3.2 Flashcards

1
Q

Environmental design

A

Some criminologists argue that the built environment can affect the level of crime in two ways:
• by influencing potential offenders, e.g. presenting them with opportunities to commit crime
• by affecting people’s ability to exercise control over their surroundings.
They argue that agencies such as architects, builders, town planners and local councils can
‘design crime out’ by changing the physical layout of an area.

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2
Q

Environmental design 5 list

A

Defensible space:
-The architect Oscar Newman argues that some spaces are defensible while others are indefensible.
- Indefensible spaces are where crime is more likely to occur, in what he calls ‘confused’ areas of public space such as anonymous walkways and stairwells
- they belong to no-one, are cared for by no-one, and are observed by no-one. E,g., in his study of high-rise blocks in New York, Newman found that 55% of all the crimes committed occurred in public spaces such as hallways, lifts, stairwells and lobbies, because no-one felt they ‘owned’ them.
- Defensible spaces are areas where there are clear boundaries so it is obvious who has the right to be there
- Newman argues that defensible spaces have low crime rates because of four key features: territoriality, surveillance, a safe image, and a protected location

Territoriality:
- Territoriality is where the environment encourages a sense of ownership among residents - the feeling that it is their territory and they control it
- Certain layouts also tell outsiders that particular areas are for the private use of residents. For example, cul-de-sacs project a ‘private’ image and encourage a sense of community.

Natural surveillance:
- Features of buildings such as easily-viewed entrance lobbies and street-level windows allow residents to identify and observe strangers. - Likewise, cul-de-sacs allow residents to overlook each other’s homes
- By contrast, high-rise blocks often have concealed entrances that allow offenders to come and go unseen.

A safe image:
- Building designs should give the impression of a safe neighbourhood where residents look after each other
- A negative image means the area will be stigmatised (negatively labelled) and targeted by offenders.

A safe location:
- Neighbourhoods located in the middle of a wider crime-free area are insulated from the outside world by a ‘moat’ of safety.

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3
Q

Crime Prevention through Environmental Design

A

C.R. Jeffery’s Crime Prevention through Environmental Design (CPTED) argues that altering the built environment can reduce crime by denying opportunities to criminals. Alice Coleman applied similar ideas in the UK, finding that poor design in blocks of flats increased crime due to anonymity, lack of surveillance, and easy escape routes. She recommended private spaces for each block and removing overhead walkways. These ideas influenced urban planning, leading to a 50% crime reduction on the Lisson Green estate and the implementation of the ‘Secured by Design’ (SBD) scheme. Homes meeting SBD standards have a 30% lower burglary rate.

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4
Q

An example of CPTED

A
  • gated lanes ‘designed to keep crime out’ of an environment e.g., burglary, stop fly-tipping and anti-social behaviour, create sae place for children
  • Gated lanes are lockable gates installed to prevent offenders gaining access to alleyways e.g., those at the rear of many old terraced houses.
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5
Q

How does CPTED: Gated lanes work? (7)

A

• They provide a physical barrier, thus increasing the effort required to commit a crime.
• Residents taking responsibility for closing the gates increases guardianship and surveillance.
• Gates increase residents’ sense of territoriality.
• Offenders can no longer use the excuse that they thought it was public space.
• Open alleys may suffer from the ‘broken windows’ problem of disorderly, uncared-for space that invites crime. Gating indicates it is a cared-for space that doesn’t tolerate crime.
• Gating may reduce the rewards of crime. e.g., it will be difficult to steal large objects if the offender has to climb over tall gates with the items.
• Cost may be an issue for residents in some areas, although Sidebottom et al found that the average cost was £728 per gate and that the average benefit was over twice the cost (£2.19
for every €1 spent).

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6
Q

Limitations of CPTED

A

• While they may decrease criminals entering from outside, they don’t work against criminals who live within the gated area.
• In areas where neighbours don’t know or don’t trust each other, residents may be less likely to get together to install gates, or may not take responsibility for them.
• There may be difficulties installing gates if the alley is a public right of way, or if it has several owners all of whom will need to agree. There needs to be full consultation with residents to win their commitment to the scheme.
• Gated lanes can restrict access for emergency services and refuse collectors, which can be a problem.

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7
Q

CPTED theory

A

CPTED has links with the right realist theories and ideas:
• Situational crime prevention (SCP) Like SCP, CPTED involves ‘target hardening’ by changing the physical environment to make it harder to commit crime: e.g. barriers to prevent vehicle access to a neighbourhood will make getaways harder.
• Felson’s routine activity theory emphasises the importance of a ‘capable guardian’ protecting potential crime targets. In CPTED, mutual surveillance by neighbours acts as a guardian.
• Rational choice theory CPTED sees offenders acting rationally. For example, if intruders fear they will be challenged by residents, they will be more likely to stay away from the area.

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8
Q

Criticisms of CPTED (5)

A

• CPTED focuses on defence from outsiders who come into the area to offend, but insiders commit crime too; e.g. domestic violence
• CPTED cannot explain offences that don’t involve physical intrusion into a neighbourhood e.g., cybercrime, fraud, and white collar and corporate crime.
• Cul-de-sacs might be defensible spaces - but they might not actually be defended e.g., if the residents are all out at work all day, there is no surveillance. This highlights how social factors (such as employment patterns) can interact with environmental factors.
• Some housing estates have high crime rates because of councils’ housing allocation policies rather than because of how they are designed. Some councils place ‘problem families’ with a history of anti-social behaviour on ‘sink’ estates.
• An area’s reputation rather than its design may cause a high crime rate. If police regard a particular estate as crime-ridden, they will patrol it more, leading to more arrests, a higher recorded crime rate and an even worse reputation.

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9
Q

Prison design: the panopticon

A
  • Another way in which the built environment can be used for social control is the way prisons are designed
  • Foucault argues that in modern society we are increasingly controlled through self-surveillance
    -He illustrates this through a description of a prison design known as the Panopticon (meaning ‘all-seeing’).
  • In the Panopticon, prisoners’ cells are visible to the guards from a central viewing point such as a watchtower
  • However, though the guards can see the prisoners, the prisoners cannot see the guards and so they don’t know whether or not they’re being watched at any given moment.
  • Therefore, not knowing if they are being watched, the prisoners must constantly behave as if they are, just in case
  • In this way, surveillance turns into self-surveillance. The guards have no need to discipline the prisoners; the prisoners discipline themselves.
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10
Q

Surveillance theory

A
  • Foucault’s surveillance theory argues that in today’s society, self-surveillance has become an important way of achieving social control
  • We know that we might be being watched - for example by CCTV cameras - so we monitor and control our behaviour ourselves.
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11
Q

What are behavioural tactics?

A
  • Behavioural tactics are ways in which agencies can seek to change individuals’ behaviour to make them conform to social norms and laws.
    2 examples of behavioural tactics:
    • ASBOs and Criminal Behaviour Orders
    • token economies.
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12
Q

ASBOs and Criminal Behaviour Order

A
  • Tony Blair’s New Labour government introduced ASBOs (Anti-social Behaviour Orders) in 1998 to deal with low-level anti-social behaviour e.g., vandalism, graffiti, public drunkenness and youths gathering to play loud music at night.
  • ASBOs were civil orders, not criminal orders, and were used to restrain a person from committing actions that threatened the legal right of another person, e.g., an order to stop behaving noisily outside someone’s house late at night
  • However, breaching the conditions of an ASBO was a criminal offence, punishable by up to five years in prison.
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13
Q

Labelling theory and ASBO’s

A
  • It gradually became clear that ASBOs were not working e.g., between 2000- 2013, ASBOs were issued to just over 24,000 people, 58% of them breached their ASBO’s conditions, and 10,000+ orders were breached repeatedly.
  • Labelling theorists argue that labelling a person as a criminal or deviant can lead to a self-fulfilling prophecy.
  • In this situation, the individual internalises the label as part of their identity and begins to live up to it, earning status and credibility from their peers
  • Labelling theorists suggest that ASBOs became a ‘badge of honour’ for some young offenders, reinforcing rather than reducing their offending behaviour and leading to repeat offending.
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14
Q

Criminal behaviour orders

A
  • As a result of criticisms of ASBOs, the Anti-social Behaviour, Crime and Policing Act 2014 replaced them with 2 new measures: civil injunctions and Criminal Behaviour Orders.
  • Injunctions aim to deal with low-level nuisance and annoyance. Breaching an injunction can mean up to 2 years in prison for adults or a 3 month detention order for under-18s.
  • Criminal Behaviour Orders (CBOs) deal with seriously anti-social individuals who cause harassment, alarm or distress to others. A CBO lasts at least 2 years for adults and 1-2 years for under-18s. Breaching a CBO can mean up to five years in prison for adults or two years’ detention for under-18s.
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15
Q

CBOs negative and positive requirements

A
  • Negative requirements As with ASBOs, a CBO forbids a person from doing something, such as going to certain places, seeing certain people or engaging in certain activities.
  • Positive requirements Unlike an ASBO, a CBO can require a person to do something positive to improve their behaviour. For example, where someone has committed a drug related offence, the CBO can require them to join a drug treatment programme to address their addiction.
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16
Q

Token economies

A
  • Behaviour modification: a token economy is a behaviour modification programme used by some prisons, young offender institutions and psychiatric hospitals
  • It aims to achieve social control by re-shaping inmates’ behaviour patterns so that they conform to what the institution requires.
17
Q

Operant learning theory

A
  • Token economies are based on B.F. Skinner’s operant learning theory (also called behaviourism) - The basic idea of the theory is that if a particular behaviour results in a reward of some kind, it is likely to be repeated
  • The reward acts as a reinforcement of the behaviour
18
Q

Token economy - social controls

A
  • A token economy aims to achieve social control in the following way. The institution draws up a list of desirable behaviours, such as:
    • obeying the rules
    • interacting positively with staff and other inmates
    • staying drug-free
    • engaging in ‘purposeful activity’ (e.g. attending vocational training or an anger management programme).
  • When the prisoner behaves in the desired way, they earn a token e.g., each time a drug test shows they are clean, they receive one token
  • the prisoner can then exchange tokens for rewards, e.g. extra phone calls, tobacco, sweets, being allowed to have a TV in their cell or to spend more money
  • Through this selective reinforcement, the behaviour that the institution desires becomes more likely and undesirable behaviour less likely
19
Q

How effective are token economies?

A
  • Some studies show that token economies work while inmates are in the institution.
  • Hobbs and Holt’s study of 125 boys aged 12-15 in a correctional institution in Alabama USA found that behaviour change lasted throughout the 14-month study.
  • However, other studies have found that when the offender leaves prison and the reinforcement stops, the desired behaviours disappear. However, the offenders return to crime more slowly compared with those who have not undergone the programme.
    Token economy programmes make prisoners more manageable while in prison, but there is a risk that their behaviour is being modified to suit the institution (e.g. to give staff a quiet life), rather than to meet the prisoners’ rehabilitation needs for when they are released.
    It may be that the programmes work simply because of the extra attention prisoners receive as a result, or even just that the rules are being spelled out more clearly to them - and not because of the tokens.
20
Q

Institutional tactic

A
  • Institutions can use a variety of methods for reducing deviant behaviour and achieving social control
  • Institutions such as prisons and young offender institutions may use token economies as a way of encouraging desirable behaviour among inmates.
  • Institutions come in many different shapes and sizes, from families to schools, workplaces to religious organisations, armies to prisons.
  • However, all institutions have rules about how their members must behave, along with punishments for breaking them and rewards for conforming.
21
Q

Criminal justice institutions

A
  • Institutions or agencies in the criminal justice system have a range of tactics for enforcing obedience to their rules and achieving social control.
  • The courts can sentence offenders to various punishments for their offences. this can be used to achieve both individual and general deterrence: punishment may put the convicted offender off repeating their crime and also serve as a lesson to the public in general
  • The courts can also use a Community Order to require offenders to rehabilitate, for example by undergoing drug addiction treatment. The aim here is to enable them to change their problem behaviour patterns.
  • The probation service supervises and monitors the behaviour of offenders, whether serving a community sentence or released from prison on licence. If the offender fails to meet the requirements of their licence, they can be returned to prison or to court for re-sentencing.
22
Q

Prison rules

A

The prison service has a set of Prison Rules that apply to all prisons. A prison governor can also add further local rules for their prison.
The Prison Rules cover the following offences:
• offending, threatening or hurting someone
• preventing staff from performing their jobs
• escaping from prison
• using drugs or alcohol
• damaging the prison
• being in possession of forbidden items, e.g. a knife
• being somewhere in the prison that you shouldn’t be
• not doing as staff tell you

  • Breaking the rules can lead to a range of punishments. These include a caution, loss of earned privileges, cellular confinement (sometimes called solitary confinement), being prevented from working or from receiving money earned from working
  • Punishments are time-limited, e.g. cellular confinement can only last up to 35 days.
  • More serious offences can lead to having up to 42 extra days added to your sentence. Attempts to escape may also mean being moved to a higher security prison with more restrictions.
23
Q

Phased discipline

A
  • Phased or staged discipline is a common way of attempting to achieve social control
  • A first offence, whether in prison or in wider society, is often dealt with more leniently - e.g., with a loss of privileges for a few days (for prisoners), a warning, a police caution or a conditional discharge
  • Repeat offending, particularly if it is more serious, is likely to be met with stronger sanctions such as probation or prison in an attempt to deter future misbehaviour.
24
Q
A
  • State agencies of social control such as the police, Crown Prosecution Service, courts, prisons and probation service can achieve some degree of control over criminal and anti-social behaviour but this can never be complete
  • There are a number of reasons for this: resources, budget cuts, new technology, unreported crime and existing laws
25
Q

Gaps in state provision: resources

A
  • Funding of state social control agencies comes mainly from the taxes paid by the public
  • There are limits on how much taxpayers are willing to pay for these agencies and governments face competing demands for resources from other sectors such as the National Health Service, education, pensions, welfare benefits, local authority services and defence.
26
Q

Gaps in state provision: budget cuts

A
  • Since the financial crisis of 2008, government spending cuts and re-organisations have also had an impact on state agencies, reducing their effectiveness in maintaining social control.
  • For example, between 2010 and 2018:
    • the police budget was cut by 19%. This led to a fall of 20,000 in police numbers.
    • the CPS budget was cut by a quarter and the organisation lost one-third of its staff.
    • the prisons budget fell by 16% and staff levels by 15%.
27
Q

Gaps in state provision: new technology

A
  • Another reason why state agencies are less able to achieve social control is the extra burden imposed on criminal investigations by digital technology.
  • In 2018 the then head of the CPS Alison Saunders, said that the criminal justice system was ‘creaking’ and unable to cope with the huge amounts of data being generated by technology. She added:
    “Take one recent rape case where they met on Tinder - it took 600 police hours to go through the digital material. You can have a judge say ‘I want a download of that iPad’ and it will take 15 officers working all weekend to get it.”
  • The current Director of Public Prosecutions, Max Hill, has said that problems checking mobile phones for evidence have led to failures to disclose evidence and a fall in the number of rape and sexual offences charges.
  • The cost of using new technology such as DNA profiling also poses a limitation on the police’s ability to investigate offences.
28
Q

Gaps in state provision: unreported crime

A
  • Criminal justice agencies can only investigate, prosecute and convict offenders if their offence has been reported. However,only about 40% of crimes are reported to the police and different kinds of crime have different reporting rates. For example:
    • only about one in four rapes and attempted rapes are reported
    •an estimated two million domestic abuse cases occurred in 2018, but not all were reported to police and only 600,000 were recorded
    • white collar and corporate crime often goes unreported because people may be unaware that they have been victims, for example of fraud, over-charging or environmental pollution.
29
Q

Gaps in state provision:

A
  • Social control by criminal justice agencies can only be achieved so long as there are appropriate laws in place to begin with
  • Sometimes, a new type of harm emerges but there is no existing law to forbid it and so state agencies are unable to bring prosecutions to control the harmful behaviour.
30
Q

Social media and the law

A
  • There has been much debate about the responsibilities of social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter and Youtube for offensive and harmful material that appears on them.
    For example, the right-wing terrorist who massacred 51 Muslims in mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand in 2019 was able to livestream his crimes on social media.
  • If such material promoting hatred and terrorism was published in a traditional way, for example as a film, book or newspaper article, the publisher could be held criminally liable. However, social media companies claim they are not publishers and in the UK they cannot currently be prosecuted for the material found on their sites.
  • By contrast, Germany enacted a law in 2017 requiring social media companies to quickly remove hate speech, fake news and illegal material or face fines of up to 50m euros. In April 2019, following the Christchurch massacre, Australia passed a law requiring companies to notify police or promptly remove videos depicting terrorist acts, murder, attempted murder, torture, rape or kidnap. Executives of companies who fail to comply may be liable for up to three years in jail.