Presidency midterm Flashcards

1
Q

Green Lantern Theory

A

Brendan Nyhan’s idea that “the president can achieve any political or policy objective if only he tries hard enough or uses the right tactics/strategies.” The president is functionally all-powerful, but if he faces challenges in action, it’s because he’s not being smart enough. Divided into the Reagan version and the LBJ version: Reagan is dictated by communication capabilities in bargaining with the public, while LBJ bargains to Congress to vote through his agenda. (context argument by Skowronek; Reagan = tv personality, LBJ = HOR seat; Kernell and individualized pluralism) Critique is that it forgets the limits of power outlined in Federalist 69, and Article II of the Constitution including checks and balances and separation of powers. They also forget the idea that in the LBJ presidency, he had contextual leads in Congress following JFK’s assassination.
Note: partisan gaps between presidents and their opposing parties have increased over time; aka polarization

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2
Q

Hamilton + Anti-Federalists

A

Federalists wanted to clear the air about Anti-Federalist sentiments, as they feared the president/executive branch would be too much like tyrannical King George III (Creation of AofC). Even so, the Federalists outlined the full limits of the executive’s power including 4-year terms, impeachment, possibility of being tried for treason. Power to veto/return bills but must pass 2/3 of each legislative body in Congress, Commander in Chief. Nominates members of supreme court, and can make treaties if it gets 2/3 Senate approval.

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3
Q

Trump/Biden Inaugurations

A

Trump used more words like “protected, dreams, countries, wealth” while Biden used more “democracy, story, days, truth, soul” words

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4
Q

Separation of Powers

A

Congress – popular will, rights, preservation – deliberation – plurality, proximity, bicameralism, competent powers
President – preservation, rights, popular will – energy and “stead administration of laws” – unity, 4 years and reelection, competent powers
Courts – rights – “judgment, not will” – small collegial body, life tenure, power linked to the argument

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5
Q

Display on Presidential Ranking

A

Higher-ranked presidents are generally democratic; the higher-ranked executives some at the start of a party system/regime, the bad are at the end (can be linked to Showronek’s regime chart)

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6
Q

Unitary Executive Theory

A

A result of executive opposers who were concerned that executive power was too broad, (essentially enumerated v. implied powers) ex. Trump using executive order and “perpetuating Jan. 6)

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7
Q

Bill Barr

A

Former Attorney General (2019-2020), speaks on unitary executive theory and his critique from democrats, he argues that the unitary executive theory isn’t a theory, but explicitly outlined in Article II. Barr worries the authority/limitation of the president following Watergate and the abuse of power, has been in a chokehold of sorts

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8
Q

Skowronek’s Conservative Insurgency and Presidential Power

A

Evolution of unitary executive theory leads to institutions “mirroring” conservative views because they want a stronger executive (dems as institutional/congressional, repubs as singular, centralized)

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9
Q

Populism

A

Concept of appealing to the general public and how the government thus far has been ineffective; Trump used this in wanting to resurrect Reagan’s regime

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10
Q

Howell/Moe’s Why the President Needs More Power

A

Obviously most likely agrees with UET, describes how Congress by nature is parochial (limited in membership) and focuses more on special interest issues, so it’s ineffective in solving national problems; when populism fails, support increases, and a dyadic government creates factions where the president is better at reflecting national interest than legislative branches (presidents have incentives to do so in order to build positive legacy); they provide reforms where president should be able to introduce bills and pace agenda (essentially it’s easier to hold one person accountable. This populism results in negative polarization, or disliking the other side more than you approve of your party candidate

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11
Q

Pika/Timeline of Candidate Nomination (negative partisanship)/ Yglesias’ US Presidential Primary Process

A

Note: this is ultimately a timeline of the shift from an elite-driven process to an open system, where parties have their unique agendas

1789-1824: congressional caucuses and factions endured through the nomination process #partydivison
Jacksonian Revolution 1825-1912: national party conventions ran presidential selection and delegates from all states came/were nominated by party bosses who voted in saloons and bought votes, a very transactional system #corruption
1913-1968: primaries began alongside conventions and delegates weren’t bribed; Kennedy joined the primary in WV # religion and became electable when family bought votes, he rolled those votes into his national campaign
1968 – Democratic Convention Police riot alongside Vietnam war activism; Lyndon Johnson was president, NH votes first, and anti-war campaign incites Kennedy to win, citizens then blamed Nixon's election of the Convention Riot, resulting in the democratic desire for McGovern/Fraser Commission for reform
1969 – primaries and caucuses were adopted by both parties as a result of state campaigning power
1972 – McGovern runs after passing democratic reform
1976 – Governor for Georgia Jimmy Carter uses the new reforms to campaign in Iowa and runs for democrats after Watergate, then goes to NH and wins
1980 – Reagan election on the back of his TV personality abilities; democrats wanted to reform again to keep another Carter from happening; superdelegates reverse McGovern and make the system more elite, voting percent required for delegates to participate; superdelegates end in 2017 and republicans increase threshold for candidacy
2020 – Republican delegate Allocation Rules lean toward winner-take-all because it enables populism
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12
Q

McGovern/Fraser Commission

A

Reform efforts on the democratic side following the Convention Riot, which required delegates to vote at public conventions/caucuses for proportional representation.

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13
Q

Invisible Primary

A

Endorsement scheme to rally donor support before the actual primaries, there used to be campaign funding procedures, but there aren’t now; Obama 2008 example of different funding campaigns, he raised money without federal funding and built grassroots movement; by contrast, Trump utilized grassroots but also used free media coverage due to his controversy; accountability for spending decreases as spending increases

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14
Q

Discoveries, Scrutiny, and Decline

A

Sides argument that electoral connections as a candidate is considered in the electoral college, and the media scrutinizes them so they lose support and other candidates rise, and the cycle repeats #individualized pluralism; there’s a beat structure to media coverage, a surplus of tension increases, peaks, then scrutiny declines support

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15
Q

Sides’ Change and More of the Same

A

Describes how candidate interactions affect party identity at the macro level: DNC as an infomercial and RNC as a Trump-show; Bernie Sanders hurt Hilary Clinton’s campaign during 2016 and it broke down the democratic party, all other candidates backed down, electability was then in the hands of democrats, and in 2020 there were so many candidates as a result of factional interests that a coalition gave everyone a seat; Chapter 4 describe the endorsements of candidates over time

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16
Q

Trump v. Biden Indictment

A

Jan. 6 indictment; there’s credibility to try Trump extensively #whatisthecaponthe1stAmendment
Polarization reform means symbolic racism perpetuates bipartisanship; thermometer scales of feeling by party: perceived divergence is greater than actual divergence

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17
Q

Polarization Paradox

A

Link of electoral governance and selection processes, polarization context of elections and the extent to which the masses’ belief reflects federal government level; Gallup graph and democratic political ideology from ’94-’22; liberal percent doubles and leads, moderates from 50-36 in the middle, and conservative from 25-10 is last; today Biden represents a democratic minority
Age, race, and education changes since ’94; White adults are leading charge to the left shift, ages 30-49, 60% democrats overall for democrats
For Republicans conservatives 60-70, moderates 35-22, and liberals are 10-5
Democrats lead polarization more overall; at the mass level, but republicans drive polarization as the elite level, why?

18
Q

Nelson’s Psychological Presidency

A

Explains James Barber’s concept of Presidential character; active, positive, passive, and negative presidents in a 2x2; active/positive are always in the office and engaged, they enjoy the position (TJ, FDR, JFK, Truman, Carter); active/negative are neurotic and seek power (JA, Wilson, HH, LBJ, and Nixon); passive/positive are reliant on media reputation, they are responsive rather than offensive, compliant and validation seeking (Reagan, JM, Taft, and Harden); passive/negative are beat-down by position, require affection and are compulsive (GW, Coolidge, Eisenhower)

19
Q

Barber v. Skowronek

A

Links many ideas together, essentially where presidency is influenced more by context or character (Lincoln in Buchanan’s position; Biden as a legislative man)

20
Q

McAdams

A

Trump’s disposition is inherently meta, he knows he’s acting, but the act never ends. Whereas in Biden’s first 100 days in presidency, his loss/grief caused him to provide support for families also experiencing loss during Covid. Trump wants to win but he doesn’t know why; Biden has experienced loss and hardship makes him empathetic, but he was in Congress for so long, he is hardened

21
Q

Skowronek’s Performance Art of Politics

A

Context of the office shapes opportunities; Nixon was foreign minister, Biden was legislative, Reagan was a TV personality; governing style is veiled pattern-tracking the occupation rather than the psychology; Nixon’s good dog Dick spiel; There weren’t any former legislative Republican presidents, they are more philosophical and less institutional

22
Q

Kernell’s Going Public

A

Transformation in political climate from 70’s to 90’s ushering in new political leadership; presidents and parties fights over WH control and shift from institutional to individualized pluralism

23
Q

Preference Aggregation

A

Interest groups and trade organizations decide on what preferences they want to citizens to believe in

24
Q

Intermediary Institutions

A

Trade organizations and lobbyists who work to disseminate relevant information from policy-makers, to candidate, to citizen

25
Q

Institutionalized Pluralism

A

Structured systems work with other groups to establish social norms and policy objectives; pluralism itself is from Dahl, where people form organizations with specific interests and utilize lobbying to aggregate preferences; old-school aggregation from Neustadt, presidency was about being an elite-level bargainer or negotiator (national convention and Jacksonian period)

26
Q

Individualized Pluralism

A

The strength of intermediary organizations over time is not as elite, and higher technology decreases influence, social media connects elites/parties/lobbyists directly with the public; Kernell believes institutionalized pluralism made sense at the time, but now candidates use technology to bargain directly with citizens; this specific pluralism shift can be attributed to republicans Trump and Reagan
The scope of government” and interest groups mobilize in response to government general growth #permeability
Updating Kernell’s argument: is Trump’s going public pluralism just an extension of Reagan’s or is he creating his own regime?
Individualized pluralism means more closed doors as a result of permeability, creating a tension between what is more easily publicized

27
Q

Presidential Regimes

A

Configuration of political relationships, interests, and ideologies; Jacksonians, Civil War and Reconstruction, New Deal Coalition, and Reaganism

28
Q

Reagan Regime

A

Reagan communicated with the media to lock himself into power and made the backing down ability more difficult, he increased his audience costs so the other party was more likely to cave (Carter); he changed the distinct line between “inside” and “outside” politics

29
Q

Zaretsky/Debord’s President as Spectacle

A

Takes an old form applied to contemporary theory; spectacle makes reality a show, Trump creates a new government of distorted reality; society is then a game of images and brands

30
Q

Edsall Explaining Skowronek’s Politics Presidents Make

A

Regimes fray over time and are resilient in commitment or vulnerable; critique is the country was different in pre-modern times and so was the presidency

31
Q

Reconstruction

A

Ends with the 1932 new Deal, FDR’s individuality and desire to “remake” the office; the heroes of government they seek to revive fundamental, mythic values lost; formulation rather than problem-solving, they are appointed during low political support/approval periods (remake government wholesale) (Jefferson, Jackson, Lincoln, FDR, and Reagan)

32
Q

Disjunction

A

Impossible leadership situation where presidents are consumed with obtaining ethos/credibility, but they do sometimes do significant things; they stigmatize themselves as a symptom of the failing regime; an altered governing style leaves them with little more than their own dedication and struggle approval (Buchancan, Pierce, Adams, Carter, Hoover, and Trump)

33
Q

Preemption

A

Curious, least susceptible to role ascription, they interrupt a strong regime and goals aggravate interest cleavage and factional discontent within the dominant coalition; they are wild cards and most impeached; they play upon party division and are singled out for character flaws; they do the wrong thing with the right reasons (Tyler, Wilson, Nixon, Clinton, and Obama)

34
Q

Articulation

A

Orthodox Innovators with potent political agendas, default/status quo; goal is to mitigate factional ruptures, domestic frustration leads to frequent military action abroad; beyond wholesale government, interests are in finding solutions, fitting the existing parts of the regime together (Polk, T. Roosevelt, LBJ, GW Bush)

35
Q

4P Scheme

A

Patrician–personal elite relationships drive leadership until Jackson
Partisan – patronage, national party organizations and factions until 1900
Pluralist – institutionalized pluralism where leadership requires bargaining and compromising competing interests
Plebiscitary – candidate-centered emphasis on mass communication/individualized pluralism until the present; presidents appeal over the heads of elite establishments and focus on winning the public, hoping that Washington establishments will follow suit
Interesting geography with party alignment in the new era of geological mobility and remote jobs (dems live where Republicans used to)

36
Q

Galvin

A

Relationships between presidents and party organizations; Chapter 2 focuses on tension between presidents and parties, do presidents build up organizations or exploit resources (how much has Trump changed the republican party and vice versa?)

37
Q

Lee’s Dividers, Not Uniters

A

Extension of Brady and Volden; when presidents take positions, they increase polarization; sorting policy by party ideology; presidents and congress decisions to policy alternatives are a game of running statistics, those choices are binary (to pass or not to pass)

38
Q

Median Voter Theorem

A

Decisions in the House will be the middle-ground/status quo of both party ideologies

39
Q

Brady and Volden’s Revolving Gridlock

A

Legislative/executive bargaining assumption of linear liberal/conservative conceptualization but it’s more dimensional; if that’s true, why do WH and Congress remain static in action?
Notes: theory isn’t a theory of outcomes, it’s a theory of status quo decision making; for Brady, presidential powers are straightforward (they veto or sign bills)

40
Q

What could lead to a small gridlock interval?

A

Distance between leaders as a unified government, the setup provides the rationale for makeup of the modern political system; bills in the past were shorter and had fewer deadlines, hence the new fury over bill passage
Ball in your court idea that adding planned parenthood to the federal funding bill forces the hands of Republicans