Unit 3 – Explaining Social Inequality: Classical and Contemporary Theories Flashcards

1
Q

How does Marx define class, and which major (and minor) classes did he identify?

A

Marx defined class as any aggregate of persons who play the same part in the production mechanism.

The three main economic classes
(1) capitalists, orowners of the means of production;
(2) workers, or all those who are employed by
others;
(3) landowners, who in Marx’s theory seemingly differ from capitalists
and are regarded as survivors of feudalism

Additionally, the small businessmen, or petty
bourgeoisie, were perceived as a transitional class, a group that will be pressed by economic tendencies inherent in capitalism to bifurcate into those who descend to the working class and those who so improve their circumstances that they become significant capitalists
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2
Q

According to Marx, how are modern wage-labourers similar to, and different from, serfs and slaves?

A

The small-holding peasants form a vast mass, the members of which live in similar conditions, but without entering into manifold relations with one another. Their mode of production isolates them from one another, instead of bringing them into mutual intercourse. The isolation is increased by France’s bad means of communication and by the poverty of the peasants…. In so far as millions of families live under economic conditions of existence that separate their mode of life, their interests and their culture from those of other classes, and put them in hostile opposition to the latter, they form a class. In so far as there is merely a local interconnection among these small-holding peasants, and the identity of their interests begets no community, no national bond and no political organization among them, they do not form a class.

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3
Q

According to Marx, what were the three major economic classes in society, and in what form did each of these classes receive its revenue (or income)?

A

(1) capitalists, or owners of the means of production; Took the surplus value of the workers
(2) workers, gained waged from the capitalists
(3) landowners, received rents from the workers

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4
Q

How does the study of social class differ from the study of social stratification?

A

Theories of social class refer to the conditions affecting the existence of strata that have developed or should develop some “consciousness of kind,” that is, some sense of existence as a group attribute of society.

Stratification refers to the entire complex of hierarchical differentiation, whether group-related or not

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5
Q

What do Marxists see as the primary function of social organization?

A

class consciousness which would likely arise in times of revolution when the social system in question broke down

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6
Q

How did Marx distinguish between the “objective” existence of classes, and the “subjective” formation of class identities?

A

Although a group may of people may be in the same oppressive situation and objectively oppressed by a greater class, the class may not subjectively realize they are in fact a class

. The first stage, in which a class is a class "in itself" (the German an sich), occurs when the class members do not understand their class position, the controls over them, or their "true class interests." The proletariat, as long as they are simply fighting for higher wages without recognizing that this is part of a necessary class struggle between themselves and the bourgeoisie that will end in the victory of one or the other, are a class an sich. In ideal-type terms the opposite of the class in itself is the class "for itself" (fur sich). The class fur sick is a self-conscious class, a large proportion of whose members consciously identify with it and think in terms
of the class's struggle with another class. As long as most persons in a lower class think in an sich terms, the behavior of class members will be characterized by intraclass competition in which individual members of the class strive to get ahead of other members. In such a period, class conflict will be weak

Any individual, therefore, though objectively a
member of the lower class, may subjectively be identified with or may be acting in ways which correspond to the position of another class

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7
Q

According to Marx, how does a ruling class maintain its authority and power over the rest of society?

A

the ruling class prevents class
consciousness. The dominant class possesses social legitimacy, controls the media
of communication, is supported by the various mechanisms of socialization and
social control, such as the school and the church, and during its period of
stability is able to “buy off” those inclined to lead or participate in opposition
movements. The Marxist term that characterizes the ideology of the lower class
in the period of the predominance of the other classes is “false consciousness.”

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8
Q

What did Marx mean by the term “alienation,” and why did he see this as an “objective” condition?

A

Men are distinguished from animals-are less animal
and more human-insofar as they become increasingly self-conscious about and freely selective in their work and conditions of life. Insofar as men do not freely choose their work but, rather, do whatever tasks are set before them, simply in order to exist, they remain in a less than human state. If work (or leisure) is imposed on man, so far from being free, he is objectively exploited and alienated from the truly human, that is, autonomous, condition.

Alienation, for Marx, is an objective, not a subjective, condition. It signifies lack of autonomy, of self-control. The fact that workers may say that they like their work or social conditions does not mean that they are free actors, even if they think they are. Thus, in a slave society the fact that some slaves may have believed that they preferred to be slaves, and even that they were better off as slaves than as freed men, did not change the fact that objectively they were slaves. Similarly, the fact that a wage worker likes his conditions of work does not affect his position of being alienated and economically exploited or his potential as a free human being. In this sense, class society is akin to slavery. Class society must produce alienated individuals who are distorted, partial people.

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9
Q

What were the three most important dimensions of social stratification according to Weber, and how did he distinguish them from each another?

A

Class,

Status,, status, refers to the quality of perceived interaction. Status was defined by Weber as the positive or negative estimation of honor, or prestige- Since status involves perception of how much one is valued by others, men value it
more than economic gain.

Party-the ability to organize effectively

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10
Q

What does Weber mean by class? How does his definition of class differ from Marx’s? What are the relative strengths and weaknesses of the two writers’ conceptions of class?

A

Weber conceptualizes class in terms of differential opportunities for individuals in the market, whereas Marx focuses on the social relation of capital and labour in production. Weber acknowledges these, but they are less central to his theory. What Marx regards as systematic exploitation, Weber sees as a structured inequality of life chances contingent on differential possession of scarce goods (capital, land) or skills (types of labour). For Weber, capital is just a thing whose ownership confers power—in the same way as does the possession of a scarce skill, such as medical expertise. For Marx, capital is a social relationship in which “dead labour” exploits living labour, a relation that is merely manifested in or mediated by things like money or machines.

Weber reserved the concept of class for economically determined stratification. He defined a class as being composed of people who have life chances in common, as determined by their power to dispose of goods and skills for the sake of income. Property is a class asset, but it is not the only criterion of class. For Weber, the crucial aspect of a class situation is, ultimately, the market situation

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11
Q

What, for Weber, are the major social classes in modern capitalist society? Do you see any advantages in his position as compared with Marx’s?

A

Weber identifies four main classes as opposed to Marx’s two. These classes are: the manual working class, the petty bourgeoisie, the property-less white collar workers, and the dominant entrepreneurial and propertied groups

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12
Q

What did Weber mean by “status group” and “party”? What is the basis of each? How are each related to class, both in general and in modern capitalism?

A
Status groups are therefore identifiable by specific styles of life. Even though the original source of status was economic achievement, a status system, once in existence, operates independently of the class system and even seeks to negate its values i.e.  factors such
as family origin, manners, education, and the like-attributes It involves the assumption that high status reflects aspects of the system that are unachievable. Thus it operates to inhibit social mobility, up or down.

Party is the ability to organize effectively

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13
Q

In what sense may Weber’s analysis of social inequality be termed a “pluralist” one?

A

It would be termed pluralist because Weber considers not only the economic opportunities of class in social inequality but also other factors such as status and party or the ability to organize effectivley. This is unlike Marxists analysis which primarily considered economic factors.

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14
Q

Is there any counterpart in Weber to Marx’s distinction between a class “in-itself” and a class “for-itself”? How does each see the major social classes of capitalist society in these terms?

A
Weber, like Marx, was concerned with the conditions under which class
consciousness arises. For him, however, there was no single form of class consciousness. Rather, which groups develop a consciousness of common interest opposed to those of another group is a specific empirical question; different groups acquire historical significance at different times and in different places. The extent of consciousness of kind depends to a considerable degree on the general culture of a society, particularly the set of intellectual ideas current within it. Concepts or values that might foster or inhibit the emergence of class-conscious groups cannot be derived solely from knowledge about the objective economic structure of a society. The existence of different strata subjected to variations in life chances does not necessarily lead to class action. The causal relationship posited by Marx between the fact of group inferiority and other aspects of the structure that might be changed by action had to be demonstrated to people; consciousness of it need not develop spontaneously. The presence or absence of such consciousness is not, of course, a fortuitous matter. The extent to which ideas emerge pointing to a causal relationship between class position and other social conditions is linked to the transparency of the relationship-that is, to how obvious it is that one class will benefit by action directed against another

Marx attempted to deal with this problem by his theory of transitional stages in the development of class. The first stage, in which a class is a class “in itself” (the German an sich), occurs when the class members do not understand their class position, the controls over them, or their “true class interests.” The proletariat, as long as they are simply fighting for higher wages without recognizing that this is part of a necessary class struggle between themselves and the bourgeoisie that will end in the victory of one or the other, are a class an sich. In ideal-type terms the opposite of the class in itself is the class “for itself” (fur sich). The class fur sick is a self-conscious class, a large proportion of whose members consciously identify with it and think in terms of the class’s struggle with another class. As long as most persons in a lower class think in an sich terms, the behavior of class members will be characterized by intraclass competition in which individual members of the class strive to get ahead of other members. In such a period, class conflict will be weak. Only when fur sich attitudes develop does the class struggle really emerge. Members of a lower class who do not yet identify with their class are, according to Marx, thinking in terms of values or concepts that are functional for the stability of the position of the dominant class. Any individual, therefore, though objectively a member of the lower class, may subjectively be identified with or may be acting in ways which correspond to the position of another class. At different periods varying portions of an underprivileged population may be either an sich or ftir sich. One of the purposes of Marxist analysis is the investigation of this discrepancy

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15
Q

How do Marx and Weber differ in their analysis of the “middle class” in capitalist societies? Which do you think is the most useful perspective in the light of the development of capitalist societies since Weber’s death in 1920?

A

The middle class, Marx’s writings suggest, is a descriptive concept that refers to an empirically variable, heterogeneous set of strata located in an intermediate position between workers and capitalists. Weber’s concept of class is neither relational nor centered on exploitation.

Marx also differentiates among class fractions—for example, industrialists, merchants, and financiers among capitalists, or skilled and unskilled workers and a lumpenproletariat within the working class, as well as a professional/managerial middle class—in ways not unlike Weber.

Finally, Weber conceptualizes class in terms of differential opportunities for individuals in the market, whereas Marx focuses on the social relation of capital and labour in production. Weber acknowledges these, but they are less central to his theory. What Marx regards as systematic exploitation, Weber sees as a structured inequality of life chances contingent on differential possession of scarce goods (capital, land) or skills (types of labour). For Weber, capital is just a thing whose ownership confers power—in the same way as does the possession of a scarce skill, such as medical expertise. For Marx, capital is a social relationship in which “dead labour” exploits living labour, a relation that is merely manifested in or mediated by things like money or machines.

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16
Q

How does Weber distinguish the concept of authority from that of power?

A

Weber defined power as the chance of a man or group to realize their will even against, the opposition of others. Power may be a function of resources possessed in the economic, status, and political systems; both status and class are power resources. Since men want higher status, they tend to try to orient their behavior to that approved by those with the higher status which they value. Power resources can also be found in institutions that command the allegiance of peoplereligions, parties, trade unions, and the like. Anyone with followers or, like the military, with control of force, may have access to power. In large measure, the relative weight of different power resources is determined by the rules of the political game, whatever these may be in different societies. The structure of legal authority and its degree of legitimacy influence the way in which power is secured.

17
Q

According to Weber, why were highly polarized forms of class conflict less likely to occur in the United States than in more traditional European societies (with pre-modern systems of stratification)?

A

An industrial society characterized by an elaborate, highly institutionalized status structure combined with the class tensions usually found in industrial societies is more likely to exhibit class-conscious politics than is one in which status lines are imprecise and not formally recognized. It has therefore been argued that Marxist, class-conscious parties have been stronger in societies, like the Wilhelmine Germany in which Weber lived most of his life, that maintain a very visible and fairly rigid status system derived from preindustrial society than in class societies, such as the United States, that lack a feudal tradition of estates. Moreover, insofar as the dynamics of a successful industrial society undermine the ascriptive status mechanisms inherited from the feudal pre-capitalist order, the amount of political conflict arising from class consciousness is reduced. Hence it would seem to follow from Weber’s analysis that the growth of industrial capitalism, and the consequent imposition on the stratification system of capitalism’s emphases on achievement and universalism, weaken rather than increase class-linked consciousness of kind.

18
Q

Why was Weber hostile toward socialism? And how did Marx and Weber differ in their expectations of a new post-capitalist (socialist) society?

A

The alienation inherent in bureaucracy is, for Weber, independent of the system of property relations. Socialism means more rather than less alienation, because it involves greater bureaucratization.

19
Q

How does Durkheim’s concept of anomie differ from Marx’s concept of alienation? How does each concept relate to social inequality?

A

Anomie, the breakdown of normative order happens when people cannot acquire prestige in their strata, this is characteristic of capitalistic society where prestige is represented by wealth and not all can be wealthy. The higher rate of suicide in industrial as compared with traditional society was, in part, explained by Durkheim in these terms. The individual no longer has the sense of being socially integrated that was possible in a Gemeinschaft society, that is, one with a strong set of closely related means and ends linked to the religious system

This is different from Marx’s alienation because the worker is alienated from his work whereas anomie occurs because the person cannot acquire decent standing in his strata thereby being more social whereas Marx is more personal and psychological.

20
Q

What does Durkheim mean when he says that society is a moral order? How does the nature of this moral order change between pre-modern and modern society? Compare Durkheim’s treatment of the moral dimensions of social order with Marx on ideology and with Weber on legitimacy.

A

Moral order which was characterized by the social structure of valuing close relationships and characteristics related to strata (such as moral values of community, and morality found within Christianity. The order changes in modern society where a breakdown of these values occurs and place in strata is indicated by wealth alone, a prestige which most will not have.

Marx’s ideology indicates that working class do not realize their objective position because of ideology (or how they view the world within capitalism), this is different because the problem here is ignorance of their position, both theories indicate that the value structure of capitalism is toxic, but Marx uses oppressive power structures whereas Durkheim is more focused on structures that are lacking and are perhaps to free.

Weber notes that systems work because they have legitamacy or people have faith in it.

21
Q

Does Durkheim’s theory, as compared with Marx’s or Weber’s, ignore or elucidate questions of power?

A

Durkheim’s theories are much less concerned with power as they are more concerned with structure in the lives of individuals within their systems of strata.

22
Q

Marx and Weber are often described as “conflict theorists.” Does Durkheim’s concern with social order and solidarity make his perspective radically different from theirs?

A

Somewhat, Durkheim does detail the conflict of social structures and what happens to the structures of individuals lives however, this is quite different from the social competition of Marx and Weber. Their theories are much more expressive of conflict theory because they discuss the economic oppression of the bourgeoisie and the bureaucracy that reflect power relations between those within a society whereas Durkheims theory is more concerned with social strucutres effects on individual lives.

23
Q

According to the functionalists, what are the benefits of social stratification?

A

For a society to remain healthy, the most functionally important positions must be filled by the most qualified people. However, the number of people with the talent and/or the training to fill these roles is limited.

Unequal distributions help maintain the values of society

24
Q

What were the basic principles of stratification outlined by Davis and Moore?

A

Society is an organic system whose various components work together to contribute to the health of the system. Some of the positions within the system, though, are more important than others for the survival of the society.

For a society to remain healthy, the most functionally important positions must be filled by the most qualified people. However, the number of people with the talent and/or the training to fill these roles is limited.

Individuals must be induced to spend the time, effort, and financial resources that training requires.

Consequently, society allocates greater rewards to those positions that are more important and require scarce talents.

Inequality is an unconsciously established system through which societies fill the most
crucial positions with the most skilled persons.

Some degree of inequality is inevitable because it contributes positively to the functioning of societies.

25
Q

What were some of the basic criticisms raised by conflict theorists (such as Melvin Tumin) in their criticisms of the functionalist theory of social inequality?

A

Melvin Tumin:
1. Certain positions in any society are functionally more important than
others.
How do you know what positions are functionally more important?
2. Only a limited number of individuals in any society have the talents that
can be trained into the skills appropriate to these positions.
Stratification systems create obstacles to discovering talent.
3. The conversion of talents into skills involves a training period during
which sacrifices of one kind or another are made by those undergoing the
training.
Is training for a functionally important position (e.g., attending college)
really a sacrifice?
4. In order to induce the talented persons to undergo these sacrifices and
acquire the training, their future positions must result in privileged access
to scare and desired rewards.
Couldn’t people be attracted to functionally important positions and
motivated to do them by feelings of workmanship, duty or service?
Don’t these positions offer more satisfaction anyway?
Tumin further claims that:
“Social stratification systems function to provide the elite with the political
power necessary to procure acceptance and dominance of an ideology
which rationalizes the status quo, whatever it may be, as ‘logical,’
‘natural,’ and ‘morally right.’ In this manner social stratification systems
function as essentially conservative influences in the societies in which
they are found.”

26
Q

What is meant by the term “ascribed characteristics,” and how do they differ from “achieved characteristics”?

A

An ascribed status is involuntary, something we cannot choose. Race, ethnicity, and the social class of our parents are examples of ascribed statuses. On the other hand, an achieved status is something we accomplish in the course of our lives. To some extent, achieved status reflects our work and effort

27
Q

What is meant by the term “reverse stratification system”? Provide an example of how this term may be used.

A

In actual stratification systems, this tension appears to be alleviated by various transvaluational mechanisms. That is, there seems in all societies to be a reverse stratification system, the most enduring form of which is usually found in religion. Inherent in many religions is the belief that wealth and power are associated with sin and evil, while virtue is associated with poverty. Christianity and Hinduism, for example, both posit that righteousness will somehow be rewarded in the hereafter, so that the virtuous poor will ultimately be able to look down upon the wicked rich. This mechanism, which holds out the hope of subsequent reward for adhering to the morality of the present, does not, of course, challenge the existing secular distribution of privilege., It does, however, reflect the inherent tension
within stratified society, that there is both acceptance and rejection of the value system by the underprivileged.

28
Q

How do conflict theorists differ from functionalists in their explanation of social stratification?

A

Whereas functionalists look for different functional components, conflict
theorists look for competing interest groups, exploitation, and struggle. Class,
race, and gender are the principal factors that shape ―who gets what,‖ not the
unconscious operation of a harmonious social system. Accordingly, conflict
theorists’ divergent metaphor leads them to criticize Davis and Moore’s
formulation on many counts. Unequal wages, conflict theorists argue, may have
more to do with elites dominating their workers than with talent, training, or
functional importance. Or, a conflict theorist might highlight the fact that some
people may earn more money primarily because they were born white or male or
upper class.

29
Q

What are some of the basic principles of the conflict theory of social inequality?

A
  1. Different groups struggle over societal resources and compete for social advantages. Classes exist in conflict with each other as they vie for power and economic, social, and political resources.
  2. Inequality results from a system of domination and subordination where those with the most resources exploit and control others.
  3. The most powerful use their resources to reproduce their position and advantages. Elites shape societal beliefs and laws to make their unequal privilege seem legitimate and fair.
  4. There is blocked mobility in the system because the working class and poor are denied the same opportunities as others.
  5. The most vital jobs in society–those that sustain life and the quality of life–are often the least rewarded.
  6. Inequality prevents the talents of those at the bottom from being discovered and used. Hence, the more stratified a society, the less likely that society will benefit from the talents of all its citizens.
30
Q

What are some the commonalities to be found between the functionalist and the conflict theories of social inequality?

A

both functionalists and conflict theories take it for granted (1) that inequality exists as an objective entity ―out there‖ in society and
(2) that it is primarily their prerogative to define, identify, and explain it

31
Q

What are some of the criticisms that have been made of the conflict theory of social inequality?

A

First, some Marxian writers have argued that contemporary conflict theory has failed to present a causal theory of social conflict, because much current conflict theory is no longer based on any clear notion of material interests. Some critics have gone so far as to suggest that, in the absence of any opposing material interests, conflicts between superordinate and subordinate groups in a stratified social system are ultimately reducible to nothing more than conflicts over differential sets of values or normative systems. Consequently, much current conflict theory has been dismissed (by Marxists) as an essentially idealistic perspective: that is, one that is not rooted in any materialist conception of society or history.

Second criticism is against the post-capitalist/post-modern view held by some modern conflict theorists
The argument of post-capitalism is based on two assumptions:

  • that the functions of ownership and control have become separated in large corporations
  • that the working class has been transformed from a homogenous and monolithic social group into a diversity of social strata that are hierarchically divided on the basis of occupation, income, education, lifestyle, social prestige, and other criteria

some Marxist sociologists have sought to invalidate these twin assumptions by citing historical and empirical evidence that appears to refute them. Such evidence includes examples of large corporations that have dismissed their senior managers when their enterprises have been taken over by other corporations. Thus it appears that, although management remains in control of corporations on a routine basis, structural changes in ownership may cause even top management to be sacrificed by the new owners. Also, several studies have shown that many so-called middle-class occupational groups have become increasingly proletarianized in recent years, as their jobs have been progressively de-skilled through the combined effects of automation and management policy.

The focus of much feminist criticism has been the traditional exclusion of women as objects of sociological theory

32
Q

What are some of the basic principles of the interactionist theory of social inequality?

A
  1. Society is human beings interacting.
  2. Human beings act based on the meanings that things have for
    them.
  3. Nothing is inherently equal or unequal.
  4. People act based on their interpretations of inequality, if and when
    the issue is a relevant concern to them.
  5. Equal and unequal situations are defined as such during the course
    of interaction.
  6. The meaning of inequality is handled through an active, interpretive
    process. Terms such as ―inequality‖ and ―unequal‖ are conceptual
    resources that people use creatively to make sense of the world
    around them.
33
Q

What is meant by the terms “third-person sociology” and “first-person sociology”?

A

Third-person Sociology: To construct an overarching story about
what’s really going on out there with respect to inequality. i.e. functionalism and conflict theory

First-Person Sociology: What are the inequalities that different individuals and groups delineate? How are these inequalities seen and experienced from their perspectives? What do they think is going on? i.e. interactionism

34
Q

What kinds of inequality and stratification are likely to be studied by interactionists that have previously been overlooked or ignored by functionalists and conflict theorists?

A

Discovering which form (or forms) of inequality members of a group pay attention to. Are they interested in economics? race? gender? intelligence? beauty? athletic prowess? How do they measure the differences? What constitutes a serious inequality, and what qualifies as close enough to be considered equal? Which examples do they highlight, and which do they try to discount?

35
Q

What are some of the criticisms that have been made of the interactionist theory of social inequality?

A

The criticism that may arise here is that an interactionist approach is
promoting a naïve and individualistic view of inequality. The complaint may be: You’re arguing that inequality is relevant only when some social actor thinks it is. But what if the person is too ignorant or misguided to correctly see the inequality that surrounds him or her?

sometimes individuals exhibit extreme self-consciousness about the meanings they are creating: they may explicitly doubt what they are saying, acknowledge other ways of seeing things, change their minds, or make similar interactional moves that show (among other things) that they are not slaves to a particular orientation. Accordingly, someone may initially claim to have an unequal marriage, but in the next instant add that he or she ―might be biased‖ or that the relationship is ―really not so bad once something else is taken into account