Sources, Sources, Sources Flashcards

1
Q
  • Most systems that appear semi-presidential can be classified either as mainly presidential or as mainly parliamentary; hence the semi-presidential category becomes a nearly empty cell
A

Lijphart 1997

Trichotonomy or dichotomy?

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2
Q

Presidentialism leads to higher rates of democratic breakdown. Three criticisms of presidentialism:

  • Dual legitimacy and deadlock: since the president is not elected by parliament, they can end up blocking each other.
  • Rigidity: it is difficult to dissolve a political deadlock, which may tempt politicians into seeking extralegal solutions. Because of fixed terms, thepolitical process becomes discontinuous, and the system is unable to readjust itself in the case of drastic political and social change.
  • Winner takes all: the competition for the presidency tends to be an excessively heated zero-sum game where the winner takes all. Elected presidents can feel a sense of personal mandate, leading them into a plebiscitary leadership style. Term limits also give presidents a sense of urgency that leads to ‘‘ill-designed policies, rapid implementation, and impatience with the opposition’’
A

Linz, Valenzuela 1994

The Failure of Presidential Democracy

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3
Q
  • Cultural influences place a strong limit on states’ ability to dramatically change institutions
  • Central institutions of new democracies have to accomodate preexisting cultural divisions in order to work
  • Institutions of modern democracies can be classified according to how they institutionalise popular sovereignty: based on consensus or based on majority rule
A

Lijphart 1999

Patterns of Democracy: government forms and performance in 36 countries

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4
Q
  • It is important to pay attention to factors that can mitigate the problems of presidentialism because it may be politically more feasible to modify presidential systems than to switch to parliamentary government
  • providing the president with limited legislative power, encouraging the formation of partie that are reasonably disciplined in the legislature, and preventing extreme fragmen tion of the party system enhance the viability of presidentialism
  • “Winnder takes all” not necessarily accurate
  • The sum effect of our arguments is to call more attention to institutional combinations and constitution designs and to suggest that the advantages of parliamentarism may not be as pronounced as Linz argued
A

Mainwaring, Shugart 1997

Presidentialism and democracy in Latin America

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5
Q

Constitutionalism

A

Ackerman 1997

The Rise of World Constitutionalism

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6
Q

The Puzzle: Traditionally, political theory suggests low public support for a government weakens its legitimacy and potentially leads to instability. However, many Latin American democracies have experienced low citizen satisfaction with government performance yet remained stable. This is the “legitimacy puzzle.”
The book delves deeper to explain this phenomenon:

Multi-dimensional Legitimacy: Booth and Seligson argue that legitimacy isn’t a single concept but has multiple dimensions. Citizens might have a negative view of a government’s performance (e.g., corruption) but still believe in the core principles of democracy (e.g., free elections). This allows for a disconnect between performance evaluation and overall legitimacy of the system.
Focus on Socialization: The book emphasizes how social experiences and access to information shape citizens’ views of legitimacy. Citizens may participate actively in alternative forms of political engagement (e.g., community improvement) even while feeling dissatisfied with the national government.
Explaining Stability: High levels of citizen participation, even in non-traditional forms, contribute to the stability of Latin American democracies. People remain invested in the system despite frustrations.

A

Booth, Seligson 2009

The legitimacy puzzle in Latin America: political support & democracy

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7
Q
  • Puzzling Policy: The book explores the 2004 French law banning religious symbols, including headscarves, in public schools. This law seemed to many to be an infringement on religious freedom and a confusing response to social issues.
  • Beyond Religious Freedom: The book argues that French opposition to headscarves goes beyond a simple concern about religious freedom. It delves into deeper anxieties:
  • Laïcité: France’s strong emphasis on secularism (laïcité) plays a major role. The headscarf is seen by some as a symbol of religious intrusion into the public sphere, threatening French ideals of neutrality.
  • Social Integration: Concerns exist about the potential for the headscarf to signify a lack of integration among Muslim immigrants and their children.
  • Islamophobia: The book acknowledges the presence of Islamophobia in French society, which can fuel anxieties about headscarves.
  • Media Frenzy: The media is seen as playing a role in amplifying anxieties and shaping public opinion against headscarves during the lead-up to the ban.
  • Historical Context: The book highlights the long-standing French sensitivity to religious symbols in schools, dating back to the early 20th century.
  • Beyond the Headscarf: The ban on headscarves is seen as a broader attempt to address anxieties about “communalism” – the idea that religious communities could threaten national unity.
  • Overall, the book argues that the French opposition to headscarves is a complex issue rooted in French history, anxieties about national identity, and the challenges of integrating Muslim populations. It goes beyond a simple concern about religious freedom.
A

Bowen 2008

Why the French Don’t like Headscarves: Islam, State & Public Sphere

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8
Q

Perspectives on legitimacy

A

Connolly 1984

Legitimacy and the State

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9
Q
A

Dahl 1991
Dahl 2000

Democracy & its Critics (1991) / On Democracy (2000)

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10
Q
  • Many claim that semi-presidentialism is a danger to new democracies because of conflict between President and Premier
  • However, there are few cases of such conflict in young democracies and only one (Nigeria in 1996) that led to breakdown
  • More cases of divided minority government and more cases where divided minority government has been associated with democratic failure, but event that (divided minority govt) can be survived by young democracies
A

Elgie 2008

The perils of semi-presidentialism: Are they exaggerated?

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11
Q
  • Political Conditionality: This approach ties foreign aid to recipient countries meeting certain political or economic reforms. Ideally, this incentivizes positive change.
  • The Problem of Donor-Patrons: The article highlights how powerful donor countries, acting as “patrons,” sometimes prioritize their own strategic interests over the recipient country’s development goals.
  • Self-Interested Actions: These patrons may continue to provide aid even if the recipient country fails to meet reform conditions. This can happen for various reasons, such as maintaining political allies or securing access to resources.
  • Case Study: The article uses Cameroon and France as an example. France’s continued aid to Cameroon, despite a lack of democratic reforms, weakens the incentive for Cameroon to change.
  • Generalizability: the author argues that this pattern is not unique and applies to other donor-recipient relationships. This “patronage behavior” weakens the overall effectiveness of political conditionality as a development strategy.
  • Importance of Coordination: The article suggests that close cooperation among donor countries could help mitigate the issue of self-interested patrons. A united front demanding reforms could create a stronger incentive for change.
  • In short, the article argues that political conditionality is a flawed strategy due to the self-serving actions of powerful donor countries. It suggests that international cooperation is crucial for this approach to be more effective.
A

Emmanuel 2010

Undermining co-operation: patrons & failure of political conditionality

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12
Q

Critique of Public Management Failures:
* public management often falls short due to a narrow, technical approach.
Explores recurring themes like the fear of calamity, conspiracy theories, and the struggle to balance control with effective regulation.

Cultural Influences:
* The book emphasizes how cultural values deeply impact how governments function.
Hood uses “grid/group cultural theory” to categorize societies based on their views of hierarchy, individualism, and egalitarianism.
This framework helps explain why different countries adopt contrasting approaches to public services (e.g., centralized vs. decentralized).

Rhetoric and Modernity:
Analyzes the role of rhetoric in shaping public management practices.
Explores how governments use language and persuasion to achieve goals and gain public support.
The book examines the tension between traditional, hierarchical structures and the demands of a modern world.

Global Convergence vs. Diversity:
* The book questions the idea of a universal model for public management.
Argues that cultural and historical contexts shape how governments operate, making a one-size-fits-all approach unlikely.
Key Takeaways:

Public management is a complex art, not just a science.
Cultural values, historical experiences, and the use of language all influence how governments function.
There may not be a single “best” way to manage public services, as effective approaches vary across cultures.

A

Hood 1998

The Art of the State: culture, rhetoric and public management

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13
Q

Notes on Weber

A

Lassman, Speirs 1994

Weber: Political Writings

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14
Q
  • Challenge to Traditional Views: the authors argue that traditional political science often portrays institutions as simply reflecting societal forces. They propose a new perspective that emphasizes the relative autonomy of political institutions.
  • Focus on Inefficiency and Symbolism: This new institutionalism acknowledges that historical developments can lead to inefficiencies within institutions. It also highlights the importance of symbolic actions in shaping political behavior, rather than just focusing on achieving specific outcomes.
  • Shifting Priorities: The article emphasizes a move away from:
  • Focus on societal influence: It downplays the idea that institutions are solely shaped by societal demands. Instead, it highlights a more interdependent relationship between social and political spheres.
  • Focus on efficiency: It acknowledges that historical processes can create inefficiencies within institutions that persist.
  • Focus on rational choice: It moves beyond viewing political actors as simply making calculated decisions to achieve specific goals. It highlights the importance of symbolic actions and the role of meaning in political life.
  • Theoretical Development: The authors acknowledge that this new institutionalism is still under development and lacks a fully developed theoretical framework. However, they identify promising directions for future research that focus on how institutions shape political order.
A

March, Olson 1984

The New Institutionalism

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15
Q

Central Question: Does the public have real control in these new democracies, or are there lingering effects from communist rule that weaken popular influence?
* New Framework: book proposes a framework to assess “democratic quality” based on citizen control. This means looking at how much power citizens have to hold leaders accountable and influence policy.
* Surprising Finding: The book argues that Eastern European democracies have achieved a relatively high quality despite economic difficulties and a communist past.
* Key Factors: Citizen control is achieved through three main “linkages”:
* Electoral accountability: Can voters punish underperforming politicians?
* Mandate responsiveness: Do parties fulfill campaign promises after winning elections?
* Policy responsiveness: Do politicians adjust policies based on public preferences between elections?
* Overall Argument: Strong democracies rely on these linkages between citizens and policymakers. The book suggests that Eastern Europe has established these connections effectively.

A

Roberts 2009

Quality of Democracy in East Europe; Public Preference & Policy Reforms

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16
Q
  • What differentiates democracies from non-democracies is that when faced with crises, it is much easier to get rid of ineffective rulers in democracies
  • Legitimacy should be understood as a multidimensional concept, comprising rules, normative beliefs and appropriate actions. Power can be said to be legitimate where it does not breach established rules; where its acquisition and exercise are normatively validated in terms of socially accepted beliefs about rightful authorisation and due performance; and where it is confirmed through appropriate acts of recognition and acknowledgement’
  • Even indicators based on rights, competition and inclusiveness – a combination that had become ‘standard’ since Dahl – failed to take ‘political equality seriously’ enough
  • Democracy = public control with political equality
A

Beetham 2013

17
Q
  • Most stable democracies are systems that performe well economically and have traditional sources of loyalty
  • Democracy has historically arisen as consequence of economic development, and gradually gained legitimacy through effective governance and further creation of wealth
A

Lipset 1983

18
Q

Between Presidentialism and Parliamentarism, there exists an inbetween, where President and Parliament share power: Semi-presidentialism. There are three types of Semi-presidential governments:

  1. Premier-Presidential System: In this system, the president holds significant executive power, but there is also a prime minister and cabinet who are responsible to the legislature. France is often cited as an example of a premier-presidential system.
  2. President-Parliamentary System: Here, the president is the dominant figure in the executive branch, but the prime minister and cabinet are also accountable to the legislature. France’s semi-presidential system has evolved into a president-parliamentary system over time.
  3. President-Parliamentary Hybrid System: This hybrid system combines features of both the premier-presidential and president-parliamentary systems. The president and prime minister share executive power, with the president typically handling foreign affairs and defense while the prime minister manages domestic policy. Examples of countries with president-parliamentary hybrid systems include Finland and Portugal.
A

Duverger 1980
Shugart & Carey 1992

19
Q

Japans LDP-dominated system

A

Umeda 2018
Wright 1999

20
Q
  • Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation
  • When supporters of one or the other component of semi-presidentialism feel that the country would be better off if one branch of the democratically legitimated structure of rule would disappear or be closed, the democratic system is endangered and suffers an overall loss of legitimacy, since those questioning one or the other will tend to consider the political system undesirable as long as the side they favor does not prevail. In a semi-presidential system, policy conflicts often express themselves as a conflict between two branches of democracy
A

Linz, Stepan 1996