Spitalfields Flashcards

1
Q

Medieval Spitalfields - Who arrived, when, why and from where?

A

• Walter and Roisia Brune - wealthy Londoners who founded the Augustinian Priory of the Blessed Virgin Mary, around 1197. New Hospital of St Mary without Bishopsgate, or St Mary Spital.
• This priory was populated by Augustinian canons (men) and lay sisters (unordained women) who took in the poor and sick – links with France
• Open land outside city walls; cheaper
• Position on Ermine Street led to inns, waggoners and blacksmiths, and presumably establishments for drovers bringing cattle and sheep into the city, as well as meat curers and tanners
• Outside walls – so beyond reach of city authorities. Theatre in Shoreditch

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2
Q

Medieval Spitalfields - How were they received by the settled population and what were their experiences?

A

• Priory may originally have been small (catering for 12 or so poor and sick, especially women during and after pregnancy
• Children who died in pregnancy would be cared for by the sisters until 7
• Wealthy benefactors

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3
Q

Medieval Spitalfields - What was the impact of this migration on Spitalfields?

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• Growing bustle was provided for by valuable gifts – from the deceased – but also from living men of high rank.
• Annual tradition for a public sermon to be preached at the Spital by a bishop in the audience of the Lord Mayor of London and the Alderman to raise money for the hospital ‘confirming St Mary’s as one of the most significant institutions in the medieval city’
• Open fields near the priory became an artillery ground where people practised combat skills such as archery, swordplay and later firearms.

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4
Q

16th Century Spitalfields - Who arrived, when, why and from where?

A

• Foreign-born people because they were prevented from living within the city walls
• ‘liberties’ - many monastic sites operated outside the usual legal system acting as sanctuaries for criminals, debtors and aliens in exchange for payment – allowed them to flout trade rules
• 2% of London’s population born abroad including:
• Francesco de Bardi (imported luxurious satin and velvet and exported raw English wool) and
• John Meautys (Frenchman and royal secretary who lived on Leadenhall Street).
• de Bardi granted licence by King to trade without paying customs duties. Meautys’ home became prominent sanctuary for French pickpockets and wool-carders, who flouted London’s rules on trading

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5
Q

16th Century Spitalfields - How were they received by the settled population and what were their experiences?

A

• Widespread poverty and suffering brought attention to immigrants who were seen as ‘taking work away from Londoners, and also putting themselves in positions where they [could] control the wool trade in London
• English merchants encouraged dissent and violence was eventually sparked off by a sermon against ‘strangers’, or foreigners, preached at St Mary Spital in mid-April by Dr Bell. He also preached at St Paul’s Cross and the anger grew as the April days passed. Bell told his audience that foreigners ‘eat the bread from poor fatherless children’ and exhorted Englishmen to ‘cherish and defend themselves, and to hurt and grieve aliens [foreigners]
• Evil May Day, 1517

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6
Q

16th Century Spitalfields - What was the impact of this migration on Spitalfields?

A

• Events of 1517 were disastrous for both the immigrants and for many of those who attacked them.
• The result was destroyed homes, ransacked possessions, and fatal repression.
• Yet it was not a random outburst of aimless xenophobia. It emerged directly from long-running and growing resentments towards the apparent ‘privileges’ enjoyed by a few prominent immigrants that spilled over into a wider attack on the thousands of foreigners who were merely trying to make ends meet. Flemish cobblers had little in common with French royal courtiers, but they both suffered at the hands of the crowd.
• The violence of 1517 must have scarred relations between immigrant and native Londoners for a long time to come.

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7
Q

Huguenot Spitalfields - Who arrived, when, why and from where?

A

• 1570s Huguenots – started arriving in the area as refugees from religious persecution.
• number increased rapidly in the 1680s after the French King Louis XIV overturned a law protecting their rights.
• Estimated 13,050 arrived in London by 1687, mostly living in Spitalfields. By 1700 Huguenots were about 5% of London’s population.
• Came to Spitalfields because the building boom meant there were empty properties and further space to build on.
• There was already a local silk weaving industry.
• There was a French Protestant church nearby an area that Protestant Dissenters – religious outsiders such as Quakers and Methodists – were drawn to
• Many of the Huguenots came from just two towns – Lyon and Tours – so they were often people who knew each other.

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8
Q

Huguenot Spitalfields - How were they received by the settled population and what were their experiences?

A

• Committees set up to help them; one such committee, La Maison de Charité de Spitalfields was known as ‘La Soupe’ because of what it provided for refugees.
• They had a strong tradition of business skills, self-reliance and community support.
• Many were highly skilled silk weavers who settled in new houses that were being built over the fields.
• They transformed the area with their new high quality French styles that soon became fashionable. Along with Huguenot silversmiths and goldsmiths they could offer high fashion at prices that undercut taxed French imports. As these silks were now home produced they were not affected by war or stormy seas.
• The early generations of Huguenots kept close to their religion and cultural traditions. They were Calvinists
• While they were given the freedom to worship and build churches – something denied Quakers and Catholics – their dead still had, by law, to be buried in Anglican churchyards.
• The French immigrants were largely well received by the middle classes.
• The reaction from the working classes was mixed, though. Many saw the new arrivals as a threat to their livelihoods, competing for work and willing to undercut wages.
• Tensions mounted and some locals even began to arm themselves ready to rise up against foreigners.
• In 1683 King Charles II placed companies of Horse Guards around Spitalfields ‘to keep the weavers in order’.
• In 1709 Parliament passed a law naturalising Huguenots as English citizens -opposed by some

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9
Q

Huguenot Spitalfields - What was the impact of this migration on Spitalfields?

A

• By 1700 there were about 500 master weavers and 15,000 looms around Spital Square.
• The silk came from China, India and Italy, brought by ships of the East India Company. More and more people were attracted to Spitalfields and the area became a boom town.
• The Huguenots brought a new, profitable industry that opened up new markets. 50,000 locals now depended on the silk business.
• The new Spitalfields Market, set up by King Charles I, was a centre for their textile trading. Some
• Huguenots were already wealthy merchants and master weavers and soon became estate owners in the area. Families such as Rocher and Parroissien lived in grand houses on the newly built up Spital Square, where Brick House had been – and before it, the medieval priory and Roman cemetery.
• While they were given the freedom to worship and build churches – something denied Quakers and Catholics – their dead still had, by law, to be buried in Anglican churchyards.

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10
Q

Irish Spitalfields - Who arrived, when, why and from where?

A

• The migration of the Irish into the area began in the 1730s with the collapse of the Irish linen trade. There was also a large influx of Irish migrants into London following the potato famine in the 1830s, e.g. Donovan brothers
• Many had been forced into poverty by the linen industry’s decline and strict Penal Laws that discriminated against Catholics.

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11
Q

Irish Spitalfields - How were they received by the settled population and what were their experiences?

A

• There was some antagonism directed at Irish.
• Most were unskilled labourers, though some had been linen weavers back home.
• Employers in Spitalfields often preferred to hire them because, as the poorest residents, they accepted low wages.
• This made English weavers resent them.
• The Irish – most of whom spoke Gaelic - were the most likely to be underpaid and out of work, and to suffer racism
• In July 1736 serious fighting broke out after English labourers accused the Irish of undercutting their wages. A series of battles with guns and knives ended with 17 badly wounded on both sides and one English boy shot dead.
• The Catholic Irish were not allowed to worship openly or build churches.
• In 1780, when 1/11 Londoners were Irish, there were violent anti-Catholic ‘Gordon’ riots and a mob burnt down Catholic chapels in Brick Lane.
• For ‘journeyman’ weavers, the deeper conflict was about class. They – Irish, English and Huguenot – were ranged against their richer employers (English and Huguenot).
• In the 1760s protests were frequent and they included marches, sabotage, damage to looms. Things came to a violent climax in the ‘Cutters’ Riots’ of the 1760s which led to the execution of an Irish and a Huguenot weaver
• By 1790s the silk weaving industry was in decline and there was now real poverty on the streets of Spitalfields. The 1799 Combination Act stopping workers organising themselves in trades unions made it hard for weavers to get together and protect the poorer weavers
• In 1797 the Spitalfields Soup Society started helping the poorest families.

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12
Q

Irish Spitalfields - What was the impact of this migration on Spitalfields?

A

• Full freedom for Catholics came in 1829 with the Roman Catholic Relief Act.
• Fact that they shared poverty with many English and Huguenots, especially in the weaving industry, brought them together.
• Sometimes, to protect their industry, workers and employers were on the same side. When calico (printed cotton) dresses from overseas became fashionable they protested successfully and the government banned the material.
• When outsiders brought in new mechanical looms and weavers fearing unemployment started breaking the machines, they were often supported by employers who feared the competition.
• Spitalfields weavers, often led by the Irish, gained the reputation of being the most militant, organised of the British working class. They organised themselves into ‘combinations’ with names such as the Subscription Society, and the Liberty Men.
• As a result of violence in 1771, the govt responded with the 1773 Spitalfields Act, which was further extended in 1793. Under these Acts:
• Weavers could negotiate pay with magistrates who then set wages.
• Employers were punished if they paid wages above or below those set.
• Combinations were banned.
• Imports of foreign silk were controlled.
• No one was paid starvation wages

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13
Q

Jewish Spitalfields - Who arrived, when, why and from where?

A

• settled and growing Jewish community since 1650s
• Small numbers of Spanish, Dutch and Portuguese Jews had settled in Aldgate, just over the City walls from Spitalfields.
• increasing numbers of German Jews began to arrive in Britain, attracted to its relative freedoms, economic opportunities and lack of immigration controls.
• Many, landing by boat at the London docks, settled in the East End where accommodation was cheap.
• In 1881, after Jews were blamed for the assassination of the Tsar (Emperor), there were pogroms – violent attacks and massacres – aimed at Jews. Laws then restricted where Jews could live, banned them from owning property and put quotas on how many Jews could attend secondary school and higher education. Thousands of Jews from Russia, Poland and other parts of Eastern Europe migrated westwards, arriving by sea in British ports, especially London. They were escaping persecution and hoping to build new lives.

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14
Q

Jewish Spitalfields - How were they received by the settled population and what were their experiences?

A

• Jews experienced anti-Judaism and state discrimination, but by the mid-nineteenth century they had achieved civil and political rights equal to the wider population.
• To meet their needs, the Jews’ Free School moved to Bell Lane in Spitalfields in 1822 and catered for immigrant children, while a Jews’ Infant School opened on Commercial Street in 1841.
• In 1851 Henry Mayhew estimated that there were 18,000 Jews in London and many of them were poor pedlars and traders selling second-hand clothes in the ‘rag trade’ on stalls along Houndsditch and Petticoat Lane that had been a rough-and-ready market for centuries.
• the market was at its busiest on Sundays.
• The first synagogue in Spitalfields, established by Dutch Jews in 1874, took over a former Huguenot church in Sandy’s Row and is still functioning as a Jewish place of worship.
• In 1880s poor, with few possessions and little knowledge of English, most were forced into the cheapest places to live, where they could join a community with familiar language, food, religion and customs.
• Life was very hard for the new arrivals. There were also different reactions to them within the settled Jewish community. Many were worried that their own status might be threatened if there was an antisemitic backlash. Other Jewish groups organised charities to support the refugees and help them get on their feet. This included soup kitchens and a temporary shelter

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15
Q

Jewish Spitalfields - What was the impact of this migration on Spitalfields?

A

• Over a very short space of time there was a huge population shift: by 1899 a quarter of the population of Spitalfields was Jewish.
• Most Jews lived separate lives from the Irish and English: as they moved out, some areas became between 75% and 100% Jewish. When that happened, observers noted, the crime rate went down and these areas became quieter.
• However, they were also seen by some as a threat to jobs and wages. To many desperately poor people in Spitalfields it could appear that newly arriving immigrants were the problem, even though the true reasons for these included new technology, foreign competition and economic depression.
• Housing was also a real point of conflict. At a time when houses were being demolished for new roads and railways, some long term residents felt the influx of Jews was making it even harder for them to be housed. Wentworth Street, the area of the worst housing, had a lodging house containing 800 people and there was racial tension in the area.

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16
Q

Bengali Spitalfields - Who arrived, when, why and from where?

A

• C19th and early C20th East London was home to growing number of Lascar seaman, especially from Bengal and British Somaliland
• Some abandoned in London, unable to return home because their contracts had ended; others jumped ship to escape employers
• Some women came as ayahs and were often abandoned
• 1947 India partition led to unemployment and extreme poverty. At the same time there was a serious labour shortage in Britain. The 1948 British Nationality Act reaffirmed that they, as Commonwealth citizens, had the same rights as British citizens to enter the UK and live and work here. Young men came to work in the East London clothing trade.
• In 1962 the Commonwealth Immigrants Act, led to an increase in numbers coming to settle permanently. Men who went home to East Pakistan for several months risked being refused vouchers to return, so the best option was to put down roots in the UK, which meant bringing their families over.
• This chain migration meant that a large proportion of Spitalfields Bengalis came from same region (Sylhet)
• In 1970 a terrible cyclone killed half a million people, followed by a bloody war for independence from Pakistan in 1971 led to more immigration to Spitalfields

17
Q

Bengali Spitalfields - How were they received by the settled population and what were their experiences?

A

• Men took what jobs they could – as kitchen porters, in restaurants, in the clothing trade.
• Around this time the first Indian restaurant opened
• In 1936 the first Asian general store – Taj - opened in what is now Buxton street, later moving to Brick Lane.
• A community began to establish itself and to get organised.
• Several of the men married local white working class women and began to settle.
• Others, especially those still working on the ships, saw London as only a temporary stage in their life.
• Officially they were British, but – following the 1905 Aliens Act and the 1925 Coloured Alien Seamen Order which forced them to register with police – they suffered a ‘colour bar’ at a time of low immigration and high unemployment.
• Racism – and isolation from the wider community – were a daily reality.
• Somalis and other Africans and Caribbeans – many of whom had arrived as stowaways - formed a growing community that became known as ‘London’s Harlem’.
• At the start of the Second World War numbers were still small – under 200 Bengalis in the East End and only a few of them in Spitalfields – but Somali and Bengali Lascars were a quarter of the men serving on British merchant ships and many died on the Atlantic convoys bringing food to Britain
• The old sweatshops of Spitalfields, some still run by Jews and others by Pakistanis, suited the new migrants. They could work for several months, sharing cheap lodgings with other men, spending very little, and save enough money to go home for a few months every year during times when demand for garments was slack. The money they saved meant they could buy land and build houses in Sylhet. Men lived in very crowded dwellings in conditions not so different from how Irish migrants had been forced to live previously.
• The work on offer was as cooks and waiters in the ‘Indian’ (but Bengali-run and owned) restaurant trade centred on Brick Lane. The growth of these ‘curry houses’ was because of several factors coming together. Spitalfields was close to the wealthy City of London and the Bengali-run restaurants could offer cheap, tasty food to city workers.
• However, there was a major housing problem. Council flats were the only housing most people in Spitalfields could afford but allocation was not on the basis of need. Bengalis therefore lived in the slum tenements, paying rent to private landlords.
• The number of people living in one dilapidated townhouse in Princelet Street went up from 77 in 1951 to 150 in 1979. In 1980 nearly a hundred households had over twice the official level of overcrowding.
• The 1984 Spitalfields Health Survey reported that 30% of Bengali women complained of chronic poor health due to living conditions, with mothers worried about their children being undersized for their age and having no appetite.
• Tensions were very high, made more so by the wider political situation. At the same time as Bengali women and children were arriving, the 1973 international oil crisis and deep economic depression were hitting working- class communities. This encouraged the growth of the far right in the form of the National Front.
• They had a base in Bethnal Green where they won 10% of the vote in the October 1974 General Election.
• They regularly sold their paper on Brick Lane, taunting and abusing Asians. Violent racist attacks became more and more common. Schools were unsafe for Bengali children and so were the streets. Skinhead gangs targeted Asian families on estates.
• In response to the rise of racism, younger Bengalis began to organise. In 1976 Race Today helped organise the Anti-Racist Committee of Asians in East London (ARCAEL) and one of their actions was a march to Leman Street police station protesting about their failure to prevent racist violence.
• On 4 May 1978 – local election day, with the National Front standing with over 40 candidates in all Tower Hamlets wards - a 25 year old clothing machinist called Altab Ali was walking home from work when he was attacked by a gang of teenagers near St Mary’s Park and stabbed to death. Altab Ali’s murder is remembered as the moment that woke up the whole community to a need for action.
• On 14 May 7000 people, mainly Bengalis, marched behind Altab’s coffin from Brick Lane to Downing Street. The following year three people died when substandard housing on Brick Lane caught fire. Whole areas of the East End were a danger zone for Asians.
• In the early 1990s some of the hostilities and insecurities of the ‘70s returned. In a 1993 ward byelection a member of the far-right racist British National Party was elected as a Tower Hamlets councillor after a campaign blaming Asians for the housing problems faced by white residents. A group of women realised that many Bengali women had not voted. When the full council elections came round the following year, they got organised. The BNP councillor lost his seat.
• Housing was the major issue to address and the problem was the ‘ladder’ system of allocations which favoured long term residents. Most council housing was still overwhelmingly white. The growth of housing associations and housing cooperatives – often with strong local involvement – meant that more and more houses were being built in Spitalfields. The areas the council had originally cleared for office development now went mainly to housing for local people thanks to this organised community action.
• In the 1980s and 90s councils of all political parties tried to disperse and divide working class people, force Bengalis into designated areas, undercut the clothing industry, sell land and promote office development. In response, an alliance of local Bengali and white residents managed to resist dispersal, develop their own industries, organise the homeless, break open racist allocation policies, stop the sale of land, challenge office developers and get over 1,000 new rented homes built. Bengali businesses were also transforming Brick Lane. The number of Bengali-owned restaurants and cafes rose from 10 in 1997 to 46 in 2003. This was now the biggest concentration of ‘Indian’ restaurants in the UK and the area was thriving. In 1999 Brick Lane was officially renamed ‘Banglatown’ by the Council. For councillors this was a drive to copy Soho’s Chinatown and attract tourists, while residents also saw it as an opportunity to create a distinct space in the street and its buildings. ‘Banglatown’ affirmed the permanent presence of a settled community and a distinct and proud Bengali cultural identity.
• Meanwhile Bengali involvement in politics grew. In early 2019 just over half the councillors were Bengali. In the 2010 General Election, all three major parties fielded Bengali candidates for Bethnal Green and Bow constituency (including Spitalfields). The winner was Rushanara Ali, who was born in Bangladesh and arrived in East London in the 1970s at the height of the activism around the Altab Ali murder, which she says had a great influence on her. Involvement in politics has not always been easy for women. Male domination remains a difficult issue in many families and organisations. While there were many Bengali councillors in 2000 only one – Jusna Begum – was female. Women active in mainstream politics have faced harassment.

18
Q

Bengali Spitalfields - What was the impact of this migration on Spitalfields?

A

• In the summer of 1975 homeless families took matters into their own hands. 22 adults and 50 children broke into empty GLC houses in Old Montague Street and occupied them. It was the start of the Bengali squatters’ movement. In February 1976 Mala Sen and Farrukh Dhondy from the Black radical group Race Today and Terry Fitzpatrick from the Squatters’ Union brought squatting families together to launch the Bengali Housing Action Group (BHAG – which means ‘tiger’ in Bengali). This was the start of Bengali direct political action in Spitalfields. At its height the movement involved several hundred families. A new, younger generation in Spitalfields were clear that they wanted to stay and would get involved in political action to make this possible. Squatters demanded rehousing, but the Labour-controlled GLC refused.
• In 1977 the Conservatives won the GLC elections. To the squatters’ surprise, they were far more sympathetic than Labour had been. Leading Conservatives said they admired the self-help and entrepreneurial spirit of the movement. They invited BHAG to give them a list of the estates they felt were safe for Bengali families.
• This caused an outcry from BHAG who were against what the press called a ‘ghetto plan’ that they felt would force them into poor quality housing. Their statement said: We will not settle for segregated slums. It also angered white residents who feared they would be pushed out and told the GLC that they: were living in the dustbin of London, and the GLC was doing nothing for the white community.
• In response to the rise of racism, younger Bengalis began to organise. In 1976 Race Today helped organise the Anti-Racist Committee of Asians in East London (ARCAEL) and one of their actions was a march to Leman Street police station protesting about their failure to prevent racist violence.
• In the 1980s younger Bengalis became active politically. While their elders were still absorbed by events in Bangladesh, they immersed themselves in UK politics. Bengali activists were at the forefront of organisations such as the Tower Hamlets Association for Racial Equality and many became active in the Labour Party. In 1985 Helal Uddin Abbas – who had been a teenage squatter – became the first Bengali councillor to represent Spitalfields.
• By the mid-1980s the National Front had been chased off the streets of Spitalfields by Bengali youth and anti-racist organisations, who often confronted them directly, and Brick Lane was a fairly safe area. But overt, violent racism against Bengalis was still rife, especially on housing estates with majority white residents.