Quiz questions Flashcards

1
Q

How did American hegemony shape the study of peasant rebellions?

A

The U.S. began seeing peasants as national security threats, influencing the focus of peasant studies

Peasant studies were shaped by Marxist and Maoist ideas, particularly during the Cold War.

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2
Q

How does bottom- up theorizing about activism differ from top-down?

A

Bottom-up theorizing about activism centers on the lived experiences, agency, and local knowledge of marginalized or Indigenous communities, highlighting how they resist or adapt to change from within.
In contrast, top-down theorizing views activism through elite or institutional lenses, often aiming to manage or suppress movements rather than support them.

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3
Q

What tactics were successful in raising support for the anti-Pinochet cause and why?

A

People began hunger strikes demanding the release of political prisoners.
Amnesty International released a poster asking, “Will they ever see their family again?” alongside prisoner photos.
Cultural performances were used to promote solidarity and raise awareness.
Nueva Canción (New Song) movement featured concerts with calls to action and political speeches.
Collaborated with women’s organizations in San Francisco.

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4
Q

Who are Agusto Pinochet and Salvador Allende as international political symbols and as a result of solidarity campaigns?

A

Salvador Allende: His election and the solidarity campaigns made him a symbol of democratic socialism and human rights, particularly after the coup.

Augusto Pinochet: The brutal actions of his regime, including human rights violations, turned him into a symbol of repression, which fueled international solidarity efforts against him.

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5
Q

How has neoliberal multiculturalism impacted the Zapatista movement?

A

Neolibral mulitculturalism impacted the Zapatista movement by influencing the Mexican state to acknowledge limited Indigenous right, but co-opted leaders supporting neoliberal policies. Reforms focused on market-friendly policies, weakening Indigenous self-determination. These reforms to Article 2 of the Constitution restricted Indigenous land control, favoring private investment. This led the Zapatistas to reject state programs, seeing them as tools for division and dependency, aimed at undermining their autonomous movement.

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6
Q

What did the shift from Subcommandante Marcos to Subcommandante Moises represent in terms of Zapatista organizing?

A

The switched from mestizo leader Marcos to Indigenous leader Moisés represented their self-determination.
This allowed for them to move from media figure to grassroots leadership, rejecting top-down, neoliberal models.
They focused on local governance instead of relying on the state.
Leadership came from within, protecting against outside influence or pressure. Refused state-approved representation; chose resistance and autonomy instead.

Resulted in weakening land and resource rights.

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7
Q

What role does formalistic jurisprudence play in terms of impeding the progress of Mapuche land claims and environmental protection in Chile?

A

Formalistic jurisprudence played a role in impeding the progress as it prioritized the law over justice. The
Mapuche and environmental rights sidelined, International norms ignored, Economic interests favored. Legal systems remains inaccessible for many.

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8
Q

How does agroecology differ from conventional farming

A

Industrial Agriculture is driven by neoliberal policies and corporate interests. they rely on chemicals, fossil fuels, and the global markets. It is not sustainable or biodiverse.
Agroecology however, promotes biodiversity and local sustainability. It also uses native seeds, compost, and minimizes chemicals. Supports food sovereignty and small-scale, Indigenous farming and is rooted in cultural values and community care.

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9
Q

How does farmer-to-farmer information sharing contribute to the spread of agroecological practices?

A

Farmer-to-Farmer Agroecology promotes horizontal, community-led learning with no top-down experts.
It builds trust, empowers local farmers, and spreads practices through shared experience. Rooted in local knowledge, adaptable, and sustainable.

Example: Campesino a Campesino movement.

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10
Q

How did the Piquetero movement interact with the Kirshner government and how and were they able to maintain their movement autonomy?

A

Some groups (FTV, Barrios de Pie) collaborated with Kirchner for resources/political access.

Others (MTR, CCC) stayed independent—faced fragmentation or built opposition coalitions.

Autonomy was possible but often meant less unity or political influence.

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11
Q

What role did music play in the social movement in Patagonia and to what end?

A

“Loco Loco”, a punk-cumbia song, became an unofficial anthem of the movement.
The refrain “the water you cannot drink, let it flow” resonated deeply with protesters.
Dancing and music allowed people to express resistance in a non-verbal, emotional way.
The song was played frequently on local radio, reinforcing its symbolic power.
Music and dance created a collective experience, strengthening solidarity among activists.

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12
Q

How did the Catholic Church add legitimacy to the water movement in Patagonia?

A

Bishop Infanti called water a spiritual and political issue. He argued water should be a common good, not privatized.
This aligned with Pope Francis on environmental care. It gave moral support to the anti-dam movement and linked water rights to social justice and ethics.

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13
Q

How does intersectionality allow for two disparate groups to form a bridge in solidarity for a common goal?

A

Reveals shared oppression across race, gender, class, sexuality.

Helped U.S. Lesbian and Gay Left align with Central American activists.

United by overlap of U.S. imperialism and domestic marginalization.

Spaces like SF’s Mission District enabled multi-issue, transnational activism.

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14
Q

How could the Mayan movement for indigenous sovereignty in Guatemala be compared to that of Canada?

A

Key Similarity
Both challenge historical and ongoing systems of oppression.
Seek recognition and self-determination within existing state structures.
Work toward reshaping national narratives to include Indigenous perspectives.
Key Difference

Guatemala’s movement is more focused on cultural self-determination and symbolic transformation, partly due to fear of political repression.
Canada’s movement often involves legal sovereignty and land restitution, with more constitutional and institutional avenues available.

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15
Q

What are the goals of the Pan-Maya movement and will they succeed?

A

The goals of the Pan-Maya Movement were to reclaim and promote Maya culture, language, and traditions. They want to integrate Maya history into national education and protect communal land, challenge exploitative development and increase Indigenous political representation.
If they will succeed or not is still up in the air as their cultural goals are progressing but legal and political goals face significant structural challenges.
Long-term success depends on international pressure, alliances, and generational change.

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16
Q

How do performative actions influence public opinion and how did La Tesis utilize performance in Chile?

A

Performative actions influence public opinion by making systemic issues visible through accessible, emotionally resonant, and participatory artistic expression. La Tesis’s “A Rapist in Your Path” in Chile exemplified this by using performance as a political and artistic methodology to expose systemic gendered violence, drawing on feminist critiques like Rita Segato’s framing of rape as a tool of domination. Its simplicity, adaptability (for different abilities and audiences), and striking visuals allowed it to spread globally and resonate with movements like #MeToo, making collective action both inclusive and powerful while diffusing tension with authorities through nonviolent protest.

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17
Q

What led women in El Salvador to become guerrillas and how did their experiences of recruitment and belonging differ within the FMNL movement?

A

Women in El Salvador joined the FMLN guerrilla movement due to political instability, repression, and a desire for socio-economic justice. Their experiences differed based on how they were recruited:

Political guerrillas joined willingly, driven by personal beliefs and political commitment.

Recruited guerrillas were specifically targeted by the FMLN due to their potential or strategic value.

Reluctant guerrillas felt they had no choice—often facing poverty, personal crises, or lacking family support.

These pathways shaped their sense of belonging, with political recruits often feeling more empowered, while reluctant ones struggled more with integration.

18
Q

Given that Liberation Theology was often framed as “too political” by the Vatican, to what extent do dominant institutions control the meaning of religious ‘progressive’ movements (within their churches), and how can movements resist this framing?

A

The dominant institutions control the meaning by using peoples faith through action for the poor and oppressed, inspired by Exodus and Jesus’s teachings. By gaining momentum within mass movements, this began to spread beyond the church’s control.
Activism carried on by lay groups like Base Ecclesial Communities (BECs), outside the church’s authority. This led some laypeople to switch to Protestantism or secularism as the church failed to align with their struggles.

19
Q

What are the advantages and disadvantages of professionalizing grassroots movements?

A

Advantages :
More access to funding
More exposure/awareness
Connections with legislation→ policy reform
Providing a larger scale for similar movements to unite

Disadvantages:
Losing sight of the initial goal
Becomes more vertical instead of horizontal
Original motives get misinterpreted as they’re translated into formal/political language
Solutions can be in the interest of bigger corporations (sponsors) instead of local people
Disconnection with Indigenous communities

Professionalizing grassroots movements can enhance their effectiveness through increased resources and visibility.

20
Q

How did the Chilean right-wing women’s movement reflect a shift in views on feminism over the latter part of the 20th century?

A

Challenged the idea that women are naturally aligned with progressive or feminist politics.
Supported Pinochet’s dictatorship to protect their roles as mothers and homemakers, fearing threats from Allende’s socialist presidency.

Demonstrated that women could mobilize politically from conservative positions, reshaping traditional gender roles and complicating assumptions about feminism and female political agency.

21
Q

What were the commonalities between Pinochet and right-wing women in Chile’s beliefs?

A

the women focused on empowering women within traditional roles, with heavy emphasis on motherhood & family values
aligned with Pinochet’s ideology: promoting traditional values and the role of women in upholding social order

The movement showed that women could mobilize politically from conservative positions.

22
Q

What were some strategies that Afro-descendant social movements in Latin America used to maximize inclusive representation?

A

Some of the stratagies used were racial frameworks to push for anti-discrimination measures, like affirmative action and equal access laws.
Also, ethnic frameworks to secure cultural rights, such as land ownership and cultural preservation.
In countries recognizing both identities, Afro-descendants gained dual rights, leveraging past injustices and cultural differences for more inclusive representation and structural change.

23
Q

How has the involvement of NGOs in grassroots movements impacted the indigenous rights struggles in Bolivia and Ecuador?

A

NGOs helped connect Indigenous rights with broader movements (e.g., environmental and solidarity protests).
Supported groups like CIDOB and CONAMAQ in Bolivia, and CONFENIAE in Ecuador.However, NGOs sometimes undermined Indigenous agency, especially post-neoliberal era, as Indigenous groups struggled to maintain their voice and secure government action.

These strategies helped secure dual rights in countries recognizing both identities.

24
Q

What are the pros and cons of communicating ideas prefiguratively through action versus policy demands?

A

The Pros of Prefigurative Action are that it demonstrates revolutionary values in practice and builds alternative institutions, while it provides experience and skill development, which fosters community solidarity and empowerment. However, it can seem utopian or disconnected from politics and is limited by broader systemic impact. Also a risk of isolation from mainstream politics, leaving members vulnerable to repression or co-optation.
It is also hard to sustain without institutional support.

Policy Demands pros are that it directly impacts political structures and laws.
It has tangible and measurable outcomes. Its easier to mobilize with clear goals and has potential for lasting change if implemented.
However, there are risk of being compromised in negotiations. It can disconnect from grassroots values. The process is slow, bureaucratic, limiting responsiveness and also depends on political will and institutional support.

25
Do you think that hometown associations would be as successful if they only focused on individuals in the U.S.?
No they would not be succeful if the hometown association only focused on U.s Individuals as the core strength lies in bridging connections between migrants and their home communities. Addressing issues on both sides of the border (language representation, leadership training, political advocacy) can creates a sense of belonging and encourages migrants to contribute locally and internationally. Key to success: Cross-border solidarity sustains community-driven goals.
26
How does art allow social movements to eliminate borders in creating a global message?
Visual arts campaigns akin to OSPAAAL’s allows social movements to eliminate borders and create a global message by functioning as a universal language that transcends linguistic, cultural, and political barriers. Through visual imagery, symbolism, and emotion, art can connect diverse struggles and communicate complex political ideas in ways that are immediate, accessible, and emotionally resonant. ## Footnote Policy demands can face challenges in implementation and effectiveness.
27
What was unique about the visual work that OSPAAAL used to communicate their political positions?
OSPAAAL used Striking, multi-lingual poster art, which conveyed revolutionary messages across the Global South. Featuring key figures like Che Guevara and Ho Chi Minh to unite anti-colonial movements. Also the use of symbols like guerrilla fighters, clenched fists, and broken chains to portray revolution as noble and inevitable. It connected struggles in Vietnam, Angola, and Palestine as part of a global anti-imperialist fight. Also positioning Cuba as a leader in the broader movement for south-south solidarity. ## Footnote Their strength lies in bridging connections between migrants and their communities back home.
28
How were the Young Lords, Black Panthers and others able to change the ‘knowledge’ around race and class in the U.S. to promote more equality?
Challenged race norms: Promoted non-white settler perspectives, critically addressing race. Shifted race and identity: Contributed to changing notions of race and identity, aligning with other radical movements. Direct challenges to discrimination: Fought institutionalized discrimination, especially for Puerto Ricans. Inclusion of women's rights: Integrated women's rights into their social movements. Rainbow coalition: United people from diverse backgrounds, challenging the "us versus them" mentality of race. Solidarity alliances: Formed alliances with other ethnic, class, and national groups to combat capitalism, racism, and imperialism. ## Footnote Visual imagery and symbolism can connect diverse struggles and communicate complex ideas.
29
Should society move away from economic growth and modern progress as primary goals according to Escobar?
Yes according to escobar, we should be moving away from prioritizing these goals, as they stem from a modern, extractivist worldview that causes ecological and social harm. Call for an "epistemic opening": He advocates for embracing diverse ways of knowing and living, moving beyond Western-centric models. Pluriverse concept: Escobar proposes a "pluriverse," grounded in Earth-centered and community-based values, as an alternative to current societal structures. ## Footnote OSPAAAL's art portrayed revolution as a noble force and united anti-colonial movements.
30
Can the state balance extractivist excess with needs to bolster social welfare?
Balancing extractivist practices with social welfare needs is complex and skeptical, as progressive politics often suppress grassroots alternatives. These policies remain tied to modernist, extractivist frameworks that undermine genuine social welfare. It also highlights Indigenous, Afro-descendant, and peasant perspectives, such as Earth thought and Buen Vivir, that completely reject extractivism. If we were to proposes that genuine social welfare comes from non-extractive systems rooted in autonomy and a relational connection to the Earth.
31
How does the “Marielle effect” reflect intersectionality in the struggle for civil rights in Brazil?
The “Marielle effect” in Brazil reflects intersectionality in the civil rights struggle by highlighting how Marielle Franco’s identity who was a Black, queer woman who embodied multiple, overlapping forms of marginalization. Following her assassination, there was a surge in Black women entering politics, many of whom carried forward Franco’s intersectional agenda that addressed racism, sexism, homophobia, and class oppression simultaneously. This movement signifies a broader political awakening that civil rights must be pursued through frameworks that recognize and confront interconnected systems of inequality.
32
Can protest effectively be launched from within the government according to Caldwell?
Yes, according to Caldwell's analysis in the provided source, protest and advocacy for marginalized groups can effectively be launched from within the government by individuals who identify as "activist-politicians." Figures like Marielle Franco and Benedita da Silva exemplify how black women can enter formal politics from grassroots activism and continue to challenge state violence, systemic inequality, and exclusionary power structures from within. Their presence and actions within government institutions serve both as political critique and as transformative efforts rooted in lived experience and community struggle. ## Footnote Tierra! served as a vital communication hub for anarchists.
33
How were the Grandmothers of the Plaza de Maya able to manipulate aspects of machismo to further their political goals?
Drawing on the provided source, the Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo were able to navigate and benefit from aspects of machismo not through deliberate manipulation, but by operating within and being perceived through patriarchal assumptions that ultimately worked to their advantage. Their identity as older women without formal political backgrounds allowed them to be viewed by the authoritarian regime as non-threatening, which in turn reduced the level of repression they faced. Dismissed as “crazy old women,” their protests were underestimated, enabling them to persist in public spaces, express grief openly, and build powerful emotional solidarity—all of which became key strengths of their enduring movement for truth and justice. ## Footnote Other factors such as government policies and agrarian reform also played crucial roles.
34
How did the Grandmothers rely on public support to bolster their own security?
They significantly relied on public support to bolster their own security in several ways. Public demonstrations like the “Marches of Resistance” and chants showcased collective solidarity that offered moral strength and a protective presence through visibility. Their consistent protests combined with international advocacy and media attention, helped deter harsher state repression by creating accountability and public scrutiny. Through unity, emotional resonance, and public engagement, they transformed solidarity into a form of protection.
35
What were the strategies of the MST both on the ground and in terms of mobilizing wider support?
The MST uses land occupations, encampments, and mutual support among members. while maintaining discipline through internal norms and cultural rituals rooted in Liberation Theology. To mobilize broader support, it frames its struggle as part of a national and global fight for social justice, leverages public demonstrations, aligns with historical and revolutionary figures, and strategically engages the state while maintaining a critical, oppositional stance.
36
What was the relationship between the Catholic church and socialist movements in Brazil in the mid-1980s?
In the mid-1980s, the Catholic Church in Brazil played a crucial role in supporting socialist-leaning movements like the MST by providing grassroots organizing structures such as the Ecclesiastical Base Communities and the Pastoral Land Commission. Many MST activists came from within the Church, and although their ideologies sometimes differed, both were united in their fight for land reform and social justice.
37
What aspects made the publication Tierra a success in promoting the anarchist movement?
Tierra! was successful in promoting the anarchist movement because it served as a vital communication hub that connected rural and urban anarchists across Cuba and the Caribbean, fostering solidarity and spreading radical ideas. Its decentralized structure encouraged participatory democracy, with readers actively contributing to the paper’s content, and its strong financial backing from rural supporters ensured its longevity and wide distribution.
38
Does James Scott’s theory of subsistence adequately explain the situation in Ayacucho that led to the rise of Sendero Luminoso?
James Scott's theory of subsistence offers a significant explanation for the rise of Sendero Luminoso in Ayacucho, particularly in highlighting the subsistence crisis and economic hardships that fueled peasant discontent. However, it does not fully explain the movement’s rise, as other factors such as government policies, agrarian reform, the role of the University of San Cristobal, and Sendero's strategic approach also played crucial roles in shaping the situation.
39
Was there a demographic basis for a peasant insurgency in Ayacucho in the 1980s?
Yes, there was a demographic basis for the peasant insurgency in Ayacucho in the 1980s, as indicated by population growth, land scarcity, and land exhaustion. The increasing population density, along with a decline in fertile land and the necessity for migration for temporary jobs, contributed to economic hardship and vulnerability, which created a fertile ground for the rise of insurgent movements like Sendero Luminoso.
40
How did NGOs impact or compromise the objectives of the feminist movement in Mexico?
NGOs had a significant impact on the feminist movement in Mexico, both advancing and potentially compromising its objectives. While NGOs provided essential resources and platforms for activism, they also led to the professionalization of the movement, a shift from political advocacy to service provision, and reliance on external funding, which sometimes reduced autonomy and redirected focus away from broader social change and grassroots mobilization.