CV. The virtue of a citizen is defined by the constitution in which they live. If they serve and preserve that constitution, they are showing the virtues of citizenship and being good citizens. But certain constitutions may ask them to do things that make them bad people

“the citizens… have the safety of the community as their task. But the community is the constitution. Hence the virtue of a citizen must be suited to his constitution. Consequently, if indeed there are several kinds of constitution, it is clear that there cannot be a single virtue that is the virtue—the complete virtue— of a good citizen. But the good man, we say, does express a single virtue: the complete one. Evidently, then, it is possible for someone to be a good citizen without having acquired the virtue expressed by a good man.”

the city will only function if the vast majority of its inhabitants act like good citizens in at least a basic sense.

Since political rule is different from mastery, a ruler must learn political rule by also being ruled. “a good citizen must have the knowledge and ability both to be ruled and to rule, and this is the virtue of a citizen, to know the rule of free people from both sides […] But, when serving as a ruler, the citizen should be capable of practical wisdom (phronēsis). When being ruled, meanwhile, it is enough to get by on “true opinion””

3.5: “the truth is that not everyone without whom there would not be a city-state is to be regarded as a citizen.” Slaves and vulgar craftsmen lack the ‘free time’ to pursue deliberation and judgement. They are thus akin to a “resident alien”.

“The goal of finding the best constitution, we now see, has to do with uncovering a form of political organization that makes being a good citizen most equivalent to being a good person”

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14
Q

Pol 3.6-7 (Taxonomy of constitutions)

A

“A constitution is an organization of a city state’s various offices but, particularly, of the one that has authority over everything. For the governing class has authority in every city-state, and the governing class is the constitution.” 3.6

The best constitution promotes living well: Like a captain on a ship, the statesman is ruling not only for his own benefit, but so that the whole ship and its crew can prosper.

Taxonomy of regimes

‘Few’ and ‘many’ here often mean ‘rich’ and ‘poor’- a community with a majority of wealthy rulers would still be an oligarchy, and one with a minority of poor rulers would still be a democracy

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15
Q

Pol 3.8-11 (Political virtue and shares in the polis, ‘Defence’ of democracy)

A

“justice seems to be equality, and it is, but not for everyone, only for equals. Justice also seems to be inequality, since indeed it is, but not for everyone, only for unequals.” 3.9

“So political communities must be taken to exist for the sake of noble actions, and not for the sake of living together. Hence those who contribute the most to this sort of community have a larger share in the city-state” 3.9

The primary value for aristocracy is not equality (as human beings) or shared freedom or wealth, but political virtue

Different constitutions grant different kinds of people the right to decide about justice, but Aristotle also thinks that people in general should be subject to just laws (rather than deciding on everything by decree in the moment).

‘Defence’ of democracy: ‘the many, who are not as individuals excellent men, nevertheless can, when they have come together, be better than the few best people, not individually but collectively, just as feasts to which many contribute are better than feasts provided at one person’s expense. For being many, each of them can have some part of virtue and practical wisdom, and when they come together, the multitude is just like a single human being, with many feet, hands, and senses, and so too for their character traits and wisdom. That is why the many are better judges of works of music and of the poets. For one of them judges one part, another another, and all of them the whole thing.’

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16
Q

Pol 3.12-13 (Kingship)

A

The problem with written laws is that they are too general to safely ensure the rule of justice. But the problem with people is that they can be corrupted or make decisions on a whim, rather than after careful deliberation. That may mean that aristocracy is ultimately safer than kingship, since it’s harder to corrupt a number of people than it is to corrupt just one. “Anyone who instructs law to rule would seem to be asking God and the understanding alone to rule; whereas someone who asks a human being asks a wild beast as well”

Kingship would be appropriate if there were one exceptional family that was superior in political virtue. Aristocracy would arise if there were a free multitude that could rule and be ruled. A polity, finally, would be in place if there were a warrior multitude capable of ruling and being ruled. 3.12-13

17
Q

Pol 4.1-2 (The method of political science)

A

Three angles of political science: i. What is the best constitution?
ii. What is the most appropriate constitution given certain circumstances?
iii. What is the best constitution given certain assumptions we hold going in?
“For one should not study only what is best, but also what is possible and similarly what is easier and more attainable by all.”

18
Q

Pol 4.3-8 (Democracy and oligarchy)

A

e. Democracy, in short, occurs when the free and poor hold political authority. An oligarchy, meanwhile, arises when the rich and usually well-born few attain authority. (IV.iv)

Five kinds of democracy, and four kinds of oligarchy

Four levels of democratic participation and four levels of oligarchic participation- these are determined by the availability and capacity people have for participating. These cover the spectrum from the authority of law to the authority of people.

19
Q

Pol 4.7-9 (Polity)

A

Aristocracy involves election to political office by merit.

“Polity, to put it simply, is a mixture of oligarchy and democracy. It is customary, however, to call those mixtures that lean toward democracy polities, and those that lean more toward oligarchy aristocracies, because education and good birth more commonly accompany those who are richer.” 4.8

Polity takes the best from democracy and oligarchy: i. A polity pays the poor for doing jury duty (like democracy) and fines the rich for refusing to do so (like oligarchy).

ii. A polity retains a moderate property assessment (the ability to purchase hoplite weapons) for entry into its assembly (whereas oligarchy has a higher assessment and democracy has none).
iii. A polity allows officials to be elected without regard for a property assessment. (Whereas democratic officials are chosen by lot and oligarchic officials can only be elected given a property assessment.)

[A discusses tyranny in 4.10)

20
Q

Pol 4.11 (The middle)

A

Compares the mean in the polis to the mean in ethics.

If much of politics devolves into class warfare between rich and poor, the best strategy might be to focus on the middle class. The problem with being too rich is that it leads to vice through arrogance. It contains a tendency towards mastery. Being too poor, meanwhile, leads to vice through malice. This is like a tendency towards slavery.

21
Q

Pol 5.1-7 (Constitutional calculus)

A

How do constitutions change? Constitutional change, according to Aristotle, usually occurs as a result of “faction” (stasis).

Faction, in turn, usually occurs when there is disagreement over the meaning of equality—and, therefore, the meaning of justice. “Though everyone agrees about justice (that is to say, proportional equality), they are mistaken about it.”

i. Democracy goes wrong when those who are equal-regarding-freedom take themselves to be unqualifiedly equal.
ii. Oligarchy goes wrong when those who are unequal-regarding-wealth take themselves to be unqualifiedly unequal.
Only Aristocracy manifests unqualified justice.

If the poor masses press their hand too much in a democracy, the rich few might fight back more strongly. If the rich forget the qualification about their inequality-by-wealth and start acting like they’re unqualifiedly better than everyone else, the poor masses will become more likely to rise up.

How a party would change the constitution:

i. Change the entire constitution
ii. Take control of the existing constitution
iii. Change the constitution by degrees
iv. Change part of the constitution (cf. an amendment)

democracy and oligarchy are the most common constitutions, since freedom and wealth are more widespread than good birth and virtue. Democracy is more stable than oligarchy

[How faction emerges (ethnic differences etc., how different constitutions lead to faction, etc.- see essay plan]

22
Q

Pol 5.8-10 (Preserving constitutions)

A

These policies are (V.viii): 0+ 2+

i. Vigilance against minor violations of the law (slippery slope!)
ii. Avoiding deception of the multitude (contra Noble Lie?)
iii. Treating the ruled well (e.g., by not ruling for too long)
iv. Instilling fear in the populace (does this contradict the deception claim?)
v. Prevent internal rivalries from building up
vi. Alter property assessments based on wealth fluctuations across the city
vii. Slow down social mobility
viii. Ensure lifestyles of individuals and classes benefit the whole constitution
ix. Make sure no one profits unduly from their offices
x. Give preference to those who do not take part in the constitution explicitly

23
Q

Pol 5.11 (preserving Kingships and Tyrannies)

A

Moderation is the key to preserving kingship. Kings can often ensure the long-lasting duration of their power by (perhaps surprisingly) limiting that power. This ensures that the people see that the king is ruling for the common good.

Among the best ways to preserve tyranny, he lists: executing the educated and exceptional; spying on everyone; banning associations and meetings; impoverishing the masses through taxation, great works, and warmongering; and giving undue license to slaves and women 5.11

More generally: three strategies: sow petty thinking among the ruled; sow distrust among the ruled; and sow powerlessness among the ruled.

the second strategy for tyrants is to act like a king while remaining a tyrant. That means leading the ruled to think they are being ruled willingly, when in fact they are being ruled unwillingly. The best-case scenario is that of a ‘half-vicious’ tyrant.

24
Q

Pol 6.1 (Elements and combinations)

A

by mixing in different elements alongside one’s chosen principle, one can come up with a hybrid constitution that’s ultimately stronger and more resistant to corruption.

25
Q

Pol 6.1-2 (The principles and elements of democracy)

A

The principle of democracy, as we can already guess, is freedom. This leads to two basic goals: majority rule, and liberty to live as you like.

[elements of democracy, e.g. elections by lot, no property assessment, no permanent offices]

26
Q

Pol 6.3 (Democratic and oligarchic justice)

A

Both democracies and oligarchies, in fact, erroneously make justice depend on property, because they look at equality primarily through a lens of property.

The majority deciding what is just leads to an ‘unjust’ property policy, but the rich deciding what is just leads to quasi-tyranny.

But A does say that having property is something of an indicator of virtue here.

27
Q

Pol 6.4 (The best democracy)

A

The quality of democracy depends on the quality of its citizens- the best would be farmers, then herdsmen, then all other labourers. Because they’re busy farming and feeding the city, farmers don’t have much time to be tempted by political corruption and scheming.

The goal when forming democracies, then, is to always “exclude the worst multitude.”

bigger democracies should alternately consolidate and break up associations (civic, religious, etc.), so that the old alliances don’t lead to hopeless faction within the multitude

28
Q

Pol 7.1-3 (The most choiceworthy life)

A

three main categories of goods that can make us happy (VII.i.1323a.20-40):

i. External goods
ii. Goods of the body
iii. Goods of the soul

“since the soul is unqualifiedly more valuable, and also more valuable to us, than possessions or the body, its best states must be proportionally better than theirs.”

“each person has just as much happiness as he has virtue, practical wisdom, and the action that expresses them.” (VII.i.1323b.20-25) If there remains a place for material goods, it is as the prerequisites needed for the life of virtue to take place.

The political life or the philosophical life? [Or: do we return to the cave?] The life of the statesman is more dangerous: in particular, it involves the temptation to fall away from true rule and back into mastery.

The life of contemplative activity may be more safe, then.

29
Q

Pol 7.4-7 (the conditions for the best city)

A

Again, Aristotle stresses that he wants his ideal city to be the best possible one—with the emphasis on its ‘possibility.’- it needs v favourable conditions, but these conditions must be potentially real.

“the best limit for a city-state is this: it is the greatest size of multitude that promotes life’s self-sufficiency and that can be easily surveyed as a whole.”

Importance of being near the sea, but the downside that such might let in ‘foreign’ agents, who increase the city’s commerce but decrease its virtue.

The citizens must have the right qualities. The Greeks, he says, seem to occupy the ideal mean between ‘European’ spiritedness and ‘Asiatic’ intellect. Both spirit and intelligence are needed for ruling and being ruled.

30
Q

Pol 7.8-12 (the constitution of the best city)

A

Distinction between (a) things that a city needs and (b) things that are truly part of a city. The city needs, for example water, but the parts of the city, most strictly, are its citizens. “A city-state is a community of similar people aiming at the best life.”

Only those engaged in cultivating a life of virtue would be a citizen of the best city. True citizens cannot spend all of their time working away at their repetitive trades. Rather, they must spend their time on two main tasks: warfare and deliberation. The young citizens will train and fight, and the old citizens will deliberate.

Since the happiness of the city depends on all the parts being happy, A restricts the identity of the city most strictly to the proper citizens- those engaged in full-time deliberation. “For the class of vulgar craftsmen does not participate in the city-state, nor does any other class whose members are not ‘craftsmen of virtue’”

As he’s said before, its property will be privately owned but communally used. (And only true citizens can privately own it!) Every citizen will receive a plot of land in the city and another out on the frontier, so that they have a vested interest in both urban and military issues

31
Q

Pol 7.12-15 (the goal of the best city)

A

Conditions for virtue: i. Nature ii. Habit iii. Reason

Divisions of the soul. “the worse part is always [to be used] for the sake of the better”. The body must be used for sake of the soul; war for peace; work for leisure; and the necessary-useful things for the sake of the noble.

On the scale of the city, then, the necessary and useful people and property must be used for the sake of the noble people

contemplation as the highest good.

32
Q

Pol 8.1-3 (education)

A

education should be (VIII.i): 5+

i. Suited to the particular constitution (of the city)
ii. Aimed at building the characters and qualities associated with that constitution
iii. Communally managed for the benefit of all (citizens)
iv. The same for all (since the city has one shared goal)

“one should not consider any citizen as belonging to himself alone, but as all belonging to the city-state, since each is a part of the city-state.” [contra his earlier critique of Socrates?]

the free “should share only in such useful things as will not turn them into vulgar craftsmen. (Any task, craft, or branch of learning should be considered vulgar if it renders the body or mind of free people useless for the practices and activities of virtue[)]”

Work, he has already said, is for the sake of leisure. But what is leisure for? Leisure, it turns out, is for the pursuit not of necessary virtues, but of noble ones- of contemplation.

h. Utility, then, isn’t everything. The proper response to education is not the question: “What are you going to do with that?” In education, you’re already ‘doing it’— you’re already living out the activity of virtue. “there is a certain kind of education that children must be given not because it is useful or necessary, but because it is noble and suitable for a free person.” (VIII.iii.1338a.30)