Separation of Powers Flashcards
The doctrine of the separation of powers identifies three branches of state:
(a) the legislature (or parliament) which makes the law;
(b) the executive (or government) which implements or administers the law;
(c) the judiciary (or courts) which resolves disputes about the law.
The doctrine holds that, as each branch of state has a different role to play within the constitution, there should be…
…no overlap between the branches, either in terms of their functions or in terms of their personnel.
If such an overlap (between branches of state) were to exist…
..this would represent an unhealthy concentration of power, which could lead to arbitrary or oppressive government.
The doctrine also holds that, as each branch of state cannot in reality operate in isolation from the other branches, there should be a system of….
…‘checks and balances’ in place so that one branch can be kept ‘in check’ by the other branches and there is a ‘balance of power’ between the different branches.
The executive branch of state is made up of …
the Queen, the Prime Minister and other government Ministers, the civil service, and the members of the police and armed forces.
Central government comprises the Queen, government Ministers and members of the civil service. The Crown is the central government plus members of the police and the armed forces
The legislative branch of state is made up of…
..the Queen, the House of Lords and the House of Commons.
The judicial branch of state is made up of…
…the Queen, all legally-qualified judges, and magistrates
Although the Queen is part of all three branches of state, her role is…
..largely cermonial.
Exec - The Government is legally the ‘Queen’s Government’, although in reality….
…government Ministers are appointed by the Prime Minister and, by convention, most of the Queen’s legal powers are exercised by the Government on her behalf.
Leg - The Queen is part of the legislature because…
…she must give Royal Assent before a bill which has passed through Parliament becomes an Act of Parliament. Although legally the Queen may refuse to give Royal Assent to a bill, by convention she will always give this.
Jud - The Queen is also head of the judiciary
Judges are the ‘Queen’s judges’ and the courts are the ‘Queen’s courts’. The Queen does not, however, exercise any judicial power.
In R (on the application of Anderson) v Secretary of State for the Home Department [2002]
The House of Lords held that the power of the Home Secretary to determine the length of time a prisoner who had received a sentence of life imprisonment had to serve in prison before being eligible for release on parole, was incompatible with Article 6.
Principle - Their Lordships found that sentencing of offenders was a judicial function, which should not be carried out by a member of the executive who was neither independent nor impartial and who might be swayed by party political considerations.
In the case of R (Miller) v The Prime Minister; Cherry v Advocate General for Scotland [2019] (Miller II)
The Supreme Court ruled on the extent of the prerogative to prorogue (or advise the monarch to prorogue) Parliament.
The panel of 11 Supreme Court Justices, in a unanimous judgment, held that the power to prorogue Parliament did not extend to a situation where such prorogation would have the effect of frustrating or preventing the ability of Parliament to carry out its constitutional functions without reasonable justification.
The attempted prorogation would have the effect of preventing Parliament from carrying out its constitutional role for five out of the possible eight weeks running up to the (then) date of exiting the European Union. No justification for taking this action was given and so the decision to advise the Queen to prorogue Parliament was unlawful.
Blackburn v Attorney-General [1971]
Blackburn sought a declaration that the Government, by signing the Treaty of Rome (now the TFEU), would unlawfully surrender part of Parliament’s sovereignty.
The court held that it had the power to determine whether a prerogative power existed but, once it had determined the existence of the power, it had no right to review the exercise of the power. The power to sign an international treaty was part of the Royal Prerogative and the exercise of that power was immune from judicial review.
CCSU v Minister for Civil Service [1984]
The Council of Civil Service Unions asked the courts to review the decision of the Minister for the Civil Service to prohibit staff at GCHQ from becoming members of a trade union without first consulting with the relevant trade union.
On the particular facts of the case, the House of Lords held that the Minister’s decision had been prompted by concerns about national security. Issues of national security fell squarely within the Royal Prerogative and the Minister had been entitled to act as she did.
The case is more important, however, for what it said generally about the power of the courts to review the exercise of Royal Prerogative powers by the executive.
Retreating from the decision in Blackburn, their Lordships held that the exercise of prerogative powers was not automatically immune from the judicial review process. In his speech, Lord Roskill said that any power exercised by the executive, whether the source of that power was from statute or the Royal Prerogative, was capable of being judicially reviewed.
The only exception to this was if the power being exercised was not ‘justiciable’ (ie not an appropriate area for the involvement of the courts).