Social Influence Flashcards

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1
Q

Asch’s baseline procedure:

A

Standard and comparison lines
123 American men were tested, each one in a group with other apparent participants. Each participant saw two large white cards on each trial. The line X on the left-hand card is the standard line. The lines A, Band Care the three comparison lines. One of the comparison lines is always clearly the same length as X, the other two are substantially different (i.e. clearly wrong). On each trial the participants had to say (out loud) which of the comparison lines was the same length as the standard line X.

Baseline Findings
On average, the genuine participants agreed with confederates’ incorrect answers 36.8% of the time (i.e. they conformed about a third of the time).
There were individual differences, 25% of the participants never gave a wrong answer (i.e. never conformed).

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2
Q

Variable investigated by Asch:
Group Size

A

Asch wanted to know whether the size of the group would be more important than the agreement of the group. To test this he varied the number of confederates from one to 15 (so the total group size was from two to 16).
Asch found a curvilinear relationship between group size and conformity rate (see Apply it on facing page for graph). Conformity increased with group size, but only up to a point. With three confederates, conformity to the wrong answer rose to 31.8%. But the presence of more confederates made little difference - the conformity rate soon levelled off.
This suggests that most people are very sensitive to the views of others because just one or two confederates was enough to sway opinion.

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3
Q

Variable investigated by Asch:
Unanimity

A

Asch wondered if the presence of a non-conforming person would affect the naïve participant’s conformity. He introduced a confederate who disagreed with the other confederates. In one variation of the study this person gave the correct answer and in another variation he gave a (different) wrong one.
The genuine participant conformed less often in the presence of a dissenter.
The rate decreased to less than a quarter of the level it was when the majority was unanimous. The presence of a dissenter appeared to free the naive participant to behave more independently. This was true even when the dissenter disagreed with the genuine participant.
This suggests that the influence of the majority depends to a large extent on it being unanimous. And that non-conformity is more likely when cracks are perceived in the majority’s unanimous view.

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4
Q

Variable investigated by Asch:
Task Difficulty

A

Asch wanted to know whether making the task harder would affect the degree of conformity. He increased the difficulty of the line-judging task by making the stimulus line and the comparison lines more similar to each other in length. This meant it became harder for the genuine participants to see the differences between the lines.
Asch found that conformity increased. It may be that the situation is more ambiguous when the task becomes harder - it is unclear to the participants what the right answer is. In these circumstances, it is natural to look to other people for guidance and to assume that they are right and you are wrong (this is called informational social influence (ISI, which is discussed on the next spread).

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5
Q

Conformity Evaluation
Strengths:

A

Research support

One strength of Asch’s research is support from other studies for the effects of task difficulty.
For example, Todd Lucas et al. (2006) asked their participants to solve easy’ and ‘hard’ maths problems. Participants were given answers from three other students (not actually real). The participants conformed more often (i.e. agreed with the wrong answers) when the problems were harder.
This shows Asch was correct in claiming that task difficulty is one variable that affects conformity.

Counterpoint

However, Lucas et al’s study found that conformity is more complex than Asch suggested. Participants with high confidence in their maths abilities conformed less on hard tasks than those with low confidence.
This shows that an individual-level factor can influence conformity by interacting with situational variables (e.g. task difficulty). But Asch did not research the roles of individual factors.

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6
Q

Conformity Evaluation
Limitations:

A

Artificial situation and task

One limitation of Asch’s research is that the task and situation were artificial.
Participants knew they were in a research study and may simply have gone along with what was expected (demand characteristics).
The task of identifying lines was relatively trivial and therefore there was really no reason not to conform. Also, according to Susan Fiske
(2014), ‘Asch’s groups were not very groupy, i.e. they did not really resemble groups that we experience in everyday life.
This means the findings do not generalise to real-world situations, especially those where the consequences of conformity might be important.

Limited application

Another limitation is that Asch’s participants were American men.
Other research suggests that women may be more conformist, possibly because they are concerned about social relationships and being accepted (Neto 1995). Furthermore, the US is an individualist culture (I.e. where people are more concerned about themselves rather than their social group). Similar conformity studies conducted in collectivist cultures (such as China where the social group is more important than the individual) have found that conformity rates are higher Bond and Smith 1996, see page 123 for a discussion of individualist/collectivist).
This means that Asch’s findings tell us little about conformity in women and people from some cultures.

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7
Q

Types Of Conformity:
Internalisation

A

Internalisation occurs when a person genuinely accepts the group norms. This results in a private as well as a public change of opinions/behaviour. This change is usually permanent because attitudes have been internalised, ie. become part of the way the person thinks. The change in opinions/behaviour persists even in the absence of other group members.

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8
Q

Types Of Conformity:
Identification

A

Sometimes we conform to the opinions/behaviour of a group because there is something about that group we value. We identify with the group, so we want to be part of it. This identification may mean we publicly change our opinions behaviour to be accepted by the group, even if we don’t privately agree with everything the group stands for.

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9
Q

Types Of Conformity:
Compliance

A

This type of conformity involves simply ‘going along with others’ in public, but privately not changing personal opinions and/or behaviour. Compliance results in only a superficial change. It also means that a particular behaviour or opinion stops as soon as group pressure stops.

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10
Q

Explanations Of Conformity:
Informational Social Influence (ISI)

A

Informational social influence (SI) is about who has the better information - you or the rest of the group.
Often we are uncertain about what behaviours or beliefs are right or wrong. For example, you may not know the answer to a question in class. But if most of your class gives one answer, you accept it because you feel they are likely to be right. We follow the benaviour of the group (the majority) because we want to be right. IS is a cognitive process because it is to do with what you think. It leads to a permanent change in opinion/behaviour (internalisation).-
IS is most likely to happen in situations that are new to a person (so you don’t know what is right) or where there is some ambiguity (so it isn’t clear what is right). It also occurs in crisis situations where decisions have to be made quickly and we assume that the group is more likely to be right.

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11
Q

Explanations Of Conformity:
Normative Social Influence (NSI)

A

social influence (NSI) is about norms, i.e. what is ‘normal’ or typical behaviour for a social group.
Norms regulate the behaviour of groups and individuals so it is not surprising that we pay attention to them.
People do not like to appear foolish and prefer to gain social approval rather than be rejected. So NST is an emotional rather than a cognitive process. It leads to a temporary change in opinions/behaviour (compliance).
NSI is likely to occur in situations with strangers where you may feel concerned about rejection. It may also
Ocur itpened you kess because we are most concerned about the social approval of our friends. It may be more pronounced in stressful situations (than non-stressful situations) where people have a greater need for social support.

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12
Q

Explanations for Conformity Evaluation
Strengths:

A

Research support for NSI
One strength of NSI is that evidence supports it as an explanation of conformity.
For example, when Asch (1951, see previous spread) interviewed his participants, some said they conformed because they felt self-conscious giving the correct answer and they were afraid of disapproval. When participants wrote their answers down, conformity fell to 12.5%.
This is because giving answers privately meant there was no normative group pressure.
This shows that at least some conformity is due to a desire not to be rejected by the group for disagreeing with them (i.e. NSI).

Research support for ISI
Another strength is that there is research evidence to support ISI from the study by Todd Lucas et al. (2006, see previous spread).
Lucas et al. found that participants conformed more often to incorrect answers they were given when the maths problems were difficult. This is because when the problems were easy the participants ‘knew their own minds’ but when the problems were hard the situation became ambiguous (unclear). The participants did not want to be wrong, so they relied on the answers they were given.
This shows that ISI is a valid explanation of conformity because the results are what IST would predict.

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13
Q

Explanations for Conformity Evaluation
Limitations:

A

Individual differences in NSI
One limitation is that NSI does not predict conformity in every case.
Some people are greatly concerned with being liked by others. Such people are called Affiliators - they have a strong need for ‘affiliation’ (i.e. they want to relate to other people). Paul McGhee and Richard Teevan 1967) found that students who were nAffiliators were more likely to conform.
This shows that NSI underlies conformity for some people more than it does for others.
There are individual differences in conformity that cannot be fully explained by one general theory of situational pressures.

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14
Q

Conformity to Social Roles:
The Stanford Prison Experiment (SPE)

A

Zimbardo et al. (1973) set up a mock prison in the basement of the psychology department at Stanford University. They selected 21 men (student volunteers) who tested as ‘emotionally stable. The students were randomly assigned to play the role of prison guard or prisoner.
Prisoners and guards were encouraged to conform to social roles both through the uniforms they wore and also instructions about their behaviour.
Uniforms The prisoners were given a loose smock to wear and a cap to cover their hair, and they were identified by number (their names were never used). The guards had their own uniform reflecting the status of their role, with wooden club, handcuffs and mirror shades.
These uniforms created a loss of personal identity (called de-individuation), and meant they would be more likely to conform to the perceived social role.

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15
Q

Conformity to Social Roles:
Findings related to Social Roles

A

The guards took up their roles with enthusiasm, treating the prisoners harshly. Within two days, the prisoners rebelled. They ripped their uniforms and shouted and swore at the guards, who retaliated with fire extinguishers.
The guards used ‘divide-and-rule’ tactics by playing the prisoners off against each other.
They harassed the prisoners constantly, to remind them of the powerlessness of their role. For example they conducted frequent headcounts, sometimes at night, when the prisoners would stand in line and call out their numbers. The guards highlighted the differences in social roles by creating opportunities to enforce the rules and administer punishments.
After their rebellion was put down, the prisoners became subdued, depressed and anxious.
One was released because he showed symptoms of psychological disturbance. Two more were released on the fourth day. One prisoner went on a hunger strike. The guards tried to force-feed him and then punished him by putting him in ‘the hole, a tiny dark closet.
The guards identified more and more closely with their role. Their behaviour became increasingly brutal and aggressive, with some of them appearing to enjoy the power they had over the prisoners. Zimbardo ended the study after six days instead of the intended 14.

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16
Q

Conformity to Social Roles:
Conclusion related to Social Roles

A

Social roles appear to have a strong influence on individuals’ behaviour. The guards became brutal and the prisoners became submissive.
Such roles were very easily taken on by all participants. Even volunteers who came in to perform specific functions (such as the prison chaplain) found themselves behaving as if they were in a prison rather than in a psychological study.

17
Q

Conformity to Social Roles Evaluation
Strengths:

A

Control
One strength of the SPE is that Zimbardo and his colleagues had control over key variables.
The most obvious example of this was the selection of participants.
Emotionally-stable individuals were chosen and randomly assigned to the roles of guard and prisoner. This was one way in which the researchers ruled out individual personality differences as an explanation of the findings. If guards and prisoners behaved very differently, but were in those roles only by chance, then their behaviour must have been due to the role itself.
This degree of control over variables increased the internal validity of the study, so we can be much more confident in drawing conclusions about the influence of roles on conformity.

18
Q

Conformity to Social Roles Evaluation
Limitations:

A

Lack of realism
One limitation of the SPE is that it did not have the realism of a true prison.
Ali Banuazizi and Siamak Movahedi (1975) argued the participants were merely play-acting rather than genuinely conforming to a role. Participants’ performances were based on their stereotypes of how prisoners and guards are supposed to behave. For example, one of the guards claimed he had based his role on a brutal character from the film Cool Hand Luke. This would also explain why the prisoners rioted - they thought that was what real prisoners did.
This suggests that the findings of the SPE tell us little about conformity to social roles in actual prisons.

Exaggerates the power of roles
Another limitation is that Zimbardo may have exaggerated the power of social roles to influence behaviour (Fromm 1973).
For example, only one-third of the guards actually behaved in a brutal manner. Another third tried to apply the rules fairly. The rest actively tried to help and support the prisoners. They sympathised, offered cigarettes and reinstated privileges (Zimbardo 2007). Most guards were able to resist situational pressures to conform to a brutal role.
This suggests that Zimbardo overstated his view that SPE participants were conforming to social roles and minimised the influence of dispositional factors (e.g. personality).

19
Q

Obedience:
Milgram’s Research

A

Stanley Migram (1963) designed a baseline procedure that could be used to assess obedience levels, This procedure was adapted in later vatiations by Migran (discussed on the next spread) and the baseline findings were used to make comparisons.
The specifcation focuses on the findings and conclusions from Milgram’s research. However, you do also need some knowledge of the baseline procedure.
The fuller details are at the bottom of the page for background reading.

20
Q

Obedience:
Baseline Procedure

A

40 American men volunteered to take part in a study, supposedly on memory.
When each volunteer arrived at Milgram’s lab he was introduced to another participant (a confederate of Milgram’s). They drew lots to see who would be the
“Teacher’ (T) and who would be the Learner’ (L. The draw was fixed so that the participant was always the Teacher. An Experimenter” (E) was also involved (also a confederate, dressed in a grey lab coat).
The detailed procedure is explained below left and the diagram illustrates the layout of the study. The study aimed to assess obedience in a situation where an authority figure (Experimenter) ordered the participant (Teacher) to give an increasingly strong shock to a Learner located in a different room (in 15-volt steps up to 450 volts). The shocks were fake but the Teacher did not know this.

21
Q

Obedience:
Baseline Findings

A

Every participant delivered all the shocks up to 300 volts. 12.5% (five participants) stopped at 300 volts (intense shock) and 65% continued to the highest level of 450 volts, i.e. they were fully obedient.
Milgram also collected qualitative data including observations such as: the participants showed signs of extreme tension; many of them were seen to ‘sweat, tremble, stutter, bite their lips, groan and dig their fingernails into their hands; three even had full-blown uncontrollable seizures’.

22
Q

Obedience:
Other Data

A

Before the study, Milgram asked 14 psychology students to predict the participants’ behaviour. The students estimated that no more than 3% of the participants would continue to 450 volts. This shows that the findings were unexpected - the students underestimated how obedient people actually are.
All participants in the baseline study were debriefed and assured that their behaviour was entirely normal. They were also sent a follow-up questionnaire-
84% said they were glad to have participated.

23
Q

Obedience:
Conclusions

A

Milgram concluded that German people are not ‘different. The American participants in his study were willing to obey orders even when they might harm another person. He suspected there were certain factors in the situation that encouraged obedience, so decided to conduct further studies to investigate these (see next spread).

24
Q

Obedience Evaluation
Strengths:

A

Research support
One strength is that Milgrams findings were replicated in a French documentary that was made about reality TV.
This documentary (Beauvois et al. 2012) focused on a game show made especially for the programme. The participants in the ‘game’ believed they were contestants in a pilot episode for a new show called Le Jeu de la Mort (The Game of Death). They were paid to give (fake) electric shocks (ordered by the presenter) to other participants (who were actually actors) in front of a studio audience. 80% of the participants delivered the maximum shock of 460 volts to an apparently unconscious man. Their behaviour was almost identical to that of Milgram’s participants - nervous laughter, nail-biting and other signs of anxiety.
This supports Milgram’s original findings about obedience to authority, and demonstrates that the findings were not just due to special circumstances.

25
Q

Obedience Evaluation
Limitations:

A

Low internal validity
One limitation is that Milgram’s procedure may not have been testing what he intended to test.
Milgram reported that 75% of his participants said they believed the shocks were genuine. However Martin Orne and Charles Holland (1968) argued that participants behaved as they did because they didn’t really believe in the set up, so they were ‘play-acting. Gina Perry’s (2013) research confirms this. She listened to tapes of Milgram’s participants and reported that only about half of them believed the shocks were real. Two-thirds of these participants were disobedient.
This suggests that participants may have been responding to demand characteristics, trying to fulfil the aims of the study.

Alternative interpretation of findings
Another limitation is that Milgram’s conclusions about blind obedience may not be justified.
Alex Haslam et al. (2014) showed that Milgram’s participants obeyed when the Experimenter delivered the first three verbal prods (see facing page). However, every participant who was given the fourth prod (You have no other choice, you must go on) without exception disobeyed. According to social identity theory (SIT), participants in Milgram’s study only obeyed when they identified with the scientific aims of the research (The experiment requires that you continue).
When they were ordered to blindly obey an authority figure, they refused.
This shows that SIT may provide a more valid interpretation of Milgram’s findings, especially as Milgram himself suggested that identifying with the science’ is a reason for obedience.

26
Q

Obedience - Situational Variables

A

After Stanley Milgram conducted his first study on obedience (described on the previous spread), he carried out a large number of variations in order to consider the situational variables that might lead to more or less obedience.

27
Q

Proximity:

A

In Milgram’s baseline study, the Teacher could hear the Learner but not see him. In the proximity variation, Teacher and Learner were in the same room. The obedience rate dropped from the original 65% to 40% (see graph below).
In the touch proximity variation, the Teacher had to force the Learner’s hand onto an ‘electroshock plate’ if he refused to place it there himself after giving a wrong answer. Obedience dropped further to 30%.
In the remote instruction variation, the Experimenter left the room and gave instructions to the Teacher by telephone. Obedience reduced to 20.5%. The participants also frequently pretended to give shocks.

Explanation
Decreased proximity allows people to psychologically distance themselves from the consequences of their actions. For example, when the Teacher and Learner were physically separated (as in the baseline study), the Teacher was less aware of the harm they were causing to another person so they were more obedient.

28
Q

Location:

A

Milgram conducted a variation in a run-down office block rather than in the prestigious Yale University setting of the baseline study. In this location, obedience fell to 47.5%.

Explanation

The prestigious university environment gave Milgram’s study legitimacy and authority. Participants were more obedient in this location because they perceived that the Experimenter shared this legitimacy and that obedience was expected. However, obedience was still quite high in the office block because the participants perceived the ‘scientific’ nature of the procedure.

29
Q

Uniform:

A

In the baseline study, the Experimenter wore a grey lab coat as a symbol of his authority (a kind of uniform). In one variation, the Experimenter was called away because of an inconvenient telephone call at the start of the procedure. The role of the Experimenter was taken over by an ‘ordinary member of the public’ (a confederate) in everyday clothes rather than a lab coat. The obedience rate dropped to 20%, the lowest of these variations.

Explanation
Uniforms encourage’ obedience because they are widely recognised symbols of authority. We accept that someone in a uniform is entitled to expect obedience because their authority is legitimate (i.e. it is granted by society.
Someone without a uniform has less right to expect our obedience.

30
Q

Obedience (SV) Evaluation
Strengths:

A

Research Support
One strength is that other studies have demonstrated the influence of situational variables on obedience.
In a field experiment in New York City, Leonard Bickman (1974) had three confederates dress in different outfits - jacket and tie, a milkman’s outfit and a security guard’s uniform. The confederates individually stood in the street and asked passers-by to perform tasks such as picking up litter or handing over a coin for the parking meter. People were twice as likely to obey the assistant dressed as a security guard than the one dressed in jacket and tie.
This supports the view that a situational variable, such as a uniform, does have a powerful effect on obedience.

Cross-cultural replications
Another strength of Milgram’s research is that his findings have been replicated in other cultures.
For instance, Wim Meeus and Quintin Raajmakers (1986) used a more realistic procedure than Milgram’s to study obedience in Dutch participants. The participants were ordered to say stressful things in an interview to someone (a confederate) desperate for a job. 90% of the participants obeyed. The researchers also replicated Milgram’s findings concerning proximity. When the person giving the orders was not present, obedience decreased dramatically.
This suggests that Milgram’s findings about obedience are not just limited to Americans or men, but are valid across cultures and apply to women too.

31
Q

Obedience (SV) Evaluation
Limitations:

A

Low internal validity
One limitation is that participants may have been aware the procedure was faked.
Martin Orne and Charles Holland (1968) made this criticism of Milgram’s baseline study. They point out that it is even more likely in his variations because of the extra manipulation of variables. A good example is the variation where the Experimenter is replaced by a ‘member of the public. Even Milgram recognised that this situation was so contrived that some participants may well have worked out the truth.
Therefore, in all of Milgram’s studies it is unclear whether the findings are genuinely due to the operation of obedience or because the participants saw through the deception and just play-acted’ (i.e. responded to demand characteristics).

32
Q

Obedience - Situational Explanations
Agentic state:

A

Stanley Milgram’s initial interest in obedience was sparked by the trial of Adolf Eichmann in 1961 for war crimes. Eichmann had been in charge of the Nazi death camps and his defence was that he was only obeying orders. This led Milgram to propose that obedience to destructive authority occurs because a person does not take responsibility. Instead they believe they are acting for someone else, i.e. that they are an ‘agent. An ‘agent’ is someone who acts for or in place of another.
An agent is not an unfeeling puppet - they experience high anxiety (moral strain”) when they realise that what they are doing is wrong, but feel powerless to disobey.

33
Q

Agentic State - Autonomous State

A

The opposite of being in an agentic state is being in an autonomous state. Autonomy’ means to be independent or free. So a person in an autonomous state is free to behave according to their own principles and feels a sense of responsibility for their own actions.
The shift from autonomy to agency’ is called the agentic shift. Milgram 1974) suggested that this occurs when a person perceives someone else as an authority figure. The authority figure has greater power because they have a higher position in a social hierarchy. In most social groups, when one person is in charge others defer to the legitimate authority (see below) of this person and shift from autonomy to agency.

34
Q

Agentic State - Binding Factors

A

Milgram observed that many of his participants said they wanted to stop but seemed powerless to do so. He wondered why they remained in an agentic state. The answer is binding factors - aspects of the situation that allow the person to ignore or minimise the damaging effect of their behaviour and thus reduce the ‘moral strain’ they are feeling. Milgram proposed a number of strategies that the individual uses, such as shifting the responsibility to the victim (he was foolish to volunteer’) or denying the damage they were doing to the victims.

35
Q

Obedience - Situational Explanations
Legitimacy of Authority:

A

Most societies are structured in a hierarchical way. This means that people in certain positions hold authority over the rest of us. For example, parents, teachers, police officers, nightclub bouncers… all have authority over us at times. The authority they wield is legitimate in the sense that it is agreed by society. Most of us accept that authority figures have to be allowed to exercise social power over others because this allows society function smoothly.
One of the consequences of this legitimacy of authority is that some people are granted the power to punish others. We generally agree that the police and courts have the power to punish wrongdoers. So we are willing to give up some of our independence and to hand control of our behaviour over to people we trust to exercise their authority appropriately. We learn acceptance of legitimate authority from childhood, from parents initially and then teachers and adults generally.

36
Q

Legitimacy of Authority
Destructive Authority:

A

Problems arise when legitimate authority becomes destructive. History has too often shown that charismatic and powerful leaders (such as Hitler, Stalin and Pol Pot) can use their legitimate powers for destructive purposes, ordering people to behave in ways that are cruel and dangerous.
Destructive authority was obvious in Milgram’s study, when the Experimenter used prods to order participants to behave in ways that went against their consciences.

37
Q

Agentic State Evaluation

A

Research support
One strength is that Milgram’s own studies support the role of the agentic state in obedience.
Most of Milgram’s participants resisted giving the shocks at some point, and often asked the Experimenter questions about the procedure. One of these was ‘Who is responsible if Mr Wallace (the Learner) is harmed?’ When the Experimenter replied “I’m responsible, the participants often went through the procedure quickly with no further objections.
This shows that once participants perceived they were no longer responsible for their own behaviour, they acted more easily as the Experimenter’s agent, as Milgram suggested.

A limited explanation
One limitation is that the agentic shift doesn’t explain many research findings about obedience.
For example, it does not explain the findings of Steven Rank and Cardell Jacobson’s
(1977) study. They found that 16 out of 18 hospital nurses disobeyed orders from a doctor to administer an excessive drug dose to a patient. The doctor was an obvious authority figure. But almost all the nurses remained autonomous, as did many of Milgram’s participants.
This suggests that, at best, the agentic shift can only account for some situations of obedience.

38
Q

Legitimacy of Authority Evaluation

A

Explains cultural differences
One strength of the legitimacy explanation is that it is a useful account of cultural differences in obedience.
Many studies show that countries differ in the degree to which people are obedient to authority. For example, Wesley Kilham and Leon Mann (1974) found that only 16% of Australian women went all the way up to 450 volts in a Milgram-style study. However, David Mantell (1971) found a very different figure for German participants - 85%.
This shows that, in some cultures, authority is more likely to be accepted as legitimate and entitled to demand obedience from individuals. This reflects the ways that different societies are structured and how children are raised to perceive authority figures.

Cannot explain all (dis)obedience
One limitation is that legitimacy cannot explain instances of disobedience in a hierarchy where the legitimacy of authority is clear and accepted.
This includes the nurses in Rank and Jacobson’s study (above). Most of them were disobedient despite working in a rigidly hierarchical authority structure. Also, a significant minority of Milgram’s participants disobeyed despite recognising the Experimenter’s scientific authority.
This suggests that some people may just be more (or less) obedient than others (see next spread). It is possible that innate tendencies to obey or disobey have a greater influence on behaviour than the legitimacy of an authority figure.