week 9 Flashcards

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1
Q

Do babies recognise the valence of social interactions

A

Hamlin, Wynn, & Bloom (2007).

a. Animated Climber + Helper (left) / Hinderer (right)
b. Looking time test events: Climber sits with Helper vs Hinder
c. Inanimated object
d. Neutral habituation events: the neutral character does not interact with Climber

Measuring infants’ toy choice and looking times

6- and 10-month-old infants
prefer helper to hinderer
prefer helper to a neutral individual
prefer a neutral individual to hinderer

> > Preverbal infants assess individuals on the basis of their behaviour towards others.

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2
Q

Young infants prefer prosocial to antisocial others

A

Hamlin & Wynn (2011)

To ensure that infants’ preferences were based on the social aspects of the characters’ behavior, a matched “Inanimate Control” condition was included –an inanimate pincer performed the same physical actions on the box as the Protagonist,

Infants preferred the puppet who help versus hinder an agent to achieve its goal (measured by reaching or looking).

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3
Q

Social evaluation is fundamental

A

Some failed attempts to replicate these findings
However, a recent meta-analysis by Margoni and Surian found he infants show a significant preference for prosocial over antisocial actors

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4
Q

Physical assault is wrong

A

Infants also negatively evaluate actors who physically harm others.

Kanakogi et al. (2013) found that 10-month-old infants preferentially reached for the victim over the aggressor. They also preferred the victim over a neutral bystander, but the bystander over the aggressor.

Using human actors, Buon et al. (2014) found that 10-month-oldes avoid someone who has physically assaulted a third party.

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5
Q

Punishment and Reward

A

We tend to think bad individuals deserve punishment and good individuals should be rewarded.
Altruistic punishment and rewarding is of key importance for human cooperation (Fehr & Rockenbach, 2004).
Using the same “opening a box” game, Hamlin et al. (2011) showed that before 2 years of age, toddlers direct their positive behaviours (e.g., giving a treat) toward Helper and negative behaviours (e.g., taking a treat away) toward Hinderer.

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6
Q

Evidence for an innate “moral core”?

A

Based on these findings, Hamlin (2013) suggested some aspects of human morality are innate.

What is the role of the self in this core?
Infants may be able to evaluate who might treat them well or poorly, but mature morality requires navigating conflicts between self-interest and the greater good. (Woo & Hamlin, 2023)
E.g., would infants prefer a fair distributor over someone who favours infants themselves?

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7
Q

A two-step sequence (Tomasello & Vaish, 2013)

A

Toddler second- personal morality: young children before about 3 years of age may not really understand social norms
Their cooperative and prosocial behaviour are based on interactions with specific individuals

Pre-schoolers’ norm-based morality: 4- and 5-year old children operate with an agent- neutral, norm-based morality in which all individuals are equal players
They become truly moral agents, understanding that social norms apply to everyone

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8
Q

What’s involved in moral judgment?

A

The morality of a given action is not always obvious.

Consider a girl who tries to steal food in a shop. Is this action morally wrong?
What her intention is
What consequences her action cause
How she felt about it
What situational factors lead to her action
What the moral norms are

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9
Q

Piaget’s Theory of Moral Judgment

A

Piaget initially studied children’s moral reasoning by observing children playing games that often involve dealing with issues of rules and fairness.
He also interviewed children about their thinking about questions such as
What constitutes a transgression of a rule
What role a person’s intentions plays in morality
What punishment are just

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10
Q

Piaget’s two stages of moral development

A

Frist stage - Heteronomous morality
Children at this stage (normally younger than 7 years) regard rules and duties to others as unchangeable “givens.”
Justice is whatever authorities (adults, rules, or laws) say is right.
What determines whether an action is good or bad are the consequences of the action, not the motives or intentions behind it.

Second stage - Autonomous morality
At around ages 11 or 12, children enter the second stage – They understand rules are the product of social agreement and can be changed.
Fairness and equality are considered important when constructing rules.
They consider individuals’ motives and intentions when evaluating their behaviour

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11
Q

Critique of Piaget’s Theory

A

Some empirical support - as children age, they increasingly take motives and intentions into account (e.g., Berg & Mussen, 1975)
However, it underestimated children’s ability to appreciate the role of intentionality in morality (Nobes et al., 2009)

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12
Q

Fairness in distribution

A

Rochat et al. (2009) examined 3- and 5-year-olds’ fairness in distributing candies across 7 cultures
3-year-olds optimize their own gain, while 5-year-olds generally show more fairness in sharing.

Blake & McAuliffe (2011) investigated 4- and 8-year-olds’ inequity aversion using a economic game where children could accept or reject unequal allocations of candy.
4- to 7-year-olds rejected disadvantageous offers, but accepted advantageous offers. By contrast, 8-year-olds rejected both forms of inequity.

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13
Q

Kohlberg’s Theory of Moral Reasoning

A

Heavily influenced by Piaget’s ideas, Kohlberg was interested in how children’s moral reasoning develops over time.
In a longitudinal study, he assessed the moral reasoning of three cohorts of boys (beginning at ages 10, 13, and 16, respectively).
He presented children with hypothetical moral dilemmas and then asked them questions about issues involved.

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14
Q

Heinz’s dilemma

A

In Europe, a woman was near death from a special kind of cancer. There was one drug that the doctors thought might save her… the druggist paid $200 for the radium and charged $2,000 for a small dose of the drug.
The sick woman’s husband, Heinz, went to everyone he knew to borrow the money, but he could only get together about $1,000… He told the druggist that his wife was dying, and asked him to sell it cheaper or let him pay later. But the druggist said, “No, I discovered the drug and I’m going to make money from it.”
So Heinz gets desperate and considers breaking into the man’s store to steal the drug for his wife.

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15
Q

Kohlberg’s Three Levels (Six Stages) of Moral Reasoning

A

Based on the interviews, Kohlberg (1976) proposed that there are three levels of moral reasoning, each of which has two stages within it.

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16
Q

Preconventional level

A

Preconventional moral reasoning focuses on avoiding punishment and getting rewards.

Stage 1: Obedience and Punishment Orientation
what is seen as right is obedience to authorities.
A child’s moral actions are motivated by avoidance of punishment.
Stage 2: Instrumental & Exchange Orientation
What is right is what is in the child’s own best interest.
They understand equal exchange, but this reciprocity is self-serving (e.g., you hurt me, so I hurt you).

17
Q

Conventional level

A

Conventional moral reasoning focuses on compliance with social duties and laws.

Stage 3: Relationship and Interpersonal orientation
Good behaviour is doing what’s expected by people who are close or what’s expected from a given role
To maintain approval and good relations with others.

Stage 4: Social Order and Conscience Orientation
Good behaviour involves fulfilling one’s duties, upholding laws, and contributing to one’s group or society
To maintain social order and keep the social system going

18
Q

Postconventional level

A

Postconventional moral reasoning focuses on ideals and moral principles

Stage 5: Social Contract and Individual Rights Orientation
Upholding rules that are in the best interest of the group, impartial, or were mutually agreed upon by the group.
Unjust law should be changed
Stage 6: Universal Ethical Principles
Commitment to self-chosen ethical principles that reflect universal principles, such as life, basic human rights, justice and equality

19
Q

Development of moral reasoning over time

A

Kohlberg argued that these stages are discontinuous and hierarchical. That is, each new stage reflects a qualitatively different, more advanced way of thinking.
Kohlberg and his colleagues (Colby et al., 1983) followed 58 boys into adulthood and found that moral reasoning changed systematically with age.

20
Q

Critique of Kohlberg’s Theory

A

Contribution
demonstrating that children’s moral reasoning develops in systematic ways.
useful in understanding how cognitive processes contribute to moral behaviour.
Criticism
It overlooks cultural differences (e.g., Snarey, 1985)
People’s moral reasoning is often inconsistent across situations (Rest, 1979)
It does not recognize gender difference (Gilligan, 1982)
Kohlberg’s theory is too focused on individual rights and justice; it overlooks the ethic of care and relationships, which Gilligan (1982) argued is more common in women’s moral reasoning.

21
Q

Social Domain Theory of Moral Development

A

Contemporary perspectives on children’s moral development are greatly influenced by social domain theory (Turiel, 2014).
The theory argues that moral reasoning develops not in distinct stages but through gradual changes shaped by the child’s social interactions with peers and adults, as well as through direct socialization by their parents (Smetana & Jambon, 2018)
A distinction is drawn between the child’s developing concepts of morality and convention

22
Q

Three different domains of social knowledge

A

Social domain theory distinguishes three different domains of social knowledge.

Personal domain: Knowledge related to actions where individual preferences are the main consideration; no right or wrong choices
Societal domain: knowledge of rules and conventions that maintain societal order
Moral domain: knowledge of right and wrong, fairness, justice, and individual rights apply across context and override rules or authority

23
Q

Support for social domain theory

A

There has been growing evidence for the social domain theory.
By age 3, children generally believe that moral violations are more wrong than convention violations (Smetana & Braeges, 1990).
By age 4, they believe that moral transgressions, but not societal transgressions, are wrong even if adult authorities have not said they are wrong (Smetana & Braeges, 1990).
Children aged 4 to 9 years consistently rate moral transgressions (e.g., hitting, teasing, or unfair distribution) as morally wrong, even when the transgression is perpetrated against a bully (Smetana & Ball, 2019).

24
Q

Some Challenges to Social Domain Theory

A

The distinction between moral and conventional domains is not clear-cut.
E.g, There is no substantive domain distinction among religious Hindus in India (Shweder, et al.,1987)
Social domain theorists pay little attention to starting states.
E.g., Babies are predisposed to be prosocial (Hamlin, 2013)
Moral Cognition is not always conscious, effortful, and reflective.
E.g., Some argue moral evaluations result from gut intuitions (Haidt, 2001)

25
Q

Hume (1739/2000)

A

“Reason is, and ought only to be the slave of the passions.”
Without moral passions, our moral reasoning would be useless—we might know right from wrong, but we would never be motivated to act upon this knowledge.

26
Q

Moral emotions

A

Haidt (2003) proposed two prototypical features of a moral emotion
Disinterested elicitors
Prosocial action tendencies
Self-conscious emotions
guilt, shame, embarrassment
Other-condemning emotions
anger, disgust, contempt
Other-suffering emotions
Sympathy, empathy, compassion,
Other-praising emotions:
gratitude, awe, elevation

27
Q

Sympathy in toddlers

A

Sympathy is a feeling of concern for another in response to the other’s emotional state.
14-month-old children become emotionally distressed when they see others upset (Knafo et al., 2008)
At age 2, children show sympathetic concerns (sad looks, saying ‘I’m sorry’) to those who’re in pain or upset (e.g., Xahn-Waxler et al., 1992).
1.5- and 2-year-old children show concern toward an adult stranger whose possessions were taken or destroyed, even if the adult shows no overt distress (Vaish et al. 2009)

28
Q

Development of self-conscious Emotions

A

Self-conscious emotions require that children have a sense of self (Lewis, 2016)—an ability not fully developed until nearly 2 years old.
Children in the preschool years often exhibit shame or guilt when they do something they are not supposed to do (e.g., Vaish, 2018).

How can we measure preschoolers’ guilt /shame?

29
Q

Guilt in Young Children (Kochanska, et al, 2002)

A

Young children at 22, 33 and 45 months were led to believe that they break a valuable object (e.g., a favourite stuffed animal the experimenter had kept from her childhood).
Coding children’s behaviour:
Avoiding gaze (looking away, downward, or askance)
Bodily tension (squirming, backing away, hanging down head, hunched shoulders, hugging self, and covering face with hand)
Overall distress response (e.g., freezing, crying, uneasy…)
At all studied ages, the behavioural and affective components of children’s guilt cohered significantly.

30
Q

Other-condemning Emotions - Sociomoral Disgust and Anger

A

Children in early preschool years are likely to feel anger when harmed, whether intentional or not, whereas young school-age children are less likely to be angered by unintentional harm (Lemerise & Dodge, 2008)
Anger can also be disinterested (Haidt, 2003)
Disgust is not only associated with gross things (e.g., faeces, rotten food), but also with sociomoral transgressions (e.g., cheating, lying, bigotry).

31
Q

Is “being mean to someone” disgusting

A

Danovitch & Bloom (2009) asked 167 children in Grades K (6 years), 2 (8 years), and 4(10 years):
“Can [action] be called disgusting?”

32
Q

The role of anger/disgust in moral acquisition

A

Rottman et al. (2017, Study 1)
7-year-old children were asked to render moral judgments of novel, seemingly victimless actions, after being exposed to adults’ testimony
“It’s really disgusting for… Acting like this is really gross”
It’s really angering for… Acting like this is really irritating”
Adults’ expression of anger and disgust facilitates children’s acquisition of moral beliefs

33
Q

Prosocial behaviour

A

At age 2, children begin to provide comfort and assistance to those in emotional distress, e.g., a person who is in pain after bumping her knee or is upset about her broken teddy bear (e.g., Xahn-Waxler et al., 1992).
1.5- and 2-year-old children show subsequent prosocial behaviour toward an adult stranger whose possessions were taken away or destroyed (Vaish et al. 2009)

34
Q

Aggression

A

Aggression emerges quite early.
Physical aggression, such as hitting and pushing — especially over possession of objects — is normative around 18 months, and it increasing in frequency until about age 2 or 3.(Alink et al., 2006).
Older children, with their improved communication skills, are likely to be verbally rather than physically aggressive (Miner & Clarke-Stewart, 2008).

Children who are highly aggressive are likely to stay that way into adulthood (Dodge et al., 2006; Bushman & Huesmann, 2001).

35
Q

Types of aggression

A

Instrumental aggression: aggression motivated by desire to achieve a goal such as possessing a toy.
Relational aggression involves excluding others from the social group and attempting to harm others’ relationships (e.g., Lansford, 2012)

Reactive aggression, or labelled hostile aggression, is emotionally driven, antagonistic aggression sparked by perception of others’ hostility (Crick & Dodge, 1996)
Proactive aggression is unemotional aggression aimed at fulfilling a need or desire (Dodge, et al, 1997)