ANT Final Flashcards

1
Q

Bioethics

A

Refers to the philosophical and normative frameworks guiding medical research and practice, focusing on the rights, interests, and well-being of human subjects.

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2
Q

Biological citizenship

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describes forms of belonging, rights claims, and demands for access to resources and care that are made on a biological basis such as an injury, shared genetic status, or disease state

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3
Q

Ethical variability

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Refers to the adjustment or recasting of international ethical guidelines in clinical trials to fit specific local contexts. This concept underscores how ethical standards are often modified in ways that facilitate pharmaceutical testing in different socio-political and economic settings​

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4
Q

Pharmaceuticalized bodies

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Implies a population where individuals are shaped or managed through pharmaceutical interventions, often highlighting the exploitation of treatment-naïve populations in clinical trials to achieve clear drug efficacy results

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5
Q

Treatment naïveté

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the condition of individuals or populations who have not been exposed to prior treatments or medications. Such populations are considered ideal for clinical trials because their lack of treatment history minimizes confounding variables, making them highly desirable for testing drug efficacy

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6
Q

Placebo vs. active control trial

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a placebo trial involves a group receiving an inactive trial, compared to the real drug to see whether the treatment has an effect or not. This method is preferred for generating clear evidence of efficacy but has ethical concerns when effective treatments already exist.
The active control trial involves comparing the new drug/ treatment to something that already exists. While ethically preferable, these trials may yield less clear data due to external factors like patient history and spontaneous recovery.

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7
Q

Helsinki Declaration

A

A set of ethical guidelines established by the World Medical Association to govern biomedical research involving human subjects. It emphasizes that research must prioritize the well-being of participants, forbidding placebo use when effective treatments are available unless no proven method exists.

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8
Q

Disposable Kin

A

This term describes the precarious position of care workers in the global care economy, where they become “like family” through their roles in providing care and emotional labor but are ultimately deemed expendable. At critical junctures—such as retirement or the death of a patient—relationships revert to essentialist notions of kinship (based on blood or marriage), allowing employers, states, and agencies to sever ties and avoid obligations to the worker. This disposability reflects broader inequalities in labor, race, and citizenship​

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9
Q

Kinship as being (essential)

A

This refers to an essentialist view of kinship that is fixed, hierarchical, and rooted in biological connections (e.g., blood relations or formal marriage). It represents a static understanding of kinship that excludes those outside traditional familial structures, particularly migrant care workers, when material or legal consequences (e.g., inheritance or citizenship) are at stake

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10
Q

Kinship as doing (processual)

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This concept sees kinship as dynamic and constructed through actions, relationships, and shared experiences, such as co-residence, caregiving, and emotional bonds. It emphasizes the active creation of kinship through ongoing processes, allowing non-relatives, like domestic workers, to become “like family” through their labor and care​

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11
Q

Stratified reproduction

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refers to the inequalities in reproductive practices, where some groups are supported in their ability to reproduce and raise children, while others are marginalized or discouraged. These disparities often align with social hierarchies of race, class, gender, and citizenship. Highlights how global and local power dynamics shape who is afforded resources and support for reproduction. For instance, affluent groups may receive advanced fertility treatments, while marginalized communities face systemic barriers to reproductive healthcare or policies that limit their reproductive choices

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12
Q

Stratified care work

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describes the unequal distribution of caregiving responsibilities and resources, often falling disproportionately on marginalized groups, such as migrant women or racial minorities, who perform care labor for more privileged individuals or families. Care workers are often racialized, underpaid, and excluded from the benefits of kinship and citizenship, reflecting how global care economies depend on exploiting the labor of less powerful groups. Their work is essential yet undervalued, highlighting structural inequalities in who provides and who benefits from care.

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13
Q

Emotional Labour

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the process of managing emotions to fulfill the expectations of a job, particularly in roles that involve interpersonal interactions, such as caregiving, nursing, or customer service. e.g. Migrant care workers often develop deep emotional bonds with their clients but are devalued and excluded when their labor is no longer needed. This creates emotional strain as they reconcile their professional roles with personal attachments.

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14
Q

Kinship and Care

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caregiving roles can extend beyond biological relationships to create new forms of kinship through caregiving acts, shared experiences, and emotional connections. For instance, domestic workers often become “like family” through caregiving, yet are excluded from material or legal benefits afforded to official kin when employment ends. This dynamic illustrates how care work can create, but also deconstruct, notions of kinship in globalized economies.

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15
Q

The ideology of “hostile worlds/separate spheres”

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This ideology reflects the belief that economic transactions (e.g., paid caregiving) and intimate relationships (e.g., familial bonds) should remain separate to preserve the purity of emotional connections and to avoid commodifying care.

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16
Q

Biomedical technologies/ biotechnology

A

the advanced medical tools and techniques used to manipulate biological processes for health and medical purposes, such as organ transplantation, reproductive technologies (e.g., IVF), and genetic engineering. e.g. organ transplants have reshaped definitions of life and death (e.g., brain death) while raising questions about commodification, access, and inequity. Biotechnology’s ability to “fragment” the body into “spare parts” emphasizes the intersection of medical innovation and social inequalities

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17
Q

bioviolence

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exploitation and harm caused by medical and technological advances, where vulnerable populations are subjected to violence, such as selling their organs under coercion or poverty-driven circumstances. The global organ trade, where the poor become victims in a system that commodifies their bodies. For instance, organs from impoverished sellers are often trafficked to wealthier recipients, creating a “medical apartheid” based on wealth and class​

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18
Q

organ commodification

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the process of treating human organs as marketable goods that can be bought, sold, or traded, rather than as intrinsic, inalienable parts of the human body. highlights structural inequalities in the global organ trade. Wealthier recipients often exploit poor sellers, who are coerced into selling vital organs like kidneys or liver lobes due to economic desperation.

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19
Q

living cadavers

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Organ sellers who, after selling vital parts of their body, feel dehumanized and physically diminished, existing in a state between life and death. sellers in Bangladesh, after enduring physical harm, stigma, and loss of dignity, describe themselves as “living cadavers.” This reflects the profound psychological and social toll of commodifying one’s body for survival​.

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20
Q

spare parts

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the way biomedical technologies treat human bodies as repositories of detachable, reusable components, like kidneys, liver lobes, or corneas, that can be extracted and transplanted. critiques the reduction of human beings to a collection of “parts” for consumption, often benefiting the privileged at the expense of the marginalized. The global flow of these “spare parts” mirrors inequalities, with organs often moving from poor to wealthy populations.

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21
Q

microcredit loans

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Small loans offered to help out businesses or escape povery. microcredit loans are linked to the organ trade, as borrowers trapped in high-interest debt often resort to selling their organs to repay loans. This creates a cycle of exploitation, where economic empowerment initiatives unintentionally exacerbate vulnerability​.

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22
Q

Autonomy and agency of poor ‘donating’ their organs

A

The ability of individuals to make free and informed decisions about selling or donating their organs, often constrained by social, economic, and structural inequalities. The article challenges the notion of true autonomy, as many organ sellers are coerced by poverty, misinformation, and exploitation. False promises by brokers and buyers undermine their agency, making their consent to sell organs more a result of desperation than informed choice​.

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23
Q

Racialized commodities

A

Racialized commodities refer to goods, such as human eggs or other reproductive materials, whose value is influenced by racial attributes or perceived racial purity. In the context of the fertility industry, human eggs are often valued based on the donor’s race, with certain racial traits being deemed more desirable and commanding higher prices. This commodification intertwines racial identity with market economics, reinforcing stereotypes and racial hierarchies​

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24
Q

Reproductive technology

A

medical and scientific methods used to assist individuals or couples in achieving pregnancy and childbirth. For example in vitro fertilization (IVF), egg and sperm donation, and gestational surrogacy. These technologies often reflect and reinforce societal and cultural values, including ideas about race, identity, and kinship, particularly when donor traits are selected based on racial preferences

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25
Gamete
a reproductive cell either an egg (ovum) in females or a sperm in males that carries half of the genetic material necessary for the creation of a new organism. In assisted reproduction, gametes are the biological materials exchanged, donated, or purchased. The social and cultural values tied to these gametes, such as racial or ethnic matching, play a significant role in their commodification within the fertility market​.
26
Biomaterial
refers to any biological substance derived from living organisms that can be used for medical or scientific purposes. biomaterials include eggs, sperm, and embryos. These materials often acquire added value based on social and cultural perceptions, such as racial or phenotypic traits, turning them into marketable commodities​
27
Re-biologizing race
the process by which racial categories, which are socially constructed, are reinterpreted as biological or genetic truths. marketing and selecting gametes based on racial traits, thus perpetuating the idea that race is inherently biological rather than a social construct. This can reinforce stereotypes and hierarchical values associated with different racial groups
28
Bio-commodities
biological materials that are commercialized and traded in markets. Human gametes, particularly eggs, are examples of bio-commodities. They gain market value based on traits like race, intelligence, and physical attributes. This reflects broader trends in the commodification of life and raises ethical concerns about inequality and exploitation in the fertility industry​
29
Commodity fetishism
refers to the way commodities are imbued with social and cultural significance, obscuring the labor and social relationships that produce them. In medical anthropology, it describes how health-related products (e.g., medications, medical technologies, or organs) are treated as abstract objects with intrinsic value, disconnected from the human experiences and systems that create and sustain them. Pharmaceuticals may be perceived as magical solutions to health problems, while the labor of pharmaceutical workers, researchers, and the social inequalities influencing access are overlooked. (cleaners in hospital- magically clean, kidney, farmer workers)
30
Commodification of bodies
the process by which human bodies, or parts of them, are turned into commodities that can be bought, sold, or exchanged. It highlights the transformation of the body from a sacred or personal entity to an object with economic value. E.g. selling kidneys to not be in poverty
31
Singularization
the process of distinguishing a commodity from the marketplace, reinvesting it with personal or unique meaning. In medical contexts, it often involves transforming a mass-produced item or commodified entity into something with deep, personal significance. A patient may receive a donated organ (a commodified body part in a global market) and reinterpret it as a unique and invaluable gift that saves their life, creating a personal bond to it.
32
Exchangeability
the idea that certain items or entities, including bodily components, can be substituted or exchanged within a marketplace or social system. It highlights the standardization and interchangeability of commodified items. Blood banks treat blood as an exchangeable commodity, with standardized classifications (e.g., blood type) ensuring that it can be used interchangeably for transfusions in diverse individuals, disconnecting the blood from its donor.
33
Sacrifice
refers to the act of giving up a life or entity deemed of lesser value to achieve a higher goal, often imbued with moral and ethical implications. It involves the transformation of the sacrificed entity into something with potential value for others. The piglets in the laboratory are sacrificed to advance neonatal research, symbolizing the exchange of their lives for the promise of improving human health outcomes.
34
Substitution
the process by which one entity is made to stand in for another, particularly in experimental and medical contexts. It involves creating a representation or proxy that can endure processes or conditions meant for the original. The piglets serve as substitutes for human premature infants in experiments. Their physiological similarities make them proxies, but their moral and species differences allow their lives to be exchanged for human benefits.
35
Corporeal exchange
refers to the physical and emotional interactions between humans and non-human entities during experimental processes, emphasizing the shared sentience and mutual influence between them. The researchers develop a relationship with the piglets through care, observation, and interaction, which momentarily blurs the line between treating them as raw materials and as sentient beings. These exchanges evoke feelings of kinship, care, and ethical dilemmas
36
Calculative exchange
describes a structured, rationalized process where entities are valued and exchanged based on their utility and worth, often abstracting moral and emotional considerations. The piglets are framed as less valuable than human lives, making their use in experiments morally justifiable within the lab's calculative framework. This exchange focuses on achieving the ultimate goal of human health improvements, treating piglets as raw materials for scientific advancement
37
Politics of labour
refers to the ways labor is organized, valued, and exploited in specific socioeconomic and ecological contexts. It examines how workers' bodies and lives are shaped by broader systems of production and capitalism. Workers in factory farms are exposed to hazardous conditions while managing the excrement and bodies of animals. Their labor not only produces goods (e.g., meat) but also sustains an industrial system that creates "living waste," highlighting inequities and exploitation​
38
Horizontal gene transfer
The process by which genetic material is transferred between organisms in a non-reproductive manner, such as between bacteria. This process plays a significant role in the spread of antibiotic resistance. Horizontal gene transfer is described as a mechanism by which antibiotic resistance genes spread through microbial communities in environments surrounding factory farms, particularly through aerosolized particles of excrement​.
39
Antibiotic resistance
The ability of bacteria to survive and proliferate despite the presence of antibiotics that would normally kill them. It arises due to overuse or misuse of antibiotics. Factory farms contribute to antibiotic resistance by using antibiotics not just for treatment but also as growth promoters in animals. This practice leads to the development of resistant bacteria, which can spread to human populations through various environmental pathways​. Makes humans resistanat to antiobiotics, making it hard for traditional medicine to help them if they are sick
40
‘Living’ waste
A concept describing waste that is biologically active and capable of interacting with and altering its environment in unpredictable ways. Hog manure, laden with antibiotics, resistant bacteria, and other pollutants, is termed "living waste" because it interacts with humans, animals, and ecosystems, creating health and environmental hazards
41
Surplus value
the value produced by labor that exceeds the laborer's compensation, which is captured as profit by capitalists. The article highlights how factory farm workers create surplus value not only through animal production but also by managing and mitigating the effects of industrial waste, often at the cost of their health and well-being
42
Fecal dust storms
Aerosolized clouds of dried animal excrement and feed particles that are carried by winds, potentially spreading pathogens, antibiotic residues, and resistance genes. These storms are described as a new environmental phenomenon linked to factory farming, posing risks to human health and contributing to the spread of antibiotic resistance​
43
The patchy Anthropocene
the uneven and localized impacts of human activities on the environment and ecosystems during the Anthropocene, the current geological epoch defined by significant human influence. The factory farm environment exemplifies this concept, with its intense localized impact on air quality, soil, and microbial ecologies. The "patchy" nature of these changes highlights the uneven distribution of environmental and health burdens
44
The global petri dish
This metaphor refers to the contemporary world as an interconnected environment where microbes and pathogens can rapidly spread due to globalization. It emphasizes the role of human activities such as air travel, industrialized food production, and environmental changes in facilitating the emergence and transmission of diseases. The chapter illustrates how factors like rapid global travel, industrialized farming, and climate change contribute to a landscape where diseases like SARS and Ebola can quickly spread across the globe, blurring traditional geographical boundaries for disease containment​
45
One Health
A holistic approach that recognizes the interconnectedness of human, animal, and environmental health. It emphasizes the need for interdisciplinary collaboration to address health threats at these intersections. The "One Health" framework is essential for understanding zoonotic diseases (e.g., Ebola and SARS), which originate in animals and jump to humans. The approach highlights the importance of monitoring ecosystems, animal populations, and human health collectively to prevent outbreaks
46
Three epidemiological transitions
These transitions represent significant shifts in disease patterns throughout human history, shaped by changes in society, environment, and technology: First Transition: Occurred during the Neolithic Revolution (~10,000 years ago), when humans adopted agriculture and domesticated animals. This shift led to increased exposure to zoonotic diseases and diseases that thrive in settled communities. Second Transition: Took place during industrialization (19th-20th centuries), marked by a decline in infectious diseases in wealthy countries due to improved sanitation, public health infrastructure, and medical advancements, with a rise in chronic diseases. Third Transition: Characterizes the modern era, defined by the emergence of new diseases, the resurgence of previously controlled diseases (often drug-resistant), and the rapid spread of infections due to globalization and human ecological disruptions. The third transition is linked to the globalization of pathogens, driven by factors like urbanization, deforestation, and global travel, which make re/emerging diseases a pressing concern​
47
Emerging (or re-emerging) diseases
Emerging diseases are new, clinically distinct infections whose incidence in humans has increased due to new pathogens, environmental changes, or unrecognized diseases. Re-emerging diseases are previously controlled or declining infections that resurge due to factors like antimicrobial resistance or public health lapses. Examples include the emergence of diseases like SARS, Zika, and Ebola, and the re-emergence of diseases like tuberculosis and dengue. Factors like urban overcrowding, antibiotic misuse, and environmental destruction exacerbate their prevalence
48
Zoonosis
refers to any disease or infection that is naturally transmitted from animals to humans. These diseases are caused by various pathogens, including bacteria, viruses, parasites, and fungi. Zoonotic diseases can occur through direct contact with animals, their bodily fluids, or indirectly via vectors (e.g., mosquitoes or ticks). examples: salmonella, ebola, ringworm. Modes of transmission- direct contact, consuming the animal, eg meat or eggs or milk. Through insect bites, contact with contaminated soil or water...
49
Stigma (Goffman definition; fear)
According to Erving Goffman, stigma is the negative social label or attribution placed on individuals due to their disability or illness. It devalues them, making them appear "different" or "not normal," often resulting in social rejection or discrimination. Stigma can overshadow all other aspects of a person’s identity and cause long-term suffering. Stigma often arises from fear, especially of the unknown or perceived threats like disease or disability. Historically, fear might have served to protect communities from contagion. However, in modern society, this fear can lead to scapegoating, discrimination, and even the displacement of people. Addressing stigma requires fostering trust and cooperation, particularly in the context of public health. If you see it, you are stigmitaised with the ilness, and people fear you
50
Invisible stigmatized conditions (disclosure)
illnesses or disabilities that are not immediately apparent, such as deafness or certain chronic illnesses. These conditions pose a "dilemma of disclosure," as individuals must decide whether to reveal their condition to others. Disclosure can lead to social rejection and discrimination but is often necessary to gain understanding or support. However, revealing these conditions also risks making the individual’s struggles more visible, potentially amplifying stigma.
51
Disability
refers to physical, mental, or sensory impairments that may hinder a person’s ability to participate fully in society or perform typical tasks. The concept of disability is deeply influenced by social attitudes and cultural expectations about what is "normal." Disability intersects with stigma when societal norms label those with impairments as inferior or incapable. The stigma surrounding disability often results from fear, misunderstanding, or prejudiced attitudes.
52
Chronic illnesses and sick role
long-term health conditions that individuals must manage throughout their lives, unlike acute illnesses, which are short-lived and typically cured. The "sick role" is a social role traditionally applied to temporary illnesses, where the individual is expected to recover and return to normal responsibilities. For chronic illnesses, the "sick role" becomes more complex because the illness persists indefinitely. Instead of being excused from societal roles temporarily, individuals with chronic illnesses must adjust their identity and responsibilities to incorporate the ongoing nature of their condition. This adjustment is challenging because societal norms often do not accommodate long-term illness or disability.
53
Population aging
refers to the demographic trend where the proportion of older individuals (typically aged 65 and above) in a population increases, often due to declining birth rates and increasing life expectancy. Sarah Lamb discusses how population aging is a global issue, with significant implications for biopolitical governance. In North America, this trend has led to a focus on "successful aging," emphasizing independence, productivity, and health to minimize the economic and social burdens associated with an aging population​
54
Permanent personhood
a cultural ideal, particularly in North American discourse on aging, that envisions the self as ageless, emphasizing the maintenance of independence, productivity, and vitality even in later life. This ideal often denies the natural processes of decline and mortality, creating unrealistic expectations for older adults. It contrasts with cultural views in other societies (e.g., India), which may emphasize acceptance of decline and interdependence as natural parts of aging​
55
Meaningful decline
refers to the acceptance and integration of physical and cognitive decline as natural and meaningful aspects of the human life course, rather than as failures. Sarah Lamb critiques the North American "successful aging" model for its emphasis on avoiding decline at all costs. It argues for a more inclusive approach that recognizes decline and mortality as opportunities for growth, reflection, and connection, rather than as purely negative experiences
56
Successful aging
a dominant North American paradigm that defines aging well as maintaining independence, high cognitive and physical function, and active engagement in life, while avoiding disease and decline. While this model is appealing and motivational for some, the document critiques it for its ethnocentricity, overemphasis on individual responsibility, and failure to accommodate the realities of aging, such as dependence and mortality. This creates social pressures and stigma for those who cannot meet these ideals​
57
Bare life
a concept derived from Giorgio Agamben, describing a state where individuals are reduced to mere biological existence, stripped of political and social recognition, and excluded from the protections of societal norms. In such conditions, life is treated as expendable, subject to abandonment or neglect by systems of power. The elderly residents of long-term care facilities during the COVID-19 pandemic were reduced to "bare life" as their personhood was devalued. The lack of adequate medical care, neglect, and the systemic failures in Ontario’s long-term care system exemplified how their lives were treated as expendable in the face of systemic priorities like neoliberal cost-cutting and privatization
58
Cruddiness
describes a chronic state of mediocrity or neglect in living conditions and care, characterized by systemic failures that cause ongoing suffering without reaching the level of a dramatic crisis or offering redemption. It reflects a normalization of inadequate and degrading conditions under late liberalism. The long-term care system in Ontario was described as being in a "cruddy" state even before the pandemic. Chronic understaffing, insufficient resources, and neglect were routine, resulting in widespread suffering for residents and caregivers. The pandemic exacerbated this cruddiness into a catastrophe, exposing how these "ordinary" failings became life-threatening under extreme stress
59
Population aging
60
Chronic illness
refers to long-term health conditions that typically persist over time and require ongoing management rather than a definitive cure. Examples include diabetes, heart disease, and arthritis. Chronic illnesses challenge the "sick role" often associated with temporary conditions, as individuals must integrate illness management into their identities and everyday lives. Lamb emphasizes how chronic illness intersects with aging, highlighting the tension between societal ideals of independence and the realities of dependency​. hronic illnesses are studied as both biological and social phenomena. Anthropologists examine how culture, social inequality, and healthcare systems influence the experience and management of chronic conditions, as well as the stigma and structural barriers faced by individuals with these illnesses.
61
Life course
a framework for understanding human development as a process shaped by biological, social, and cultural factors over time. It emphasizes the interconnectedness of life stages and the cumulative impact of experiences. Both Badone and Lamb explore aging and illness within the life course perspective, focusing on how societal expectations and cultural values shape experiences at different stages of life. For example, Lamb critiques the cultural emphasis on productivity in later life and its disregard for the natural processes of decline​. The life course perspective is used to analyze how health and illness are experienced differently across stages of life and how factors like race, class, and gender intersect to shape these experiences.
62
Cumulative advantage/disadvantage
describes how advantages or disadvantages accumulate over the life course due to structural inequalities, such as socioeconomic status, access to healthcare, and social support. Lamb’s critique of "successful aging" highlights how individuals with greater resources (financial, social, or physical) are better positioned to meet societal ideals of aging. This creates inequities where those with fewer resources face compounded disadvantages as they age​. Anthropologists use this concept to study health disparities and the long-term impacts of social inequality. For example, limited access to quality healthcare in early life can lead to poorer health outcomes and greater vulnerability to chronic illness in later life.
63
“Social Soundness Guidelines”
These guidelines were introduced in the 1970s as part of a shift in U.S. foreign aid to emphasize the social and cultural appropriateness of development projects. The goal was to ensure that interventions matched the local needs and addressed potential cultural and social barriers before implementation. Anthropologists played a key role in conducting community-based research to ensure that projects reflected the "felt needs" of the target population. This approach moved away from a top-down imposition of Western ideas, recognizing the value of local knowledge and participation​
64
Cultural Competency
refers to the ability of health care providers and organizations to effectively deliver services that meet the social, cultural, and linguistic needs of patients. Cultural competency includes understanding and respecting the cultural beliefs and practices of patients. However, it also involves recognizing that biomedicine itself is a cultural system with its own assumptions. Anthropologists have criticized simplistic or stereotypical approaches to cultural competency, advocating for deeper, context-sensitive practices that engage with the complexity of cultural dynamics in health care settings​
65
Risk reduction workshops
These are interactive educational sessions aimed at reducing behaviors or conditions that increase the risk of health problems, particularly in vulnerable populations. An example from the chapters includes workshops for sex workers in Congo to educate them about HIV prevention. These workshops used role-playing and other culturally relevant methods to teach practical strategies, such as negotiating condom use with clients. Anthropologists helped tailor these workshops to the social and economic realities of participants​
66
Community Participatory Involvement
CPI is a collaborative approach in which community members actively participate in every stage of health research and intervention, from planning to implementation and evaluation. In Ecuador, anthropologists worked with local communities to address cholera prevention by involving residents in decision-making and leadership roles. The process respected local knowledge while also introducing public health practices, such as improved sanitation. This participatory model aimed to empower communities and create sustainable change​- contrast to brazil/ Peru where they did not do anything
67
Explanatory Models
cognitive frameworks individuals use to understand and explain their own illnesses. These models often reflect cultural beliefs about the causes, severity, and appropriate treatments for a condition. Arthur Kleinman developed this concept to highlight the differences between patients' perspectives and those of healthcare providers. By eliciting EMs through questions (e.g., "What do you think caused your illness?"), clinicians can bridge gaps in understanding and avoid miscommunication, respecting patients' beliefs and improving care
68
Medical pluralism
refers to the coexistence of multiple medical systems or approaches within a single social context. Individuals often draw from different systems, such as biomedicine, traditional medicine, or alternative therapies, to address their health concerns. Medical pluralism is common worldwide. For example, someone might use herbal remedies while also visiting a biomedical doctor. This coexistence highlights the need for cultural sensitivity in healthcare to accommodate diverse practices and beliefs​
69
Hierarchy of resort
describes the order in which individuals seek different types of medical care based on their perception of illness severity, effectiveness of treatment, and accessibility. People typically begin with home remedies or advice from family (often mothers), then move to local healers or general practitioners, and finally to specialists if needed. This progression depends on cultural norms, resources, and trust in the medical system​
70
Cultural humility
an approach that emphasizes self-reflection and self-critique by healthcare providers to understand and respect different cultural perspectives. It involves acknowledging the limits of one’s cultural knowledge and striving for a respectful, patient-centered attitude. Unlike cultural competence, which sometimes relies on rigid stereotypes, cultural humility focuses on ongoing learning and adapting to the unique cultural contexts of each patient. It requires clinicians to reflect on their own biases and foster partnerships with patients​
71
Petryna
72
Amrith and Coe
73
Moniruzzaman
74
Deomampo
75
Svendsen and Koch
76
Blanchette
77
Joralemon (chp 5)
78
Brown and Closser
79
Sarah Lamb
80
Badone
81
Joralemon
82
Brown and Closser