Unit 7: Trade Unions During WWI Flashcards
What was the impact of WWI?
Britain joined the war as the world’s leading imperial power, controlling half of the globe’s land and dominating its trade thanks to the wealth derived fro heavy industry, built on iron production and coal mining.
The human cost at war encouraged the working class to believe that they paid a sacrifice which entitled them to increased wages and improved working conditions.
The war saw a significant increase in the cost of living, rent, working hours, and restricted movement between jobs.
The war increased demands for labour- workers were able to campaign for improvements.
1920s saw the emergence of trade unions: TUC General Council (represented the federation of trade unions) called for a general strike due to tensions in the coal industry 1926- failed as the government reasserted control over the union organised working class.
WWI gave trade unions more influence: membership went from 189,000 in 1913 to 8 million in 1919, allowing direct negotiation with the government.
British industrial production had a rapid decline due to shortage of raw materials. By only 1915, mining produce fell 21.8%, iron and steel production fell 18.8% which worsened conditions for industrial workers.
Led to workers demanding 20% wage increase to meet the growing expenses of rent and food- but the high demand for industrial workers also put labour and trade unions into a strong position to negotiate.
Who was Ernest Bevin?
Became a trade union official for the Docker’s Union in 1911.
Elected to the executive committee of the National Transport Worker’s Federation (NTWF) in 1916.
Realised that the transport union had to collaborate with the coal and railway unions to win workers improved pay and working conditions.
Who was James H Thomas?
Grew up in poverty, worked for Great Western Railway.
In 1910, he became Labour MP for Derby and oversaw the 1911 rail strike.
Played an instrumental role in the creation of the National Union of Railwaymen (NUR) in 1913 as assistant secretary, and became general secretary in 1916.
Supported Lloyd George coalition government by ensuring industrial harmony, securing improvements to workers’ pay and conditions.
His book ‘When Labour Rules’ assured middle class that they had nothing to fear from limited nationalism and equal opportunities for workers.
What was the Triple Alliance?
An alliance between the Miners’ Federation of Great Britain (MFGB), the National Transport Workers’ Federation (NTWF) and the National Union of Railwaymen (NUR).
Bevin became NTWF’s executive committee to represent transport workers.
Thomas played a role in bringing together leading railway unions.
Triple Alliance would allow for effective coordination of strike action.
Munition of War Act 1915- government response to fears over insufficient shell and ammunition production which brought wartime supplier companies under the authority of the Ministry of Munitions which was given powers to regulate wages, hours and employment conditions, to ensure production was not undermined by industrial disputes eg revised the national wage every 4 months throughout the war; granted 12.5% bonus for skilled workers in engineering in October 1917 which caused a strike by unskilled labourers, forcing the government to extend the wartime bonus to all workers.
Implemented leaving certificates to prevent skilled workers moving into unskilled better paid engineering work which gave more power to employers as they had control over future career prospects and meant that there was no competition for labour so a labourer would struggle to find new work.
Dilution (employing unskilled workers for skilled work) caused anger as it undermined the privileged position of skilled workers- strikes in May 1917 where 14,000 male workers were employed. Although coal miners did not suffer from dilution, miners were recruited for the army.
The shortage of labour meant that many new men were employed in coal mines who were not members of unions- caused concern for union members which led to strikes in South Wales, March 1915 so by March 1916 the government made trade union membership a condition of employment for all miners for the duration of the war.
Who was Manny Shinwell?
During the war, Glasgow was the centre of industrial unrest.
1906, joined Glasgow trades Council as a delegate.
Prominent in Clydeside during national dock strikes 1911.
During the war was a local secretary of the Glasgow branch of the Bristol Seafarers Union, which represented the interests of seamen and dock workers in the city.
Earned fame for his militancy against the police.
Became Labour MP at 1922 election and appointed parliamentary secretary to the mines department.
Who was James Maxton?
Born to a conservative family but turned to socialism after witnessing the poverty faced by his Glaswegian students.
Joined ILR in 1914, and 1913-9 Chairman of the Scottish Labour Party opposing the war.
Became involved in union militancy after refusing to be conscripted into the army, where he organised strikes on Clydeside, becoming part of the Clydeside Workers’ Committee which campaigned against Munitions Act 1915.
In 1918, he was elected to the National Council of the Labour Party.
The leaving certificates provoked strikes at Fairfield Yard on Clydeside August 1915, which led to its abolishment.
What was the Glasgow Rent Strike?
1915- May 1916 saw strikes by Clydeside engineers for pay rises.
The war saw imbalances of sacrifices: workers disliked that food distribution businesses were making big profits, while landlords made money from the increased demands of industry.
Influx of workers to the city to sustain increased wartime production created a shortage of housing so landlords dramatically increased rents.
Under the direction of Mary Burbour, Helen Crawford and Agnes Dollan, the Glasgow Women’s Housing Association led a rent strike demanding better pay and conditions with working then also joining.
After immense pressure from: Lloyd George urged to delay Landlord’s prosecution of 18 protesters for refusing to pay rent for the sake of protecting the production of munitions and war supplies, ship builders came out in sympathy with the protesting women.
Governement passed the rents and Mortgage Interest Restriction Act which limited rent and mortage rates to pre-war August 1914 levels; this improved living conditions.
Clydeside political activism was important in Britain’s growing trade union movement because the militant protests were successful as the government and press feared the trade union militancy there as agitators like Maxton and Shinwell earned Glasgow a reputation as a centre of socialism so between 1915 and 1919 the government feared that a socialist revolution might develop in the city.
What was the 40 Hour Strike?
With the war over, there was a massive surplus in the number of workers looking for jobs.
By limiting workers’ hours to 40 per week, more jobs would be created- tackling the problem of unemployment.
Shipbuilders and engineers on the Clyde and in Belfast secured a reduction from 53 to 47 hours. Although there were attempts to get a 30 hour week by several Glasgow trades.
Most dramatic impact was on the Clyde- authorities in Glasgow feared a socialist uprising so dispatched troops and tanks to the city which led to the Riot Battle of George Square.
1919 General Strike marked a change in attitude as trade unions realised the potential for militant protest to influence government policy; during the strike, the red flag (symbol of revolutionary left-wing politics) was raised, sparking fears of socialist revolution, the unrest spread to London with the London underground on strike.
What was Red Clydeside?
The fears of social revolution increased the influence of trade unions eg Churchill claimed that the trade unions were an effective device in preventing discontent of post-war employment and reduced wages from worsening.
Therefore, unions benefited from these fears as the government relied on them to control industrial unrest so they could be appeased with negotiations.
Although Glasgow was not an area of socialist revolution, between 1919 and 1922, it became a centre of Labour support: Labour won 1/15 Glasgow seats in 1918 then 10/15 in 1922.
The group of Glaswegian Labour MPs (Shinwell, Maxton) formed a political group at parliament, determined to improve working-class conditions. They had first-hand experience of how organised industrial militancy could secure political reform.
