Test Flashcards

1
Q

Why do we want democracy? What does it do for us?

A
  • equal opportunities to participate in decisions
  • properties belonging to modern democracy has evolved through centuries, no one way process
    who should govern; Locke, Montesqieu, Rousseau, Madison; influenced historical events leading to representative democratic systems
  • state of nature; need for collective protection; social contract; natural rights; law; factions; will of the people; securing legitimacy; through mechanisms as checks and balances and periodic elections.
  • ideals of self government; equality; liberty
  • a developed liberal democracy includes all three institutions; the state, rule of law, and procedural accountability
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2
Q

State of nature

Popular government resides from..

A

Rosseau; naively surrendering
In the state of nature, man was guided by two sentiments: self-interest and pity, and having no moral obligations with others, he could not be “good or bad, virtuous or vicious”; Conception is not as gloomy as Hobbes nor as optimistic as Locke`s; Uncivilized man is always “foolishly ready to obey the first proltings of humanity. It is the mob and the market-women who part the combatants, and hinder gentle-folks from cutting one another-s throat; , man is guided by instinct only, whereas in society he is inspired by justice and morality. Man loses through the social contract his natural liberty and an unlimited right ot everything he can lay his hands on, but he gains civil liberty and property rights in all he posesses. The liberty of the state of nature is no true liberty, because it is merely enslavement to uncontrolled appetites. By contrast, moral liberty, which man acquires solely in the civil state, makes him master of himself, because “obedience to a law which we prescribe to ourselves is liberty.” In civil society, the alternative is between obeying laws in the making of which the citizens have not participated, and obeying laws in which we ourselves have participated in making. In the first case, we obey the will of others, which makes us morally unfree. In the second case we obey the will of ourselves, which condition alone can make us free.

Locke; egoistically compromising
people have human reason; Contrary to Hobbes state of nature (where there is only natural right, and now natural law) he holds a more positive view about humanity, which is an ordered whole governed by the law of nature, where people from the very beginning act according to the principle (law of nature) which is that; they are governed by reason; and not just attracted to do anything according to their own preservation or egoistic sentiments.
A community of free equal individuals all possessed of natural rights, will want to acquire goods and will come into inevitable conflict, thus natural law of morality will govern them before they enter into society; presumes people will understand that in order to best protect themselves and their property they must come into some sort of body politic and agree to adhere to standards of behaviour thus relenquish some of their natural rights (life, liberty, and property) into a social compact (the common laws of society)
Here, everyone has a right to punish an offender of the law of nature, thus not everyone is governed by the same rules, and since we differ, in interpretations, chaos may occur. If, by reason, one consent as members of society, one might reduce uncertainties and gain predictability, and all would gain more advantages than life in the original state.

Montesqieu; how should we organize government?
in the state of nature individuals were so fearful that they avoided violence and war. As soon as man enters into a state of society,” “he loses the sense of his weakness, equality ceases, and then commences the state of war, war among individuals and nations led to human laws and government; main purpose of government is to maintain law and order, political liberty, and the property of the individual. Laws are freedom. Therein, Announces the thoughts of Rousseau and Hegel: Montesquieu defines freedom, politically, as obedience to the laws.

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3
Q

Social contract; theorists

A

These social contract theorists all agreed on some matters in their arguments of how democracy ought to evolve; through a creation of a social contract, as needed from inherent features of a situation of lack of “society” called the “state of nature”. Although they saw the succession of a social contract as a natural and necessary outcome, their view of what this “state of nature” really entailed differed, so did their views on which form this “social contract” thus ought to take.

Solution to the state of nature.
Rousseau;
Rousseau is the first modern writer to attempt, not always successfullly, to synthesize good government with self-government in the key concept of the General Will: the realization of what is best for the community is not enough; it must also be willed by the community. Equality, direct democracy (small states) so that more than the will of all (sum of all wills, taking into account private interest) is nto the only thing that is considered but the General will (realization of each individual of the common good,which is best for him as well) is asserted and kept; the individual would submit himself, denying its natural liberty (slave of appetites) and achieving moral liberty (beyond civil liberty); Social contract of the people, no sovergeing king. Recognized property as a form of private domination that had to be kept under control by the General Will, the public interst of the community.

Locke;
Locke’s model consists of a civil state, built upon the natural rights common
to a people who need and welcome an executive power to protect their property and liberties;
the government exists for the people’s benefit and can be replaced or overthrown if it ceases to
function toward that primary end; in return for protection delegating authority which may enforce punishment for offenders; obedience to rule should rest on consent of the governed, and government should be overturned if rights be violated; laying the foundation of popular sovereignty in the US declaration in 1789
- spoke out for freedom of thought, speech, and religion, but believed property to be the most important natural right.
- defended a representative government such as the English Parliament, which had a hereditary House of Lords and an elected House of Commons.
- wanted representatives to be only men of property and business.

Montesqieu;

  • Montesquieu did not describe a social contract as such. But he said that the state of war among individuals and nations led to human laws and government. Montesquieu wrote that the main purpose of government is to maintain law and order, political liberty, and the property of the individual.
  • BUT we ought to be careful about how we organise them so that one does not corrupt the power of the others; thus we must separate branches.
  • The separation of powers (legislative, executive, judicial) is the best way to reconcile the freedom of citizens and public authorities; as the remedy for abuse of power
  • believed that uniting these powers, as in the monarchy of Louis XIV, would lead to despotism; opposed the absolute monarchy of France and favored the English system as the best model of government.
  • americans later adopted it as the foundation of the U.S. Constitution
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4
Q

Three institutions of developed liberal democracy

A

A politically developed liberal democracy would have all three institutions; the state, rule og law and procedural accountability - in some kind of balance; a state that is powerful without checks is a dictatorship.

Law; an existing legal order limiting even the most powerful political actors in society whether kings, presidents og prime ministers, embodies in separate judicial institutions that can act autonomously fringe the executive.

State; A monopoly of legitimate coercion over a defined territory. Kinship replaced by a legal contract; feudalism.
rule of law and accountability pulls the opposite direction; constraining state power and ensuring that it is used only in a controlled and consensual manner.

Democratic accountability; procedures making the parliament responsible to consent of the governed (second treatise of government; the interests of the whole society, common good or general will (rather than ones self interest) as rights are natural and inherened in human beings and governments exist only to protect these rights; procedural accountability is periodic free fair multiparty elections that allow citizens to choose and discipline their rulers.

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5
Q

Ideals of democracy

A

Properties belonging to the modern meaning of democracy has evolved through the past centuries until the form it has taken today, most crucially traced back to thoughts to influential Enlightenment philosophers (or contract theorists) such as John Locke, Charles Montesquieu, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau which in this period began debating the question of who should govern a nation. As the absolute rule of kings weakened, they made arguments for different forms of democracy, i. e theories of government for which the people should govern, making a profound effect on historical events of the 16th and 17th century, American and French revolutions and the democratic systems of governments that they produced, ideas which the construction of todays constitutions relies on, parliamentarian representative governments, with an extension of the the decision-making process to a wider section of society giving every member (man regardless of income, slaves, women, and coloured) eventually also a vote in the system of governing. It was soon called collectively for a need for an extension of “protection by laws of citizen rights”, from the debated issues as factions and the state of nature “, in an optimal manner which secured legitimacy of institutions and that the “will of the people”, through mechanisms such as system checks and balances and periodic elections.

Self government;
For a collectivity to govern itself, all of its members must be able to exercise equal influence over its decisions without favorivation due to traits. All individual qualities are left at the doorstep of democratic politics; they are irrelevant to the status of citizens. Self-government is exercised through elections. The collective decision making process operates indirectly; citizens choose parties or candidates, authorizing them to make decisions on behalf of the collectivity.

;Political/procedural equality; does not include social or economic equality; although equality for the law may though function as a tool for equality in the socioeconomic realm by chances to affect collective political outcomes.

Liberty;
Laws can make us free in situations in which the pursuit of individual interests leads to an outcome that is collectively suboptimal; they make us free to cooperate with the security that we would benefit from the fruits of cooperation. Autonomy is a particular kind of liberty – because to live together we must live under laws, this is the only kind of freedom possible.

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6
Q

Democracies vs other forms of government

In which respects are democracies better than the alternatives?

A

There are a number of (non-democratic) governments in the early twenty-first century that see themselves as principled alternatives to liberal democracy.

  • Iran
  • The monarchies of the Persian Gulf
  • Russia
  • The Peoples republic of China
  • Iran is seriously divided with a large middle class that contests many of the regimes claims to legitimacy.
  • The gulf Monarchies have always been exceptional cases, viable in their present forms only because. of their huge energy resources.
  • Putins Russia has emerged as a rentier state, regionally powerful largely because it sits on reserves of gas and oil, outside of the world of Russian speakers, it is no ones idea of a political system worth emulating.
  • China poses the most serious challenge to the idea that liberal democracy constitutes a universal evolutionary model; strong centralised government; their rich and complex tradition has substituted Confucian morality for formal procedural rules as a constraint on rulers; and their rapid growth has created new vester interests that are powerful and have influence over the party`s decision making even in the absence of a legislature and lobbyists; and the party leadership has fallen into patterns of corruption that make reform personally dangerous for many of them.
  • Democracy is a system of processing conflicts in which outcomes depend on what participants do; not one nor a few. It serves to protect individual’s civil, political, economic, social, and cultural freedoms, from harm, violence, weaponry, colonialism, communism, and authoritarianism.
  • Perhaps the greater developmental challenge lies not in the existence of an alternative more attractive form of political organisation but in the fact that many countries will aspire to be rich, liberal democracies never able to get there; some observers have suggested that poor countries may be “trapped” in poverty because of the intertwined dimensions of political and economic development; economic development requires certain minimal political institutions to occur; which is hard to create in conditions of extreme poverty and political fractionalisation.
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7
Q

Does democracy yield the best solutions to social problems,
(does “popular” mean “right”?)
or only the most popular?

A

Neither!

  • not always the best; popular does not necessarily entail “right”;
    Firstly, it lacks a grounding in an objective ideal of reason.
    Secondly, it excludes the necessity for proper civic education and favorably egalitarian conditions are necessary for the deliberations of the citizens to have the rectitude they require to make the general will triumph over particular interests and the actual best solutions.
    It does not follow that the deliberations of the people are always equally correct.
    One example is climate change and people`s short-termed unenlightened thinking and course of action compared to if scientists were given mandate to choose on the behalf of the rest of us.
    Another is popular elections giving mandate to crude people of power demonstrated by the actions following the German election in 32.
    In stores we are allowed to buy cigarettes, yet, if healthcare professional and scientists were to decide the way for the society.. thousands of deaths every year would be prevented.
  • not always the most popular, but the best organised;
    democracy is representative. political outcomes often do not always correspond to popular preferences, and decision are affected by organised interests lobbying their views to politicians both directly and indirectly - through media mobilising peoples attention on different causes. Groups are not equally capable of organising for collective action. The un-organized, are often the poor, poorly educated and marginalised.

BUT still, the safest as he concept of the general will also implies a proscription against despotism, preserving civil liberty and autonomy, not with giving free reign to government. We can build on education, and try to advance mechanisms for organisation.

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8
Q

Rousseaus general will

A

General will, in political theory, a collectively held will that aims at the common good or common interest.
Rousseau distinguishes the general will from the particular and often contradictory wills of individuals and groups.

*“Forcing this individual to abide by the law is thus nothing else than “forcing him to be free.”;
To partake in the general will means to reflect upon and to vote on the basis of one’s sense of justice; it demands from “each individual a pure act of understanding, which reasons while the passions are silent on what a man may demand of his neighbor and on what his neighbor has a right to demand of him
*he argues that it is intrinsically right; and assumed that all people are capable of taking the moral standpoint of aiming at the common good and that, if they did so, they would reach a unanimous decision.
*in an ideal state, laws express the general will
*preserving civil liberty and autonomy, not with giving free reign to government; a proscription against despotism; government is only legitimate insofar as it is subordinated to popular sovereignty. Government loses all legitimacy the moment it places itself above the law to pursue its own interest as a separate political body.
*inspired his followers with what they saw as a promise of revolutionary moral and political transformation; he was the first modern writer to attempt, not always successfullly, to synthesize good government with self-government in the key concept of the General Will: the realization of what is best for the community is not enough; it must also be willed by the community.

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9
Q

Liberal democracy is based on the concept of Rights.
What does that mean?
Where do Rights come from?
Why are they considered authoritative?

A

The concept of rights means;

Natural rights are rights which are “natural” in the sense of “not artificial, not man-made”, as in rights deriving from human nature or from the edicts of a god. They are universal; that is, they apply to all people, and do not derive from the laws of any specific society. Legal rights, in contrast, are based on a society’s customs, laws, statutes or actions by legislatures. An example of a legal right is the right to vote of citizens.

Come from;
*Hugo Grotius (1583-1645) and his followers maintained that man’s sociability generates the need for rights, as cooperation with others can greatly improve one’s own life in the “state of nature” i.e. society without order, rules and rights would be unpredictable and precarious.
*John Locke (1632-1724) argued in his second treatise of government that rights were natural and inhered in all human beings such as life, liberty, and property in a state of nature in which they live free from outside rule;
*“All men are created equal, they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights valid at all times and in every place, pertaining to human nature itself.” became the basis for a nation of free individuals protected equally by the law
political equality and
popular sovereignty/
consent of the governed
“no taxation without representation”
evolved to be incorporated into constitutions in the years to come
*Jefferson incorporated Locke`s ideas of natural rights and popular sovereignty in the Declaration of Independence in 1789, as was it included in the French Declaration of Rights of Man and Citizen
*although these words did not instantly establish equal democracy the galvanisation and spread of ideas over the next centuries were significant, and laid the foundation of gradual franchise/law expansion - to all white men, genders, and of all colours, before it also inspired the creation of United Nations universal declaration of human rights.
*self-preservation has been posited by many philosophers as the ultimate source of natural rights. Vattel argued that self-interest, and self-interest alone, is the source and rationale of rights. Przeworski have argued that this self-interest was focused on private property of the wealthy and that their interest of rights laid mainly in being able to formally secure it from getting into other peoples hands.

Considered authoritative because;
transformed into laws, rights cannot be legislated away depending on the different views among rulers, nor should they be subject to the whim of an electoral majority.

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10
Q

American theorists of democracy locate sovereignty in ‘the People’;
German theorists place it with ‘das Volk’, and the
French with ‘le peuple’.
Are these three synonymous words referring to the population of a country? Or are they different families of the same species?

A

Soveregnity was essensially something that in the emerging world system belonged to the monarchies that substituted for popes and emperors. The initial conception was that the essence of sovereign power was provided by god.

Increasinly, rationalist theorists of politics, whose intellectual roots were in Aristotle and Machiavelli, began questioning the deistic foundations of autority; what defined the essence of sovereign power.

  • For Hobbes, the answer began to take on a secular tone; the authoritarian leviathans power came from a fundational social contract; i.e. the concent of the governed and the body politic itself (to prevent chaos); as did Machiavellis notion of the Prince`s power and legitimacy rooted on a mixture of skill and circumstances.
  • Soveregnity ceased to be an autocratic attribute of the monarch, but one of citizenship as contractual theorists as Locke and Rosseau argued the sources of soveregnity to the free will of the people, who thus formed an association to be better off.
  • The new notion of contract set limits on the power of sovereigns, by making them responsible to the rule of law, the will of assemblies, constituencies, or by creating checks and balances by dividing authority among the powers of the state.

After the thirty-year war ended with a peace agreement, written an signed in Westphalia (1648), Europe saw a slow consolidation of the principle of national soveregnity.

The “people” (le peuple,das Volk” as a concept was incorporated in the late eighteenth century revolutionary political discourse as the representative of the nation and the ultimate depository of soveregnty.
“The children of the motherland” or “sons of Liberty” implied an emerging revolutionary legitimacy :a radically new vision of citizens as people in arms who took care of the business of governing by themselves for themselves, and did so by overthrowing an illegitimate government.

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11
Q

Since both Plato and Aristotle were admired throughout most of the modern ages, their skeptical attitude towards democracy lasted for hundreds of years.
When did democracy emerge as a ‘good’ form of government?
Where?
Who were the nestors of democratic thought?

A

The nestors

Plato and Aristotle both developed important ideas about government and politics. The two “fathers of political thinking” developed (through their writing the Republic, and Politics) the most crucial concepts that came to define modern democracy;
I: government for the common good, and II: the rule of law as protection from tyranny;
*Tyranny occurs when absolute power is granted to a ruler, and no outside governing power controls the tyrant’s selfish behavior. This allows the ruler to become corrupt and use his power to further his own interests instead of working for the common good.
*The rule of law is the principle that no one is exempt from the law, even those who are in a position of power. In the Republic, Plato called the law an “external authority” that functions as the “ally of the whole city” and this notion today works through mechanisms of procedural accountability constraining state power.

Although these men laid the seeds for democratic philosophy, neither of them were really in favour of democracy, either directly or indirectly. Plato argued the case of “philosopher kings” and Plato believed in a monarchy as better types of government suitably runned by those with time on their hands to “pursue virtue” and “superior abilities of judgement”; they both favoured aristocratic rule by a few privileged.
In antique Athens, decisions were made by a ‘one-man-one-vote’ system limited to a select group of free-born male Athenians. Today’s western democracy is based on equal voting by all adult members of a society: because this involves far too much people for direct democracy, we have a representational and parliamentary party-democracy.

When/Where it emerged as “a good form of government”
So while the seeds of democratic thinking revolutionised from Ancient Greek ideas,
the roots of the modern western democracy that is now globalizing and hopefully will continue to expand on a world-wide scale lies rather in Western European enlightenment philosophy from the end of the 16th century, influencing cultural revolutions of political upheaval, creating the roots for democracy as we know it today.

Rousseau with his Social Contract is the first modern writer to attempt to synthesize good government with self-government in the key concept of the General Will: the realization of what is best for the community is not enough; it must also be willed by the community. Locke was also an important influence who’s words later became echoed in the the revolutionary constitutions,
arguing that “people have the right to dissolve their government, if that government ceases to work solely in their best interest”.

The American revolution institutionalised democracy as the principle of political equality, natural rights, and popular sovereignty. And the French Revolution laid the basis for an impersonal modern state, starting with Code Napoleon - establishing institutions such as the first impersonal rule of law.

Even in the absence of democracy these constituted major advances that made government less arbitrary, more transparent, and more uniform in its treatment of citizens, cementing gains from the revolution as eliminating from law feudal distinctions of rank and privilege. All citizens henceforth were declared to have equal rights.
Although not with an immediate lasting impact, this was exported to the countries of French occupation, and
spread further as a model used by other countries.

Democracy did not really gain foothold until the the 1920s when the working-class voting gained popularity and triumphed the fear of threat to aristocratic privilige and middle-class rule. Liberal politics in the eighteenth and ninetheenth centuries, while championing elections, fundamentally excluded the non-popoerty holders, which encompassed the bulk of the working classes and the majority of the population. The same was the case with women. It took time in the Old and the New World for even republicans and liberals to use the “d” word without the radical implications of profound equalitarianism. Madisonian democracy in the US was an attempt to engineer democracy without radicalism, as an equlibrium between majority and minority rule.

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12
Q

Who are the main contributors to the republican tradition?

What kind of constitution is a republican constitution?

What are the main differences and similarities between the republican tradition and liberal democracies?

A

Kind of constitution
A country or type of government usually governed by elected representatives of people and a president, without a king or a queen is called as Republic. There is more than one type of republic, just as there is more than one type of monarchy.

Generally, republican constitutions puts greater constraints on governmental power, which includes further protections against the possible “tyranny of the majority” on rights of minorities, into constitutional limitations and in the US case, also a stricter checks on balances between the three branches which divide power as a mechanism serving the same purpose; constraining power concentration.

Contributors
The tradition mainly grew out from Machiavellian influence in the 15th century, and spread as an oppositional-movement in England in the following centuries, making its influence on the American revolution and constitution from the 17th century. In 1975 John Pococks “The Machiavellian Moment” mainly contributed to place the republican tradition on the map of political thinking.

Liberal vs republican
One of the main differences of the two traditions is that republicanism includes a third term of “freedom”; they do not agree about obstacles to freedom, but republicans claim that oppression arises independently from the existent of obstacles; to be free thus, is not dependent on someones elves will, regardless if it would correspond with ones own, opression is namely to not be able to determine for oneself (thus is the essence of republicanism; the emphasise of this independence, and it being institutionalised into the legislative (independently from the executive, not one deriving from the other; as in parliamentarism)
In the republican tradition, the purpose of representatives isn’t to reflect majoritarian will, but rather to secure the unalienable rights we all possess. “The Republican Constitution, then, provides the law that governs those who govern us ”When rights come first “individual rights retained by the people are recognized and effectively protected from the will of the majority, that polity is a true republic.”

*Constitutions are naturally taken as antidemocratic; operate as constraints on the governing ability of majorities. But constitutional provisions serve many different functions.
They may be liberal or illiberal; different constitutions, and different parts of the same constitution, may protect different interests.
*In reality, the republican emphasis on protection of rights, gives greater protection of the rigts private property owners, and hence constraints majority rule even further than the liberal constitution (as private property is protected under the constitution and may not be placed limits on by a parliamentary majority); the system gives greater guarantee for the propertyholders of safety against confiscation by the propertyless majority; and “the electorate” works as a prohibiting force of majority rule where it have the ability to turn who is granted presidencies after elections in another direction than whatever the outcome of the popular vote.
*This distinction examplified.
The U.S. Bill of Rights is a list of individual rights against the state. In contrast, the Charter of Fundamental Rights, which constitutes Part II of the proposed EU constitution, includes a long list of rights to services provided by the state. Such rights, for example, include education, a free placement service, paid maternity leave, social security benefits and social services, housing assistance, preventive health care, services of general economic interest, and high levels of environmental and consumer protection.

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13
Q

Discuss the importance of constitutions.
Anchor your discussion in Polybius and Montesquieu;
draw examples from Fukuyama.

A

Significance
A constitution is an aggregate of fundamental principles or established precedents that constitute the legal basis of a polity.

I: Every democratic Constitution guarantees to the citizens a protection against arbitrary governmental actions.
II: It lies down of the aims, objectives, values and goals which the people want to secure; in descriptions of guarantee of the fundamental rights of citizens
III: It gives a detailed account of the organisation of the government powers, the functions of its three organs, their inter­relationship, and state level authorizations.
IIII: It specifies the power and method of amendment of the Constitution.
IIII: It lays down the election system and political rights of people.

Polybius

  • In the theory of mixed government dating to Aristotle and Polybius and revived by Machiavelli, each power of the government represented a different social group.
  • The estate systems that gained preponderance during the eighteenth century were based on this kind of representation.Legislatures, in the theory of the time, should be based on two chambers, one representing the aristocracy and the second, if not quite the poor, some broader group.
  • The modern conception of checks and balances, however, did not retain this; aiming that the entire government, all its branches, should equally represent all the people.

Montesqieu
*Montesqieu further influenced modern constitutional provisions in his defence of
division of branches of government as distinguished by their functions and their prerogatives, not by their constituencies, as to prevent the concentration of power in one person’s/groups hands/corruption of government infringement upon individual liberties
*He warned that “were the executive power not to have a right of restraining the encroachments of the legislative body, the latter would become despotic; for as it might arrogate to itself what authority it pleased, it would soon destroy all the other powers.”

Fukuyama

  • In 1789, the US Constitution brought together democratic ideals of equality and fair representation in a radical way.
  • The Federalists indeed broke away from the classical Whig doctrine; they considered instead every branch of the government as equal agents of the people.
  • Unfortunately, the values embedded in the Constitution were ignored for much of the country’s early history, and the United States had a weak and deeply corrupt political system right up until the nineteenth century. Goods and services were bought and sold in exchange for political alliances and, unsurprisingly, it was the rich and influential who wielded the most political power.
  • Democracy, and particularly Madisonian version of democracy that was enshrined in the US constitution, should theoretically mitigate the the problem of elite capture by preventing the emergence of a dominant faction that can use its political power to tyrannise the country by spreading power among branches; but while democracy provide an important check, it fails frequently to perform as advertised through powerful interest groups gaining more influence than the rest, as power and wealth is accumulating and affects abilities to mobilize.

Although constitutions are important devices for functioning modern democracies and the “general will” of the people,
, with checks and balances allocating directories of power,
at the same time they are no guarantee for a body politic to actually work according to prescriptions.
-> Newer research on constitutions shows that there is other things more significant to democratic development than constitutional designs in dictatorships
“transformsforming to democracies” as they often are ineffective for political change and do not reflect real political conditions, and do certainly not allow predictions for future democratic development in a country.
-> At the same time, they might serve as constraints on the governing ability of majorities (like in the US) and protect some interests above others, granting power to a few as the Electorate, showing that they are not merely tools of democratic control.

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14
Q

How does clientelism differ from patrimony?

What does Fukuyama mean when he argues that clientelism, under certain circumstances, may be considered a first step towards democracy?

A

Clientelism
Clientelism or patronate is phenomenon identified with corruption.

Patronage relationships are typically face to face ones between patrons and clients and exists in all regimes whether authoritarian or democratic. A patronage relationship is a reciprocal exchange of favors between two individuals of different status and power, usually involving favors given by the patron to the client in exchange for the clients loyalty and political support.
The good given must be individually appropriated, like a job in the post office, or to get a relative out of prison, rather than public good or policy that applies to a broad class of people. 

Distinguishes from clientelism by scale;
clientelism involves a larger-scale exchange of favors between patrons and clients, often requireing a hierarchy of intermediaries. Clientelism exists primarily in democratic countries where large numbers of voters need to be mobilized. In a clientilistic system, politicians provide individualized benefits only to political supporters in exchange for their votes. These benefits can include jobs in the public sector, cash payments, political favors or even public goods like schools and clinics that are selectively given only to political supporters.
*Compared to an elite patronage network, clientelistic networks need to be much larger because they are frequently used to get hundreds of thousands of voters to the polls. As a result these networks dispense favors not based on a direct face-to-face relationship between the patron and his or her clients but rather through a series of intermediaries who are enlisted to recruit followers. It is these campaign workers-the ward heelers and precinct captains in traditional American municipal politics-who develop personal relationships with with individual clients on behalf of the political boss.

  • Clientelism is considered a bad thing and a deviation from a good democratic practice in several respects. In a modern democracy, we expect citizens to vote for politicians based on their promises of broad public policies, or what political scientists label a “programmatic” agenda. *Targeted programs (which are justified in terms of broad concepts of justice or the general good), must apply impartially not to individuals but to broad classes of people.
  • Patronage and clientelism constitute substantial normative deviations from good democratic practice for all these reasons and are thus illegal in contemporary democracies as they are considered another form of political corruption.

First step towards democracy; There are a number of reasons, why clientelism should be considered an early form of democratic accountability (and be distinguished from other types of corruption or - not considered as such at all)
I: It is taking hold in very many young democracies where voting and the franchise are new and politicians face the problem of how to mobilize voters.
In societies where incomes and educational levels are low, it is often far easier to get supporters to the polls based on a promise of an individual benefit rather than a broad programmic agenda; This was nowhere more true than in the first country to establish the principle of universal male suffrage, the US which in a certain sense invented clientelism and practices it in various forms for more than a century.
II: it is based on a relationship of reciprocity and creates a degree of democratic accountability between the politician and those who vote for him or her. Even though the benefit given is individual rather than programmatic, the politician still needs to deliver something in return for support, and the client is free to vote for someone else if the benefit is not forthcoming.
III: It is quite different from purer forms of corruption as ex. when a bank official steals from the public treasury and sends the money to a Swiss bank account for the benefit of himself and his family alone.

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15
Q

James Madison warned against factions in ‘Federalist No. 10‘, because he thought they might cause democracy to decay.
What did he mean by ‘faction’?
Why did he think that factions would undermine democracy?
What solution did he propose to combat factions and factionalism?

A

Federalist 10 (1787). The tenth, and most famous, of the Federalist Papers. “The Federalist No.10,” was written by James Madison, in which he set forth an argument for a new republic constitution.

Madisons factions;
He warned against the danger of factions;
*the kind of elite/patronage relationships characterising court politics in Europe.
Those groups of people who are solely motivated by their personal goals alone, and in the process, they undermine the interest of the remaining populace.

Solutions to combat factions;
*By seperating branches of government, and spreading power among a series of competing branches as allowing competition among different interests across a large and diverse country one would automatically (instead of trying to regulate the factions) one would have instances/checks which regulated each other; if any one group obtained undue influence and abused its position, the other groups threatened by it could organise to counterbalance it.

Factions might undermine democracy;
Unfortunately, the checks of Madisonian democracy frequently fails to provide as advertised.
And currently, many US institutions have become dysfunctional
I: Elite insiders have superior access to information and resources, which they use to protect themselves; cognitive inabilities to realise prevents them from mobilising (ex.trickle down economics)
II: Different groups have different abilities to organise to defend their interests; ex. middle class groups are more able t defend their interests like preservation of the home mortgage deduction than are the poor.
III: Market economies produce winners and losers and amplifies economic inequality as economic winners convert their wealth into unequal political influence; changing institutional rules to favour themselves or lobbying in groups to legislature.

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16
Q

The ‘third wave’ of democracy arose during the mid-1970s and washed across parts of the world.

Which factors contributed to the rise of the third wave?

Over which parts of the globe did it wash (and which parts were left untouched)?

Which factors might contribute to its retreat?
Illustrate the argument by an example or two.

A
  • Huntington labeled the period of democratic transitions between 1970-2010 “the third wave”
  • During the period we saw a rise in the world democracies from about 35 to 120.
  • The Third wave began with the democratic transitions of Spain and Portugal in the early 1920s and continued through all parts of the world but the Middle-Eastern Arab part.
  • Some of tese transitions included violence, but they most went peacefully.

Where it washed;
The Arab middle-east was the one part of the world that did not participate in the third wave of democratisations.
*The most stunning feature of the third wave of democratization is how few regimes are left in the world that do not fit into one of these three categories of civilian, multiparty,electoral regimes (less than 20 percent)

Factors contributing to the third wave;

  • the power of ideas; democratic values of participation, equality of human dignity
  • rapid expansion across international boarder through radio, TV, internet and flows of activists bringing news of political upheavals elsewhere
  • by-product of deep structural forces; correlation between high levels of economic development and stable democracy; countries transforming above a certain per-capita income is more likely to remain stable after transitioning; due to social mobilisation.

Factors contributing to it`s retreat;

There has been a continued growth in electoral democracy, but
relative stasis in the incidence of liberal democracy illustrating the shallowness of democratization in the late period of the third wave; As a proportion of all the world’s democracies, free states declined from 85 percent in 1990 to 67 percent in 1996.
*During this period, the quality of democracy (as measured by the levels of political rights and civil liberties) has eroded in a number of the most important and influential new democracies of the third wave
recession in some countries (Egypt, Libya, Syria)
*If political institution can not keep up with economic growth, social change and ideas; we might expect social upheaval, and unsuccessful democratisations i.e. retreat of democracies; as in the Arab Spring.
*Overemphasis on “free and fair elections” as the key standard for democracy;
(or for Africa, simply “multipartyism”), and interest in democratic conditionality wanes after that electoral hurdle has been scaled. *But even when chicanery is prevented on election day, how free, fair, and meaningful can elections be when the civil liberties of individuals and associations are routinely violated; when the legislatures that are elected have little or no power over public policy; when state power remains heavily centralized and people have virtually no control over policy and resources at the local level; when the judiciary is corrupt, ineffective, and unable to provide a rule of law; and when elites who are not accountable to any elected authority – the military, the bureaucracy, local political bosses – exercise substantial veto power or direct control over public policy? In these circumstances, elections – however much they freely and accurately reflect the preferences between given options of those who turn out to vote on election day – cannot in themselves signal the presence of liberal democracy.
*Lack of rule of law and education;
the international community more broadly, demand real electoral democracy, but are not too fussy about human rights and the rule of law.

17
Q

Samuel Huntington theory of instability

A

Samuel Huntington argued that economic development bred social mobilization, and when the rate of social mobilisation exceeded the capacity of existing institutions to accommodate new demands for participation, political order broke down. He pointed at the “gap” that emerged between the expectations of newly mobilised populations and their governments ability or willingness to accommodate their participation in politics. He argued that both poor traditional societies and fully modernised societies were stable; instability was characteristic of modernising societies in which the different components of modernisation failed to advance in a coordinated fashion.

He was right that instability reflected a lack of institutions; but the instability and violence he observed in the 1950s and 60s was not a result of modernisation, countries with weak institutions would have been unstable regardless. More recent analyses of the causes of conflict show that conflict correlates heavily with poverty; poor countries often fail to control violence, which produces poverty, which further weakens ability to govern.

Huntingtonian events in
after 2008, when the middle classes expanded and an increase of collage graduates; the gap between increasing social mobilisation and institutional development have been a major driver of instability in the countries of the Arab world; coups and civil conflicts in the Middle East 1950 to 70`s and emergence of authoritarian regimes throughout the Arab world; Tunisia, Egypt, Syria.

18
Q

As Huntington shows and Fukuyama argues, democracies emerge, evolve and decay.

Is the democratic form of government evolving or decaying/nearing its end?

A

Democratic form of government is in some ways on decay; espescially in the US;

*Huntington argued that
political development comes in waves, and that decay occurs as
chaos and disorder arising from social modernization increasing more rapidly than political and institutional modernization; now we know that “the third wave” (even if continuing) to a large extent have been “empty blueprints” not functioning as advertised; at the same time, even if he was right that instability in countries recessing in the 1950s and 60s reflected a lack of institutions, it was not a result of modernisation; more recent analyses of the causes of conflict show that conflict correlates heavily with poverty; and poor countries often fail to control violence, which produces poverty, which further weakens ability to govern.

  • Simonsen poengterer hvordan flere land nå går i motsatt retning mens færre demokratiseres, i kontrast til det vi antok ville skje i følge “bølge-teorien”.
  • Mye av det som syntes oppnådd av den tredje bølgen, har blitt reversert.
  • Mens bare 2 prosent av befolkningen som bor innenfor det tidligere samlede sovjetiske området kan sies å bo i demokratier, dvs. 3 land. Blant de øvrige 12 finner vi stater som holder valg men som ikke riktignok er fullt demokratiske.

Fukuyama argues there are challenges to democracy demanding attention to be remedied;
*If there has been a problem to facing contemporary democracies, it has been centered in their failure to provide the substance of what people want from government;
(middle class, social security, shared economic growth, quality of basic services, interest groups & madisonian democracy unequally affecting policies to further their own interests); this is mainly in the already democratised countries and especially the US.
*in countries failing to transition it has mainly been due to the failure to adapt institutions as the rule of law, a professional bureaucracy with sufficient autonomy to efficiently implement policy, as a culture of meritocracy and impersonal decision making, high degrees of clientelism predominating early stages of political development keeping citizens from mobilising for broad aromatic agendas actually granting arrangements for a better quality of life and hence opportunities of social mobilisation, in addition to low per-income capita which is a general characteristic spurring social mobilisation and often an important predictor of stabilisation rather than recession after transitions have occurred.
*Thus, perhaps the greater challenge lies not in the existence of an alternative more attractive form of political organization but rather in the fact that many countries will aspire to be rich, liberal democracies but never able to get there as “trapped” due to the intertwined dimensions of political and economic development; economic growth requires minimal political institutions to occur, and they are hard to create in conditions of extreme poverty.
*The stability of institutions is also the source of political decay, they are created to meet the demands of specific circumstances, while environment they were created in is subject to change; social mobilization eks. Environmental change.
- They fail to do so because of cognitive reasons
- because of elites/incumbent political actors,
- because the modern state institutions are particularly vulnerable t insider capture in the process of “repatrimonlization” regardless of “madisonian” guaranteed it frequently fails to perform as advertised; information and resources are inequality distributed, while it also opens for further accumulation.
- because the market economy tends to produce winners and losers and amplifies inequalities as they are reproductional (and might be further converted into abilities of changing institutional rules to favour oneself)

*He also argues that there is not a systemic crisis of governability (besides for within the US madisonian system)
*democratic political systems have facesd such crises in the past, I: with the great depression; and by
II: alternative fascist and communist regimes.
*If the supply of high-quality democratic government is sometimes lacking (and where they are in place we still face challenges which need to be remedied); there is nonetheless an increasing demand for democracy;
new social groups have been mobilized all over the world; suggesting that there is a clear directionality to the process of political development, and that accountable governments recognizing the equal dignity of their citizens have a universal appeal. We continue to see evidence of this in the mass protests that continue to erupt unexpectedly in places from Tunis to Kiev to Istanbul to San Paulo, where people want governments that recognize their equal dignity as human beings and perform as promised. It is evident also in the millions of poor people desperate to move from places like Guateala City to London each year.

  • The future of democracy in develop countries will depend on their ability to deal with these problems of decay, in addition to challenges as
  • the rise of populist movements from the left and right (EU anti immigrant parties in Europe ex) believing that their countries have betrayed them
  • “cognitive rigidities” as to enable citizens better equipped of partaking in political decisions with proper information about the actual meaning and effect of their participatory conducts
  • Fukuyama offers education as the main solution that will push the majority of citizens into higher levels of knowledge and skills; so they can flexibly adjust to the changing conditions of work
19
Q

Democracies are sometimes challenged from without and sometimes from within.

Give examples of internal and external challenges, and

discuss how democracies might handle them.

A

Challenges from within/internal;
*Challanges of a country being able to establish necessary institutions of democratic development; state, rule og law, procedures of accountability
*Challenges of ridding clientelism
*Challenges of handling specific barriers to stabilising transitions; as poverty, education, *Challenges of ridding “cognitive rigidities” making people enlightened as to how democracies might best serve them instead of just abolishing the system
*Challenges of handling middle class demands of government; as social security, shared economic growth, quality of basic services; so that it is perceived as an actually functioning system actually working by them, for them
*Challenges to adapting institutions to change according to social mobilisation even if they are created to meet the demands of specific circumstances;
such as environmental change;
*And challenges of handling inside problems of “repatrimonlization”, corruption and reproductional “winners and losers” of the market economy; particularly in the US.

Challenges from without/external;
Sørensen og Brandal (2018) Det norske demokratiet og dets fiender;
*et av de mest påfallende trekkene ved det norske demokratiet er hvor stor motstands­kraft det har hatt i møte med antidemokratiske ideer og bevegelser.
*Like etter første verdskrig, då det norske arbeidarpartiet var eit revolusjonært klassekamp-parti, kjempa det for ein styreform basert på prinsippet om proletariatets diktatur. Ved Stortingsvalet hausten 1918 fekk partiet nesten 32% av røystene. Kvar tredje nordmann stemte med andre ord for å kaste det liberale demokratiet.
*Igjen, etter andre verdskrig kom nye utfordringar frå det revolusjonære venstre Først frå det Moskva-lydige kommunistpartiet (NKP) som trufast fylgde Stalins pragmatiske lineskifte, dernest frå maoistane i Arbeidaranes kommunistparti (AKP) som slo ut i full totalitær blom rundt 1970.
*NKP og AKP fell for propagandaen til Stalin og Mao som så ein fiende i USA. Båe kommunistpartia var kritikarar av Noregs nære tilknyting til USA. Angrepa deira på Noregs liberal-demokratiske styresett var slik sett ein refleks av dei internasjonale spenningane i tida

20
Q

A dilemma in liberal democracies is that it is regularly challenged by threats from groups from left and right (use examples) that want to do away with its liberal freedoms.

How can liberal democracies best deal with that dilemma?

A

Simonsen: Over sperregrensen
Vi ser at demokratiske prosesser og liberale verdier utfordres av nasjonalistisk populisme, med sterke partier i en rekke europeiske land.

Øyvind Østerud: Populismen tar over verden;

  • Partiene mister medlemmer over hele Vest-Europa, velgerne er mer flyktige, rekrutteringen av politikere er smalere og partiene likner stadig mer lukkede karteller som søker støtte til ulike kanter.
  • Mange av protestbevegelsene i den vestlige verden vokste frem i kjølvannet av finanskrise, økonomisk tilbakeslag og stigende arbeidsløshet, og ble forsterket av flyktningkrisen og omfattende arbeidsinnvandring. De sammensatte krisenes karakter varierer, og ingen enkelt faktor kan forklare opprøret mot den liberale verdensorden.
  • Protestpartiene mobiliserte mot en politikk som manglet demokratisk forankring og mot den åpne eller stilltiende alliansen mellom sentrum- venstre og sentrum-høyre. *Tilliten til tradisjonelle partier og institusjoner har sunket i alle EU-land som svar på disse problemene.
  • Fellestrekket i populisme som tynn ideologi er elitekritikken – folket blir oppfattet som en samlet enhet i opposisjon til elitene.
  • Den tynne ideologien er antipluralistisk og lite opptatt av konstitusjonelle garantier for mindretall.
  • Mange av de moderne protestpartiene kan sees som «illiberale svar på en udemokratisk liberalisme». Protestpartiene mobiliserer til støtte for den folkesuvereniteten som de mener at de liberale elitene setter til side. Den liberale kritikken av populisme går ut på at det er en demagogisk og udemokratisk appell til en fiktiv, folkelig fellesinteresse.
  • Mye av velger-protesten mot etablerte partier går ut på å stille de etablerte partiene til ansvar for globaliseringens ulemper.
  • Siden det liberale og representative demokratiet har sviktet de folkelige interessene, blir folkeavstemning et viktig korrektiv.

How democracies are challenged by groups from the left wanting to do away with its liberal freedoms;
*Venstrepopulistiske partier i Spania, Italia, og Hellas vokste frem som protest mot innstrammingspolitikken av offentlige nedskjæringer og reduserte velferdstjenester, samt massearbeidsløshet, privatisering og økende sosial ulikhet -
i eurosonen etter finanskrisen, og hevdet at budsjettunderskuddene måtte reduseres langsomt, i takt med langsiktig stimulering av ny vekst gjennom nasjonale investeringsprogrammer.

How democracies are challenged by groups from the right wanting to do away with its liberal freedoms;
*Høyrepopulistiske stemmer som Trump har vist liten respekt for demokratiske prosesser og allerede før valget spredte han grunnløse påstander om valgfusk, mens han i etterkant hevdet at tre millioner forfalskede stemmer var eneste grunnen til at Hillary vant the popular vote. Han har også gått langt i sin kritikk av domstoler og uavhengige media, og det er ikke utenkelig at han vil bestride et eventuelt tap om han stiller til gjenvalg. Disse “harde” løsningene som vinner oppslutning i mange land undergraver egenskaper som definerer liberalt demokrati - som borgerrettigheter, uavhengige domstoler, en fri presse, og så videre.

How democracies might cope;
I: Noen (Mounks) i tillegg til Eatwell og Goodwin mener vi bør akseptere tendensene som uttrykk for individers bekymringer; og holde flere folkeavstemninger
II: Andre, som Larsen, men også Glucksmann mener løsningen ligger i å finne tilbake til fellesskapsverdier; sistnevnte foreslår klimakampen som en løsning på hvordan vi kan gjenreise et virkelig fellesskap vi kan enes i og jobbe for.

21
Q

What are the basic preconditions for a stable system of democratic government?

Has the evolution of the profession of advertisement and public relations affected any of these preconditions in a positive or negative way,
improving or undermining democracy?

https: //www.youtube.com/watch?v=Pqg6iNSDFn0
https: //www.youtube.com/watch?v=Yk8YWyihgno
https: //www.youtube.com/watch?v=0VLQuJFMayg
https: //www.youtube.com/watch?v=ek1WNibZxJg
https: //www.youtube.com/watch?v=MWrs2S07Pxs

A

Preconditions for a stable system of democratic government;

Lipset:
Preconditions are economic development and political legitimacy; such conditions are stabilising because of supporting institutions and values, it has its own self-maintaining process; as the factors involved in modernisation or economic development are linked closely to those involved in the historical institutionalisation of those values. Also, these values become enhanced in citizens of different social strata as their interest of reducing the intensity of political conflict are increased with their involvement within social conduct; i.e. modernisation.

Huntington:

  • Ability of institutions to adapt according to rapid mobilisation under modernisation is crucial, if not, political decay will follow from social upheaval, violent conflicts or coups.
  • Where traditional political institutions are weak or non-existent, the prerequisite of stability is at least one highly institutionalized political party. States with one such party are markedly more stable than states which lack such a party. States with no parties or many weak parties are the least stable. Modernizing states with multiparty systems are much more unstable and prone to military intervention than modernizing states with one party, with one dominant party, or with two parties.

Fukuyama;
A well functioning political order (Liberal democacy, not just electoral) in conjunction with the other dimensions of development -
*(especially economic growth, which is the most important cause of democratic institutions as it engenders social mobilization via the spreading division of labor, and in turn produces demands for both rule of law and greater democracy), together with
*social mobilization and *changes in ideas
must consist of the three sets of political institutions;
I: state,
II: law and
III: accuntability in some kind of balance.

*Fukuyama argues that historically, we see that the relative strength and interactions between major social actors determine the likelihood that democracy will emerge in a given society; a stable system will emerge only if these newly mobilised groups are successfully incorporated into the system and allowed to participate politically; If not instability and disorder will follow.

  • The route to democracy often has been unfolded in stages and not been a one-way-process.
  • There are multiple paths and entry-points towards development; if progress fails to materialise along one dimension, it may happen along another over time, and then the interconnected chains of causality will start to kick in; ideological, economic, social and political.

Evolution of advertisement and public relations affect on preconditions;
Advertisement
*“Democracy is at risk from the malicious and relentless targeting of citizens with disinformation and personalised ‘dark adverts’ from unidentifiable sources, delivered through the major social media platforms we use everyday.
*“The big tech companies are failing in the duty of care they owe to their users to act against harmful content, and to respect their data privacy rights.
*Much of this is directed from agencies working in foreign countries, including Russia. The UK is clearly vulnerable to covert digital influence campaigns. The Committee finds strong evidence pointing to hostile state actors influencing democratic processes.
**This lead to the intelligence agency being mandated to further investigate the role/extent of the targeting of voters, by foreign players, during past elections.”
*This report is currently being held back by prime minister Borris Johnson until after the election is held, which has caused great debate about his own incentives in withholding the report and possible ties to Russian intelligence.
*The baseline of the argument is that the Government should consider whether current legislation to protect the electoral process from malign influence is sufficient; as legislation should be explicit on the illegal influencing of the democratic process by foreign players
*Investigation of such meddling similarly has been conducted in the US;

22
Q

The legislature`s democratic aspect is popular input assured through multi-party elections;

What are the democratic aspect of the other two branches of government?

Do they have a popular input, at all? If they do, what are the mechanisms through which it works?

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OBwX_Ytoxrk
fra 7:+

A

The separation of powers is a model for the governance of a state. Under this model, a state’s government is divided into three branches, each with separate and independent powers and areas of responsibility so that the powers of one branch are not in conflict with the powers associated with the other two; a legislature, an executive, and a judiciary.

In all modern democratic polities the judicial branch of government is independent of the legislative and executive branches. Their appointment and conduct is (within the constitution and framework of law) unaffected by popular opinion, but rather is (a politically neutral) result of professional basis, in Norway, formally by the king but practically following the appointance of an independent committee. *This instance is not supposed affect democratic decisions besides interpret and succeed them; the legislative are the soul source of popular sovereignty.
*This fact differs from the US system, where the judges are appointed by the president, which may appoint them according to their attachment to either right or left wing parties; furthermore, in the US these judges have the ability to invalidate acts of parliament, making them able to even inflict on popular opinion.

*When it comes to the executive branch,
*In European /parliamentary societies, a checks and balances works in a way that kind of seperates powers from each other;
the legislature is the channel where elected popular input is asserted, while the other two, the executive and the judiciary, have functions of their own.
*at the same time, the executive arise from popular input as it is
extracted from the legislative *parliamentary systems render executive candidates only as representants of a constituency; the majority party of coalition controls the government directly; members of parliament become ministers who have the hierarchical authority to direct the bureaucracies they control.

  • in presidential ones, executives are not responsible to the legislature and are elected directly separately from legislative; through the popular vote (and electoral college) a president is given a direct personal mandate to lead the country
  • the power to pass laws are split between the president, the lower, and the upper house (congress and senate)
  • straight forward delegations are harder to achieve in a presidential system, where the two branches often find themselves competing with each other; as the system splits authority between an elected president and a congress that have equal democratic legitimacy and whose survival is independent of one another. The different governments will control each other, at the same time that each will be controlled by itself.
  • *this less centralised anti-statist system with hosts of constraints on majoritarian rule and more rigid separation of powers make decisions more difficult to get through, and have slowed the growth of the welfare state regardless of popular demands of such change.
  • *the courts, instead of being constraints on government, have become alternative instruments of the expansion of government, have usurped many of the proper functions of the executive, making the operation of the government as a whole both incoherent and inefficient
  • this attempt to create more democratic institutions - which in reality have reduced the effectiveness of government - have made citizens experience a legitimacy crisis where they feel government not really reflect their interests

*in semi-presidential states, the voters are virtually represented by their votes in a proportional outcome while the presidency (executive) is elected on a winner-take-all basis.

23
Q

During the local elections this fall, several parties and organizations worked to mobilize young people,
immigrants and other groups whose members are marked by a low political participation, and encouraged them to vote.

Is this a good idea?

A
  • Om man spør om lav valgdeltakelse er et problem så må svaret bli at det kommer an på hva den lave deltakelsen skyldes.
  • ingen grupper bør være underrepresentert i forhold til andre. Hvis ikke alle gruppene stemmer, så vil ikke avgjørelsene som blir tatt representere alle som bor i landet.
  • Hvis det er snakk om en nedgående trend i ett og samme system, eller systematiske forskjeller i hvilke grupper som deltar mer eller mindre, og det finnes ytterligere informasjon som peker mot en tiltakende oppfatning at politikken ikke angår folks liv og at “alle alernativer er like ille” så er det det.
  • hvis det skyldes ren apati, eller et mer bevisst ønske om å “vise fingeren til hele systemet”. Å la være å stemme ut fra sistnevnte er også en politisk ytring, men den er svært lite presis. Valget går uansett sin gang.
  • hvis det skyldes at feltet av konkurrenter ser ganske like ut, (dvs. velgeren føler at det spiller liten rolle hvem som egentlig vinner) ettersom partiene “modererer seg” for å nå ut til et bredere publikum de i utgangspunktet gjør for å sanke flere velgere - og dette er jo heller ikke bra ettersom det etterlater velgere med få relle valg.
  • hvis det skyldes at feltet for aktører bedre enn andre klarer å mobilisere sine støttespillere på grunn ulikheter i tilgang til ressurser, så er det det.
24
Q

Should politicians govern on the basis of their best judgement or on polls?
“Mandat-uavhengighet-kontroversen”

A
  • Politisk representasjon er nødvendig for at et samfunn av en viss størrelse skal kunne fungere demokratisk - de skal representere våre meninger.
  • Politikere vet hva som forventes av dem når det gjelder vedtak ved å se på meningsmålingene - slik forsøker regjeringer å gjøre unna upopulære vedtak tidlig i regjeringsperioden for så å dele ut sviskene nærmere neste valg. *I norge kan representanter som blir for egenrådige bli straffet ved neste (liste)valg.
  • Begrepet kongruens beskriver graden av sammenfall i meninger mellom velgere og folkevalgte.
  • Jo mer velgere og folkevalgte er enige om, jo større kongruens.
  • Vi må også skille mellom hvorvidt politikere bare er enige med velgerne sine, på den ene siden, og hvorvidt meningene faktisk får uttrykk i politikken som føres. Sistnevnte - som er det velgere flest er opptatt av - kaller gjerne policy-kongruens.
  • Graden av politikeres lydhørhet til kongruens underveis kalles dynamisk kongruens.
25
Q

Since the 1980s we observe rising inequality in virtually every liberal democracy in the world.

Why has this happened?

Why has not democracy, which is founded on ideas like liberty and equality, hindered this rise?

Anchor your answer in different theorists.

A

Piketty
In the 1950s-1960s, the vote for left-wing (socialist-labour- democratic) parties was associated with lower education and lower income voters. It has gradually become associated with higher education voters, giving rise to a “multiple-elite” party system in the 2000s-2010s: high-education elites now vote for the “left”, while high-income/high-wealth elites still vote for the “right” (though less and less so). I have argued that this can contribute to explain rising inequality and the lack of democratic response to it, as well as the rise of “populism”. In effect, globalization and educational expansion have created new dimensions of inequality and conflict, leading to the weakening of previous class-based redistributive coalitions and the gradual development of new cleavages.

*Unequal access to political finance, medias and influence can contribute to keep electoral politics under the control of elites.
*the change in senior management compensation has played a key role in the evolution of wage inequalities around the world (Piketty 2014. 333), which is less likely due to remarkable individual productivity rates (they seem to rise most rapidly when sales and profits increase for external reasons) and more probably due to a general tendency for executives of large firms being able to set their own salaries, at the same time as it is difficult for individual firms to go against the prevailing social norms of the country in which it operates. (Piketty 2014, 3332)
Another important factor of the current trend of rising income inequality other than the record level pay of the top centile`s share of total wages taking place (Piketty 2014, 332) - is that changes in tax laws have occurred and largely decreased the top marginal income tax rate in English-speaking countries after 1980. (Piketty 2014, 335)
The future developments of inequality all depends on the institutions and policies that will be adopted. (Piketty 2015, 35)

*The class-based party system that emerged in the mid-20th century was due to specific historical circumstances, and proved to be fragile as social and economic structures evolved. Without a strong and convincing egalitarian- internationalist platform, it is inherently difficult to unite low-education, low-income voters from all origins within the same party.

26
Q

Fukuyama, Francis (1989) ‘The End of History’, The National Interest(summer)

A

arguing that the end of the Cold-War marks the endpoint of the development of human history.

In “The End of History and the Last Man” Fukuyama sees the end of the Cold-War and the fall of the Berlin Wall as marking the end of ideological conflict with the unchallenged establishment of Western liberal democracy as the final ideological stage of human evolution. After the opposition between the liberal West and the communist world was resolved Fukuyama sees no further direction in which history can go. Hence the end of history is not to be understood as no more events happening and no more people born of die, but rather as the final resolution of the tensions which drive history forwards.

Most notable among Fukuyama’s critiques is Samuel Huntington in his book “The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order” (1996) where he explains that cultural forces will take over ideological forces in shaping global history. Since September 11th 2001 Huntington’s critique of Fukuyama’s “The End of History” is proved painfully right, history did not come to its end