Redefining Resistance and Challenges to National Party Power - Topic 3.3 Flashcards
The domestic challenges to National Party power
How did trade union activity make problems for the Nationalists?
Black workers had relatively few rights but they could threaten a form of disruption that struck the heart of the economy of white wealth. Black workers at PUTCO went on strike and disrupted the entire transport network of the country. Zulus working in a brick factory withdrew from work which spread to 150 other factories in the area and textile industry. New trade unions’ legal status was uncertain but the government didn’t ban them immediately. These unions focused on working conditions and wages. The new independent unions combined to form a Federation of South African Trade Unions, FOSATU. It established a strong identity as a non-racial union, dedicated to shop floor organisation and internally democratic practices.
How did the re-emergence of the ANC change support in South Africa?
Those a part or on the fringe of the ANC and not jailed sought new influence. COSAS, the Congress of South African Students, was launched in 1979 to coordinate student protests nationally and committed itself to the Freedom Charter. In 1980, after the nationwide Release Mandela campaign was launched, a wave of school protests fought against racially unequal education and closed many black schools. Civic organisations were founded in townships. Rural areas were contesting forced removals. SAAWU (South African Allied Workers Union) openly declared its support for Charterism and secretly recruited youths to join MK. These movements helped to revie the deep rooted support for the ANC.
How did Liberal opposition develop in South Africa?
In 1953, the Liberal Party was founded who staunchly opposed apartheid and had its largest base of support amongst white, middle class, highly educated professionals. In 1959, 11 MPs in the United Party formed the Progressive Party but only one MP held their seat in the next election - Suzman. The Progressives were economic liberals who argued the state intervened too much in the economy, but were also committed to working in white Parliament.
In 1974, the party achieved a small breakthrough. The UP had no alternative to apartheid except a softer form of it and the party splintered again to form the Progressive Federal Party, becoming the main opposition. Support for the PFP faded after the leader of the party reached out to black leaders to support a moderate settlement.
How did the Bantustans develop after nominal independence?
Four Bantustans were declared independent however none were internationally recognised. Homeland revenues increased fourfold during the first half of the 70s to about R520mn. Money was mainly focused on forced relocations and expanding bureaucracies. South Africa managed to build 10 new capitals and kept its existing three capitals. Over 50% of the budgets went on education, infrastructure, health and agriculture. Five new universities launched in the homelands.
How did resistance develop in the Bantustans?
Buthelezi of KwaZulu refused to hold an election or accept independence. He was a frequent critic of the nationalists and opened important space for political opposition. KaNgwane became a centre for rural underground activists associated with the ANC. The homelands were regularly policed however and couldn’t become bases for armed struggle. Some of the homeland leaders came together in Umtata in 1973 and agreed to achieve one black nation, possibly on a federal basis. Black Consciousness had caused a wedge in African politics as they rejected Buthelezi and by the late 70s, he was in open conflict with the new political forces that embraced increasingly ethnic nationalist strategy.
What is the assessment of homeland policy in South Africa?
The new money flowing through a narrow funnel into homeland administrations without sufficient oversight created patronage, corruption and centralisation of power. Homeland administrations couldn’t be voted out and politics revolved around new jobs and state assets. Leaders were given direct financial benefits. Black political leaders repudiated the ethnic and regional politics that bedevilled African nations after independence. Balkanisation wasn’t working as well as hoped however there was some support amongst African communities in some aspects of Bantustan policy. Homeland policy was expensive and wasteful of public funds and provided a powerful focus for criticism of apartheid.
How did division in the National Party prove a challenge?
Verligte (enlightened) and verkrampte (conservative) groupings had formed by the time Vorster became PM. As more Afrikaners moved into business, they were find just like the English-speakers before them that the restrictions on the labour market was making their lives tougher.
Verligtes argued for better relations between black workers and white employers, recognising black trade unions and advocate for more opportunities for the rising African middle class.
Verkramptes argued that the solution laid in more rapid and stringent implementation of separate development. Vorster, althought pragmatic, often sided with the verkramptes.
How did scandal in the National Party prove a challenge?
Newspapers published stories showing that the propaganda slush fund established under Mulder, Minister of Information and the Interior, was being used in corrupt and inappropriate ways. Some of the money had been used for self-benefit. The ‘information scandal’ had made it hard for Afrikaners to shut their eyes to the government’s other scandals. Mulder competed with P.W. Botha for the premiership. Mulder’s support in Transvaal was widespread, however, the ‘information scandal’ put Mulder on the backfoot and Botha won.
How did the changes in the economy cause pressure on the Nationalists?
- In 1960, 1% of the GDP was spent on the military. By 1980, this had risen to 4%
- In 1961, there were 27,000 police officers and 79,000 SADF personnel costing R72mn. By 1977, there were 72,000 police officers and 367,000 SADF personnel costing R194mn. By 1981, the cost of this had risen to R3000mn
The economy went into recession after the Oil Crisis in ‘73 and as a country with no natural oil reserves, the country was hit harder than most. SASOl was formed to make petrol from coal, but this process was expensive and SASOL was unable to fill the gap. South Africa’s manufacturing industry ceased to grow and couldn’t compete globally anymore. Restrictions on the labour market made costs rise dramatically.
How did the increase in population put pressure on the Nationalists?
At a time of economic downturn, the population was growing exponentially. In 1960, the total population was 16mn with 19.3% of it being white; by 1980, the total population was 29mn with 15.7% being white. The population was becoming younger and the huge surge in cities made shack settlements common again, and unemployment skyrocketed. The movement from farms and homelands was becoming harder to control, displaced towns couldn’t cope and so major cities became hotspots for migration. Khayelitsha became the single biggest shack settlement during the 80s mostly housing people from Eastern Cape with a population estimated to be around 500k.
What was Botha’s view on reform?
Botha believed in reform from above, to accommodate opposition forces, is often a very difficult process, fraught with uncertainties; concessions can empower opposition forces and give them greater confidence and in this case they also divided the Afrikaner nationalists. Botha’s aim was to keep the initiative and ensure that reform was matched with repression where necessary. He was also deeply aware of the changing regional picture as South Africa became increasingly isolated.
How did Botha reform and relax apartheid?
Relaxed economic apartheid
- No longer dependent on protecting poor whites and white workers as Afrikaner rule greatly improved living standards
- Thatcher and Reagan reduced pressure on South Africa
- Increased security of African workers and their ability to move into more skilled jobs and offered to recognise trade unions as long as they registered and recognised certain rules
- de Lange Commission (1981) advocated a gradual equalisation of educational expenditure and a single national department of education
Relaxed political apartheid
- Continued to promote the homelands, and in fact expenditure increased, but recognised that African urbanisation was irreversible and so Afrikaners should create opportunities for a black urban elite
- Political powers were devolved to black urban councils and in 1979 urban African people were allowed long term leases of their properties in the cities
- National professional football league was deradicalised - black and white could play in the same league
How did Botha reform South Africa’s constitution?
- In 1980, he created a President’s Council, an advisory body of white, Coloured and Indian politicians
- In 1983 Coloured and Indian parliaments were established with the President’s Council as an overarching body
- Botha became president in 1983 at the head of a tricameral parliament
How did Botha’s reform impact the National Party?
Botha’s agenda split the verkramptes from the Nationalists under Treurnicht into the new Conservative Party. The Conservatives believed that Botha’s reform betrayed the original principles of apartheid. The Conservatives eventually replaced the FPF as the official opposition and mobilised whites who felt they still needed the protection of the state. This meant that Botha had to constantly constrain his reform policies in order to keep the electorate on side.
