POLS 3000 EXAM Flashcards

1
Q

Birdsong by Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie

A

The story focuses on a young Nigerian woman’s affair with an older, married man, delving into how gender impacts women’s lives.
The narrator becomes increasingly frustrated as her relationship falls apart, leading to outspokenness and a final outburst.
Urban Africa, specifically Lagos, is depicted as “relentlessly unpretty” with ubiquitous cell phones and congested streets due to “okadas” (motorcycle taxis).
Adichie portrays calculating or deceitful men contrasted with “invisible” women, offering an unromanticized view of traditional leadership.

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2
Q

The Voter by Chinua Achebe (CRITICAL)

A

A political narrative highlighting corruption, power struggles, and moral dilemmas within a local Nigerian village.
Roof, a respected figure, faces a moral dilemma when offered bribes by opposing political parties, ultimately tearing the ballot in half as a compromise.
Achebe explores the clash between African culture and British colonialism’s modernization efforts, suggesting that embracing certain colonial legacies may be necessary for progress.

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3
Q

Aristide R. Zolberg, “The One-Party Ideology” (LIBERAL

A

Discusses the formation and dissemination of one-party ideologies in French-speaking Africa, notably Guinea under Sekou Touré.
Examines the role of ideology in creating political order amidst changing international systems and colonial legacies.
Highlights the themes of unity, opposition suppression, and the centralization of power within one-party systems across West Africa.

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4
Q

Bruce Gilley, “Chinua Achebe on the Positive Legacies of Colonialism” (LIBERAL)

A

Explores Achebe’s nuanced views on colonialism, emphasizing the positive aspects such as state formation and nation-building in Nigeria.
Contrasts Achebe’s evolving perspectives from revolutionary anti-colonialism to a more nuanced critique, advocating for reclaiming certain colonial legacies for development.
Challenges the dominant anti-colonial narrative in African affairs, suggesting a reevaluation of colonial legacies for state building and national identity.

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5
Q

Julius Nyerere, “Democracy and the Party System”(CRITICAL)

A

Nyerere critiques Western perceptions of democracy in Africa, arguing for an African-centric understanding rooted in community participation.
Discusses the challenges of adapting Western political systems to African contexts, advocating for a more inclusive and accountable political framework.
Proposes a shift towards true democracy where leaders are chosen and accountable to the people, challenging the dominance of Western political models.

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6
Q

Basil Davidson, “Africa Without History” (Black Man’s Burden: Africa and the Curse of the Nation-State) (CRITICAL)

A

Davidson delves into the historical conflict between traditional African leadership and modernizing forces during colonialism and independence.
Highlights the struggle between “traditionalists” and “modernizers” in Africa’s transition to the modern world.
Criticizes European imperialism for hindering progress and denying Africa’s past, contrasting with Japan’s approach to Westernization.
Examines the persistence of African sovereignty amidst imperialism and questions of power after British withdrawal.
Contrasts the Western-educated elite’s nation-state formation with African chiefs’ desire for modernization while preserving tradition.
Europeans and some African thought it was modern and enlighten to bring European culture and some organization to Africa- central to Basil argument. Davison argument- Sierra Leone and Liberia (mostly Sierra Leone) created as places of refuge for African slaves who had been recaptured or at least their ships captured. Liberated form states went to Liberia.
Basil- offers a twist to stories, not just Europeans who argue in favour of the established of a nation-state, it is the African liberated slaves who are pro-colonial.

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7
Q

Jeffrey Herbst, “The Political Kingdom in Independent Africa” (States and Power in Africa) (LIBERAL)

A

Explores state consolidation challenges post-independence, contrasting precolonial, colonial, and post-independence practices.
Discusses financial hurdles, reliance on foreign aid, and struggles in establishing efficient systems.
Addresses nationalism, the Cold War’s impact on African boundaries, and continuity in power practices.
Highlights administrative challenges at independence, emphasizing the importance of controlling territories.
Analyzes the shift from empirical to juridical statehood and persisting issues of national identity in many African countries.

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8
Q

Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o, “The Myth of Tribe in African Politics” (Transition)
(CRITICAL)

A

Challenges the colonial notion of “tribe” and “tribal wars” in Africa, arguing they are colonial inventions.
Examines the impact of language and word usage on self-perception and perception of others during war.
Discusses the absence of the equivalent of “tribe” in many African languages, questioning its use in African conflicts.
Critiques the pejorative connotations of “tribe” and its role in perpetuating misunderstandings about African societies.
Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o- concern with of power is organized, ‘who or what social group holds power? for whom do they exercise that power? (this is what critical thinkers say).
Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o regrets the simplification we make about Africa.
Doesn’t like the word tribalism or tribe.
‘certain word usage can dehumanize.
‘words become very important in the power relations between groups’ pg 17, to use those words is to degrade, and insult.
Westernizers have double standards, when you talk about Europe you use the word ‘nations’ but in Africa ‘tribe’.

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9
Q

Andrea Purdeková, David Mwambari, “Post-genocide identity politics and colonial durabilities in Rwanda” (Critical African Studies) (CRITICAL)

A

explores the persistence of colonial legacies in post-genocide Rwanda’s identity politics and nation-building.
Highlights the colonial foundation of division and conflict in Rwanda and the government’s attempts to de-ethnicize society.
Discusses the promotion of “Rwandanicity” and the rewriting of history to construct a new national identity.
Examines the emergence of new social divisions based on exile and the complexities of post-genocide identity reconstruction.
Critiques the dominance of ethnic frames and colonial legacies in shaping contemporary Rwandan society.
**They put all their blame on an identity group says Purdeková and Mwambari- that identity is attributed to those who invade. Their departure reinforced their identity.current government saying we are all Rwandan and that itself is an ethnic group.
Colonialism is the primary agent for exacerbating ethnic identity but also the ethnic consequences to get rid of.
The lingering of colonialism runs deep- difficult to establish a clean break.

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10
Q

Emma Paszat, “Why ‘Uganda’s Anti-Homosexuality Bill’? Rethinking the ‘Coherent’ State” (Third World Quarterly) (CRITICAL)

A

Examines the complexities of Uganda’s stance on gender and sexual minorities, highlighting conflicting positions within the state.
Discusses the role of different state actors and their responses to the Anti-Homosexuality Bill over time.
Analyzes the influence of civil society lobbying and international pressures on legislative processes.
Argues for a nuanced understanding of the Ugandan state and the diverse viewpoints within it regarding LGBTQ+ issues.

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11
Q

Kathleen Klaus, Jeffrey W. Paller, Martha Wilfahrt, “Demanding Recognition: A New Framework for the Study of Political Clientelism” (African Affairs) (LIBERAL)

A

Proposes a new framework for understanding political clientelism in African politics based on demands for social recognition.
Discusses citizen engagement in patron-client relationships as a means to demand recognition in various dimensions.
Examines cases from Ghana, Senegal, and Kenya to illustrate how citizens seek recognition through clientelist exchanges.
Highlights the emotional aspect of political engagement and its role in shaping democratic politics.
Challenges traditional instrumentalist and moral economy approaches to the study of clientelism.
Political recognition- there focus is the demands of the clients, the lowest client.
Kathleen- groups often want attention, and know they are being heard from someone above them.
Client essentially will gather their own clients and deliver them to you- Patronage, and Roof story, Chinua Achebe.
Clientelism emerges when there is no alternative or from independence. Kind of glue, not just for your identity it can reach to others. Is a means of keeping a state together, a glue that can bring everyone on board without force, maintaining order.
Dependent on a patron being able to stratify his or her client’s needs
State capture- have more resources of the state
Depending on resources, this could become bigger and bigger 

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12
Q

Gerald Bareebe, “Predators or Protectors? Military Corruption as a Pillar of Regime Survival in Uganda” (Civil Wars) (LIBERAL)

A

Investigates corruption within Uganda’s defense sector and its role in political control and regime survival.
Highlights the regime’s tolerance and sometimes encouragement of military corruption for political ends.
Discusses systemic corruption in the Ugandan People’s Defense Force and its impact on economic reconstruction.
Argues that despite promises to curb corruption, the Museveni regime allows military officers to engage in fraudulent practices.
Examines the political and economic implications of military corruption for Uganda’s governance and development.

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13
Q

Patrick Chabal and Jean-Pascal Daloz, “The Illusions of Civil Society” (Africa Works: Disorder as Political Instrument, 1999)(LIBERAL)

A

Chabal and Daloz argue that political change in Africa has been minimal.
Confounded Expectations: Independence in Africa did not meet the expectations for political institutionalization and economic development.
State Failure: There is a consensus that the state has failed to contribute to politics’ institutionalization or economic development.

Civil Society Dichotomy: The dichotomy between state and civil society does not accurately reflect African realities.
Complementary Interaction: Rather than a “revenge” of civil society against the state, there is a mutually beneficial interaction between the two.
Shadow Boxing: Politics in Africa involves intricate interactions between state and society, sustaining infra-institutional networks.
Misleading Notions of Civil Society: The prevailing notion of civil society in Africa may derive more from wishful thinking or ideological bias than from a careful analysis of present conditions.
Instrumental Political Factors: The prevalence of civil society may be due to political factors rather than genuine social movements’ development.
African Modernization: Africa is pursuing its specific form of modernization rather than regressing to “age-old” ways.
Embryonic Societal Movements: There is limited evidence of functionally operating civil society in Africa, with only embryonic societal movements opposing central power.
Focus on Political Actors: Instead of vague categories like civil society, attention should be paid to the behavior of main political actors.
A central claim of Chabal and Daloz is that African societies have “an inbuilt bias in favor of greater disorder.”
* Political leaders encourage political disorder because it serves a purpose: it encourages dependence on them

**Make state look bad, iinstrumentalize disorder, and encourage NGOs to portray Africa as helpless.
That is where the money is. Idea is to start people start their own NGOs because that’s where the money goes and tell the world how impoverished Africa is, sustain and construct Africa as an impoverished place that is conflict ridden and wait for revenue to come in.
You instrumentalization your own poverty by telling the world it is there.

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14
Q

Abu Bah and Ibrahim Bangura, “Landholding and the Creation of Lumpen Tenants in Freetown” (Critical Sociology, 2023)
(CRITICAL)

A

Patrimonialism in Sierra Leone: Landholding creates lumpen tenants, reproducing patrimonialism post-war.
Economic Survival Strategies: Youth migrants in Freetown adopt various survival strategies within the patrimonial system.
Property Ownership and Inequality: Property ownership signifies wealth and class status, exacerbating socioeconomic divides.
Informal Agreements: Caretakers occupy land based on informal agreements with landowners, leading to exploitative relationships.
Patrimonial Power Dynamics: The power relation between landowners and caretakers is uneven, rooted in patrimonialism.
Marginalization and Exploitation: The caretaker phenomenon embodies patrimonialism, perpetuating exploitation and marginalization.
State Patrimonialism: Despite attempts to abolish it, state patrimonialism persists, growing with increasing poverty.
Silencing Local Voices: Stove interventions and technical solutions silence local voices and fail to address underlying issues.

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15
Q

Samer Abdelnour and Akbar M. Saeed, “Technologizing Humanitarian Space” (International Political Sociology, 2014) (CRITICAL)

A

Problematization in Humanitarian Space: Advocacy organizations simplify complex issues, promoting technical solutions over addressing root causes.
Technological Solutions: Fuel-efficient stoves are promoted as solutions to reduce rape in conflict zones, despite limited evidence of effectiveness.
Othering through Technology: Fuel-efficient stoves simplify and transform problematizations, perpetuating narratives of stove interventions’ effectiveness.
Silencing Alternative Narratives: Advocacy efforts marginalize alternative narratives of violence in conflict zones, reinforcing dominant problematizations.
Questionable Effectiveness: Stove interventions are based on powerful narratives rather than empirical evidence, rendering them unquestionable.
Complexity of Humanitarian Efforts: Advocacy for technical solutions overlooks underlying issues, emphasizing universal solutions over comprehensive understanding.

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16
Q

Fritz Nganje and Kgalalelo Nganje, “Liberal Internationalism Meets Third Worldism” (Third World Quarterly, 2019)
(CRITICAL AND LIBERAL)

A

Neo-Third World Behaviour: African states’ endorsement of elections amidst international criticism reflects a new form of third-worldism.
Response to Western Liberalism: African states counter Western liberal democracy promotion, asserting sovereignty against perceived US influence.
Geopolitical Dynamics: Geopolitics shapes international election observation outcomes, with African states resisting Western interference in electoral processes.
Continuity of Third Worldism: Despite the end of the Cold War, a new form of third-worldism emerges in response to Western hegemony.
Authoritarian Tendencies: Kabila’s regime mirrors Mobutu’s authoritarianism, perpetuating corruption and instability in the DRC.
Complexity of Neo-Third World Behaviour: Neo-third world behaviour adds complexity to election observation and democratization processes, resisting Western dominance while not fully embracing liberal democracy.
**Sympathetic to view that Western power is a threat to Africa and that Western powers aren’t always- to undermine African states to make them beholden to them and re colonialize them- Critical view.
Yet there is a lot of talk about agency.
They are resisting and getting things their own way (Africans) and have the opportunity to resist election monitors, and still get the election win they want- Liberal view.
All parties are self-interested. **

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17
Q

Robert H. Nelson, “Environmental Colonialism” (The Independent Review, 2003) (CRITICAL)

A

Religious Motivations: Western interactions with Africa, including environmentalism, have historical roots in religious ideals.
Environmental Colonialism: Contemporary environmentalism perpetuates neocolonialism in Africa, exploiting Africans under the guise of environmental conservation.
Missionary Spirit of Environmentalism: Environmental activism exhibits a missionary spirit, akin to defending colonialism under the guise of saving the environment.
Manipulation of African Images: Western perceptions of Africa as a “wild” and “untouched” landscape contribute to environmental colonialism.
Dependence on Foreign Aid: African governments rely on foreign aid, perpetuating Western influence and control over environmental and developmental policies.
Parks as Fantasies: National parks become fodder for Western environmental fantasies, masking their neocolonial implications.

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18
Q

Michela Wrong, “A Question of Style” (Transition, 1999)

A

Mobutu’s Real Estate Investments: Mobutu’s investments in Swiss real estate, particularly Les Miguettes, highlight his wealth and legal troubles post-exile.
Office of Ill-Gotten Gains: The OBMA aims to recover assets acquired through corruption by Mobutu and his associates, facing challenges in repatriating funds hidden abroad.
Transition to Kabila: Kabila’s regime continues corruption and instability reminiscent of Mobutu’s rule, perpetuating a cycle of oppression and impunity.
Failed Justice Attempts: Efforts to hold corrupt officials accountable are hindered by institutional barriers and lack of political will, reflecting a broader culture of impunity.
Cyclical Corruption: Despite hopes for change, the DRC remains mired in corruption and instability, with new rulers resembling old oppressors.

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19
Q

Nicola de Jager, “Sub-Saharan Africa’s desire for liberal democracy: civil society to the rescue?” (LIBERAL)

A

Argument 1: Sub-Saharan Africa faces more of a liberal deficit than a democratic one. While elections occur, the ruling elite resist constraints on their power once in office.
Argument 2: Organized civil society can address this deficit by advocating for civil liberties and holding the political elite accountable.
Argument 3: Sub-Saharan Africa’s deeply religious society can contribute to the development of civil society, which is essential for a liberal democracy.
Key Points:
Sub-Saharan Africans desire democracy in its liberal form, emphasizing civil liberties and personal freedoms.
The erosion of freedom globally, according to Freedom House, highlights the strain on democracy, even in established democracies.
Gyimah-Boadi’s findings suggest that while elections occur in African countries, there is a lack of substantive democracy.
The liberal deficit necessitates restraints on political power and protection of civic freedoms to satisfy citizen demands for democracy.

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20
Q

Michelle D’Arcy, “Rulers and their Elite Rivals: How Democratization has Increased Incentives for Corruption in Sub-Saharan Africa.” (CRITICAL)

A

Democratization in Africa has led to increased corruption despite the expectation of improved governance.
Elite rivalry intensifies under democratization, destabilizing rulers and making the consolidation of power difficult.
Corruption undermines efficient public administration, essential for good governance and socio-economic development.
Key Points:
Despite democratic progress, governance quality declines in many African states.
Increased political competition complicates elite alliances, while enhanced separation of powers limits rulers’ ability to control rivals.
Examples from Malawi and Kenya illustrate how democratization correlates with declining governance quality and increasing corruption.

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21
Q

Sisonke Msimang, “All is Not Forgiven: South Africa and the Scars of Apartheid.”
(CRITICAL)

A

South Africa’s transition from apartheid to democracy hasn’t fully addressed systemic racial and economic inequalities.
Apartheid’s legacy perpetuates racial disparities, with white privilege persisting post-apartheid.
The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) prioritized forgiveness over addressing the socio-economic effects of apartheid, leading to ongoing resentment among black South Africans.
Key Points:
The TRC emphasized individual crimes over systemic apartheid injustices, failing to address economic inequalities.
Collective amnesia among white South Africans regarding apartheid’s severity exacerbates racial tensions.
Sustainable racial reconciliation requires addressing entrenched economic disparities alongside historical grievances.
Racial apartheid was replaced with economic apartheid,

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22
Q

Simukai Chigudu, “Rhodes Must Fall in Oxford: a critical testimony.” (CRITICAL)

A

Rhodes Must Fall (RMF) in Oxford aimed to challenge colonial iconography and racism in academia.
The movement ignited debates on Britain’s imperial past and its implications for addressing racism today.
RMF’s call to remove Cecil Rhodes’s statue prompted a national discussion on how institutions memorialize colonial history and tackle present-day racism.
Key Points:
RMF highlighted Oxford University’s colonial legacy and its implications for contemporary racism.
Despite the statue remaining, RMF succeeded in sparking a national conversation on decolonizing education and addressing institutional racism.
Challenges remain in forging consensus on the purpose of RMF and decolonizing academia.

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23
Q

Chinua Achebe’s “The Voter”

A

Achebe’s work reflects themes of corruption, patronage, appearances of wealth, and an absence of political loyalty in the context of an election.
Tradition, particularly the concept of reincarnation and the presence of ancestors, plays a significant role in African society.
The election scenario depicted contrasts with the expectations of what Africa should be, according to the author.

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24
Q

Perspectives on Africa: Afro-Optimism vs. Afro-Pessimism

A

Afro-optimism presents a hopeful view of Africa’s future, emphasizing its diversity, achievements, and potential for growth and development.
Afro-pessimism, on the other hand, focuses on Africa’s challenges, such as poverty, war, and political instability, suggesting that the continent is being left behind in terms of development.

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25
Q

The Endlessly Conflicting Views on Africa’s Future

A

Liberal and Critical approaches offer contrasting views on Africa’s prospects, with the former emphasizing democracy and free markets, while the latter questions existing power structures and calls for justice and equality.

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26
Q

Perspectives as Broad and Inclusive Categories

A

The “Liberal” perspective encompasses views that advocate for democracy, free markets, and order, often drawing on Western models of governance.
The “Critical” perspective includes a range of views that challenge existing power structures, advocate for justice, and question assumed truths.

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27
Q

Aristide R. Zolberg (Liberal)

A

Focuses on Africa’s lack of political infrastructure and economic challenges.
Emphasizes the importance of order for democracy, advocating against one-party rule.

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28
Q

Bruce Gilley (Liberal):

A

Argues that Africa’s troubles are not primarily related to colonialism.
Cites Chinua Achebe to support the idea that certain aspects of colonialism could be beneficial for Africa.

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29
Q

Julius Nyerere (Critical):

A

Criticizes Western ideologies and advocates for one-party rule in Africa.
Emphasizes unity and independence from external influences.

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30
Q

Walter Rodney (Critical):

A

Challenges the benefits of colonialism, arguing that it removed Africans from their history and power structures.
Highlights the negative impact of colonial rule on African development and social structures.
Didn’t Europeans build railroads, schools, hospitals or provide for the health, housing and education of Africans?
Critical always saying, who is asking and who is making these statements and where is the power distributed.
“To be colonized is to be removed from history.”
“Overnight African political states lost their power, independence, and meaning —irrespective of whether they were big empires or small polities. … Political power had passed into the hands of foreign overlords. … So long as it lasted, not a single African state could flourish.”

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31
Q

Deniz Kellecioglu (Critical):

A

Criticizes mainstream economics for perpetuating colonial mentalities and subjugating ethics.
Calls for a rejection of liberalism and emphasizes the need for emancipatory ethics.
mental colonization” … “mental control” … “mental domination”
Physiological dimensions of colonialism. Perhaps colonialism is still acceptable. This thinking is what keeps Africa under control of the West
* “Deep coloniality”. That allows us to expect that mainstream economics is an accepted orthodox- means straight thinking, they accept liberal economics is just the way it is. We eternal this idea that liberal economics is really the only way. There is no alternative. Kellecioglu this is harmful to Africa.
Mainstream economics does not help Africa, they make Africa poor.

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32
Q

Patrice Lumumba (Critical):

A

Asserts African agency and rejects external ideologies.
Advocates for genuine independence and self-determination.
Hope that somehow people will be along for the ride.
• “… as long as Belgian troops are in the Congo we will be unable to get our program started. … Gifts are not appreciated. Independence which comes as a gift is not a good independence. Independence must be won for it to be real.”
Rights aren’t granted, only real if you take them from me.
Agency without outsiders.

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33
Q

Basil Davidson (Critical):

A

Argues against the imposition of European models of governance in Africa.
Emphasizes the importance of African history and indigenous governance structures.
Ignorance of history, denial is precisely what allows Europeans to subjugate and colonize it.
Basil- 3 takeaways: 1, African were led to believe that traditional African models weren’t good and only what comes from outside is of value. 2. The European model is largely foreign to Africa and inappropriate to Africa and that explains a lot of what we see in Africa today, this imposition- why Africa has challenges today, it is Europe’s fault. 3. If Africa had stayed true to itself, not been colonized and pro-colonial African advocates then it might have enjoyed greater prosperity today and in a better position to prosper. Africa needed to regret foreign models and stay on its own terms.

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34
Q

Jeffery Herbst (Liberal):

A

Suggests that African leaders voluntarily adopted features of colonial rule.
Criticizes African leaders for making decisions that contributed to the continent’s problems.
There are/were important continuities between the colonial and post-colonial eras. Even if they rejected colonialism in principle, African leaders embraced features of colonial rule in practice.
Herbst: Nations-states were not forced or imposed on Africa from outside. Disagree with Davison that states are imposed. A choice made by African leaders.
Herbst is a liberal. African leaders had a choice, they were not imposed. The outside world is forgiving to a fault, and sustains the weakest states in the world.
* According to Herbst, African post-independence leaders chose to accept them.

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35
Q

Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o (Critical):

A

Highlights the role of colonialism in creating divisions among African ethnic groups.
Criticizes Western terminology and double standards in describing African societies.

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36
Q

Ethiopia and Liberia- Colonized?

A

Not colonized, but still faced challenges related to European imperialism.

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37
Q

Colonialism

A

Defined as a form of domination and control by external powers, with varying impacts on African societies.

38
Q

Identity

A

Discussed in terms of primordialist (biological) and constructivist (social) perspectives.

39
Q

What do we know about the African State?

A

Arica’s borders are arbitrary, drawn by colonial powers, leading to ethnic, linguistic, and religious diversity within.
African states are institutionally weak and often territorially large with limited infrastructure.

40
Q

Characteristics of African Rule:

A

Conspiracy and Factional Politics: Jackson and Rosberg describe African politics as characterized by conspiracy, factionalism, clientelism, corruption, purges, rehabilitations, and succession maneuvers.
Dangers of Politics: Being a leader in an African state is significantly more hazardous than other occupations.
Military Power: African leaders often rely on military power to stay in control, leading to a corridor of military rule across the continent.
Mobutu Sese Seko: Example of personal rule; remained in power for 32 years through alliances and manipulation.
Survival Strategies: Leaders like Mobutu and Museveni maintained power by prioritizing survival and adapting to power dynamics.
Rational-Legal Ideal: The ideal scenario where institutions shape rulers’ behavior and power is tied to legal rationality and bureaucracy.
Personal Rule: Exists when institutions exist only abstractly, and power is determined by personal resources rather than office. Often characterized by patronage networks and a single dominant leader.
Patronage Networks: Dependence on patronage for political survival, with the patron providing resources and protection in return for loyalty and support.
Corruption: Systemic corruption often sustains regimes, as it distributes resources to acolytes and maintains the patronage network.
Political Survival: Criticism of corruption may stem from a desire for inclusion in the patronage network rather than genuine anti-corruption sentiments.
System Maintenance: The system relies on perpetuating corruption and inclusion in the patronage network to remain intact.

41
Q

Marxist Perspectives:

A

Proletariat: Working class, aims to overthrow the bourgeoisie.
Bourgeoisie: Capitalist class, owners of the means of production.
Marx and Engels emphasize the revolutionary potential of the proletariat.
Quote: “Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie today, the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class.”

42
Q

Lumpenproletariat:

A

Term used to describe individuals disconnected from the working class, often marginalized.
Marx and Engels view them as less likely to participate in revolution.
Frantz Fanon sees them as a potential revolutionary force among colonized people.

43
Q

Chimamanda Ngozie Adichie’s “Birdsong”:

A

Portrays the struggles of marginalized youth in Nigeria, including former combatants.
Explores the survival strategies of these youths, such as becoming caretakers for landowners.
Highlights the complexities of societal marginalization and the limitations of agency.

44
Q

Third Worldism and Neo-Third Worldism:( NGANJE & NGANJE)

A

Advocacy for autonomy and self-determination among developing countries.
Critique of Western dominance in global politics and development agendas.
Discussion on the role of African governments in balancing Western demands with national interests.

45
Q

Ethnicity and Religion:

A

Role of ethnicity and religion in shaping African identity and social structures.
Impact of colonial legacies on ethnic relations and political dynamics.
Challenges of fostering religious tolerance and ethnic diversity.

46
Q

Abdelnour and Saeed (2014) (CRITICAL)

A

Technologizing Humanitarian Space: Darfur Advocacy and the Rape-Stove Panacea.
Critique of Western approaches to African issues, specifically the introduction of fuel-efficient stoves to address sexual assault in Darfur.
The failure of the intervention and the perpetuation of sexual violence despite good intentions.
Questions the effectiveness of external solutions and the understanding of local contexts.

47
Q

Nganje and Nganje (2019): (LIBERAL AND CRITICAL)

A

Liberal Internationalism Meets Third Worldism: The Politics of International Election Observation in the DRC’s Post-War Elections.
Examines the dynamics of international election observation in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and its implications for democratization.
Highlights the tension between Western norms of democracy and African autonomy.
Discusses the strategic balancing act of African governments in managing Western expectations while asserting their sovereignty.

48
Q

Nelson (2003): CRITICAL

A

Environmental Colonialism: ‘Saving’ Africa from Africans.
Critique of Western environmental interventions in Africa and their neocolonial implications.
Argues that Western environmental agendas impose paternalistic solutions on African states.
Raises questions about the conflict between Western environmentalism and African self-determination.

49
Q

Environmentalism and Neocolonialism: NELSON

A

Criticism of Western environmental agendas and their neocolonial implications, particularly in the context of conservation efforts.
Debate over the conflict between Western environmentalism and African self-determination.

50
Q

Nicola de Jager-

A

Liberal.
Her article discusses Sub-Saharan Africa’s adoption of liberal democracy.De Jager believes Africa is fundamentally changing, with hope for democracy’s future.

51
Q

Michelle D’Arcy

A

Critical. Her article examines corruption in democratizing African states. D’Arcy suggests that changes reinforce clientelism and corruption.

52
Q

Perspectives on Political Change

A

Minimal Change View: Chabal and Daloz argue that political change in Africa has been minimal.
Optimistic View: De Jager believes Africa is fundamentally changing, with hope for democracy’s future.
Pessimistic View: D’Arcy suggests that changes reinforce clientelism and corruption.

53
Q

Elements of Democratization

A

Power can transfer between parties in having elections- have to come in a certain period, civil liberties- go about your affairs with freedom, representation- represented by the body of your choice, to have choice, rep the people. Capacity to respond to peoples need.

54
Q

Liberal Afro-Optimist Perspective

A

Emphasizes the importance of civil society in holding governments accountable.
Views democracy as more than just elections; it requires accountability and civil liberties.
Advocates for the autonomy of civil society and the role of religious groups in promoting liberal democracy.

55
Q

Realist Afro-Pessimist Perspective

A

Highlights the discrepancy between increased elections and effective governance.
Argues that weak institutions perpetuate clientelism and corruption.
Suggests that democracy has not led to significant improvements in governance.

56
Q

Mandela’s Legacy and the End of Apartheid

A

Mandela’s commitment to peace and democracy during South Africa’s transition from apartheid.
Analysis of apartheid’s systemic legacy and ongoing challenges in post-apartheid South Africa.
Debates between liberal and critical perspectives on the effectiveness of Mandela’s approach and the need for structural change.

57
Q

Sisonke Msimang important quotes:

A

“Mandela chose peace over retribution … Mandela and his comrades averted civil war and sheltered whites from mass violence”
“forgiveness became a national mantra, and reconciliation an official ideology.”

58
Q

Who said this: “Corrupt officers expect the regime leader to assign them to lucrative positions based on their allegiance to his rule”

A

Gerald Bareebe

59
Q

What does having agency mean?

A

control life to influence behaviour

60
Q

Gerald Bareebe - “Predators or Protectors? Military Corruption as a Pillar of Regime Survival in Uganda” (2020)- LIBERAL

A

Military corruption plays a significant role in regime survival in Uganda.
Rulers stay in power and keep the system together through corrupt practices.
Military coups are common across Africa.
Civil society acts as a force for democracy and development but is often excluded.
Examines the role of military corruption in Uganda’s regime survival.

61
Q

Kathleen Klaus, Jeffrey W. Paller, and Martha Wilfahrt - “Demanding Recognition: A New Framework for the Study of Political Clientelism” (African Affairs, 2023) LIBERAL

A

Propose a new framework for studying political clientelism based on demanding recognition.
Clientelism arises when there’s no alternative to independence.
Associations and relationships in society are crucial for maintaining order.
Emphasizes the importance of addressing the demands of various client groups for effective analysis of political clientelism.

62
Q

Patrick Chabal and Jean-Pascal Daloz - “The Illusions of Civil Society” (1999) LIBERAL

A

Challenge the idealized view of civil society in Africa.
Civil society can be co-opted by political elites and may not always act in the best interests of ordinary people.
Political leaders encourage disorder to maintain power.

63
Q

Abu Bah and Ibrahim Bangura - “Landholding and the Creation of Lumpen Tenants in Freetown” (Critical Sociology, 2023) CRITICAL

A

Focus on the socioeconomic dynamics of post-war Sierra Leone.
Highlight struggles of marginalized youth in a context of patrimonialism and social inequality.
Lumpenproletariat may not act to change the system due to self-interest.

64
Q

Helene Cooper - “In Search of a Lost Africa” (New York Times Magazine) CRITICAL

A

Personal exploration of identity and belonging within the African diaspora.
Reflects on experiences growing up in Liberia and the United States.
Explores complexities of African identity and colonial legacy.

65
Q

Samer Abdelnour and Akbar M. Saeed - “Technologizing Humanitarian Space: Darfur Advocacy and the Rape-Stove Panacea” (International Political Sociology, 2014) CRITICAL

A

Critique the effectiveness and unintended consequences of humanitarian interventions.
Highlight the complexities of implementing technological solutions in humanitarian contexts.
Criticize oversimplified narratives and advocate for deeper examination of interventions’ impacts.

66
Q

Fritz Nganje and Kgalalelo Nganje - “Liberal Internationalism Meets Third Worldism: The Politics of International Election Observation in the DRC’s Post- War Elections” (Third World Quarterly, 2019)

A

LEANS TOWARDS CRITICAL BUT CAN BE LIBERAL
Discuss intersection of liberal internationalism and Third World activism in election observation in the DRC.
Analyze the geopolitics of international election observation and neo-third world behavior.
Highlight African governments’ balancing act between Western expectations and sovereignty.
**Does election monitoring where Western organizations send monitors in Africa is that a form of neo-colonialism?
Suggest that if you do whatever the West say,
Shouldn’t assume that Western rhetoric of the promotion of freedom and human rights is because they are genuinely committed to freedom and human rights. Might be weary that this is just another effort from Western state to exercise their own power so they can dominate African states. Says Fritz Nganje and Kgalalelo Nganje,
They do enough to please the international community but they are careful not to be seen as lap dogs of the West say Nganie, Nganie.
African leaders will invite election monitors but they still cheat and that’s the irony.

67
Q

Robert H. Nelson - “Environmental Colonialism: ‘Saving’ Africa from Africans” (The Independent Review, 2003)

A

Critique the imposition of Western environmental ideals on Africa.
Discuss the neocolonial character of contemporary environmentalism.
Highlight the negative impacts of environmental interventions on African societies.
**Nelson- Africans have been displaced, and impoverished in order to do things like create things like National parks. “knowledge” comes from ignorance. And its imposition is paternalistic and demands conformity in the same way colonialism does.

68
Q

Michela Wrong - “A Question of Style” (Transition, 1999) CRITICAL

A

Investigate Mobutu Sese Seko’s alleged fortune and corruption in Zaire.
Critically examine Mobutu’s rule and the perpetuation of corruption in Congolese politics.
Reflect on the need for significant change and reform in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

69
Q

Why don’t some Africans like Mandela?

A

“Oh, I don’t like Mandela right now. First of all, Mandela is used as a name to silence us. Mandela is used as an instrument that helps us turn the other cheek. … He forgave his oppressor. So now, too, we’re expected to forgive our oppressors because that’s what Mandela did, and he set the precedence of how an ideal Black person should behave.”
- Feels silenced because of the remarkable icon that everyone in the West adores. Go to person to quote from.

70
Q

What is the Great Trek?

A

The Great Trek was a northward migration of Dutch-speaking settlers who travelled by wagon trains from the Cape Colony into the interior of modern South Africa from 1836 onwards, seeking to live beyond the Cape’s British colonial administration.
Alton talks about this.

71
Q

J. Alton Templin - “The Ideology of a Chosen People; Afrikaner Nationalism and the Ossewa Trek, 1938” CRITICAL

A

Background of the Great Trek: The Great Trek was a pivotal event in South African history, involving a massive migration of Afrikaner Voortrekkers northward from the Eastern Cape Colony into the Orange Free State and the Transvaal between 1834 and the end of the 1830s.
Distinctive Beliefs of Voortrekkers: During the Great Trek, the Voortrekkers developed distinctive beliefs about their destiny, their relationship with God, and their interactions with African groups, with whom they often had conflicts.
Triumph at the Battle of Blood River: A significant event during the Great Trek was the Battle of Blood River on December 16, 1838, where better-armed Afrikaner forces triumphed over Zulu warriors. This victory became the basis for a national holiday for the Afrikaners and for South Africa as a nation.
Desire for Freedom from British Rule: Afrikaners sought total freedom from British control, fearing the growing numbers and influence of African groups for jobs, commodities, and land.
Evolution of Afrikaner Identity: Over time, European settlers in South Africa ceased to identify themselves as Europeans and began calling themselves Afrikaners, signifying a distinct cultural identity.
Centennial Celebration of Afrikaner Nationalism: Between August 8 and December 16, 1938, South Africa witnessed a massive celebration of Afrikaner Nationalism, symbolized by a trek led by nine ox wagon teams, reminiscent of the Voortrekkers’ journey a century earlier.
Myth-Building and Ideological Construction: The Centennial Celebration served as a means of myth-building and ideological construction, blending historical events with embellishments to foster national self-consciousness and strengthen civil religion amid cultural crises.
Significance of the Great Trek: The Great Trek of the 1830s remains one of the most significant movements in South African culture, particularly for the white population whose primary language is Afrikaans.
Impact on Political Landscape: The nationalist fervor surrounding the Centennial Trek of 1938 played a crucial role in unifying nationalist sentiment and reminding Afrikaners of their century-long struggle against British rule.
Influence on Political Victory: Scholars argue that the enthusiasm generated by the Ossewa Trek celebration significantly contributed to the electoral victory of the National Party in 1948, marking a shift in South African politics.

72
Q

Michelle D’Arcy Argument- Critical

A

lots have changed in Africa- elections are now the rule in most of Africa.
- The frequency of elections or the willingness of leaders to step down can’t be connected to effectiveness and quality of government.
- She is afro-pessimist.
- Argument- increased democratic rule as measured by elections has not be effective. Even if there are more elections there is a lot that remains the same in terms of who stays in power.
- Weak institutions, that hasn’t changed.
- Democracy alters the strategies that employ the leaders to stay in power.
- Argument- in country with weak institutions, political leaders rely in these strategies- forced coercions or patronage. Can’t use strategies of control like they used to.
- Regimes can’t use force the way they used to so they rely on patronage from elites to keep themselves in power.

73
Q

Who is liberal and Afro-optimist?

A

Nicola de Jager- the problem is what happens between elections, “in general the political elite appear willing to use electoral mechanisms but are resistant to use that power- they don’t subject themselves to elections. Elections are supposed to be uncertain.
- We can say Africans want democracy but it has to have more than just elections. It is about accountably and civil liberties.
- Need to restrain leaders and protect those civil liberties.
- I see lots of elections but life isn’t getting better
- Civil society has autonomy and it can act- has to have that.
- Religious groups won’t be swayed by patronage- have welfare, funding from church, not dependent on state, already organized- Africa is deeply religious continent, more people are becoming religious- this liberal element is what democracy means for most Africans.
- Faith or religion is the remedy for the liberal deficit.

74
Q

Who said this: “For democracy to work, people have to care … But not too much.”

A

Larry Diamond

75
Q

Who said this: The political elite are content to use the electoral mechanism and popular support to gain access to political power but are thereafter resistant to constitutional restraints on their power, and this often leads to abuse of power and the infringement of human freedoms

A

Nicola de Jager

76
Q

Nelson Mandela

A

Mandela claimed that elections are not the only sign of democracy, but they are one of the most important.

77
Q

Who challenges Chabal and Daloz’s argument?

A

Nicola de Jager- she says things are going to change as opposed to them. View that civil society is real and it is important in holding governments accountable. Unpack democracy into its component parts.

77
Q

Who said this? “Our (admittedly far from cheering) conclusion is that there prevails in Africa a system of politics inimical to development as it is usually understood in the West. … Tempting as it is to think that political liberalization, the so-called democratization of Africa, will facilitate change, there is in the foreseeable future little likelihood that it will”

A

Chabal and Daloz

78
Q

Who Said this?: “If today someone wants to see the behavior of a ‘natural’ lion, he can find the closest approximations in the areas outside park boundaries.”

A

Robert Nelson- critical

79
Q

What is neo-colonialism?

A

the continued use of economic, political, cultural, or other pressures to control or influence other countries who are ostensibly or formally independent.
- Africans in the last half century have been subjected to a new form of colonialism.

80
Q

What is environmental colonialism?

A
  • is about the ways in which a Western vision of what-is-good-for-the-environment is imposed on African states.
  • Contemporary environmentalists are the new colonialists.
81
Q

What is Neo-Third Worldism?

A

idea that all third world countries, developing countries, contribute of majority South that they can act collectively against the West, they can do their own thing and assert their own autonomy.

82
Q

Who said this?: Caretakers in Freetown are a vivid reminder of the marginalized youths that are aware of the system of state corruption but also understand the limits of their ability to change the system”

A

Abu Bah and Ibrahim Bangura

83
Q

Who said this? -  “Military and political elites … often turn to their constituencies and to their ethnicity for protection.”

A

Gerald Bareebe

84
Q

Who said this? - The country [Zaire] was kept together by the loyalty of the regional governors, who were 
essentially warlords. Mobutu was milking whatever cows he had and sending the money directly to these guys. It was a very, very expensive business”

A

Michela Wrong

85
Q

Who said all this? “To be colonized is to be removed from history.”
“Overnight African political states lost their power, independence, and meaning —irrespective of whether they were big empires or small polities. … Political power had passed into the hands of foreign overlords. … So long as it lasted, not a single African state could flourish.”
“In this sense, colonies were the generators of capital rather than the countries into which foreign capital was ploughed. … What was foreign about the capital in colonial Africa was its ownership and not its original source.”

A

Walter Rodney

86
Q

Who said this? Those whose political thinking has been moulded by the Western parliamentary system have now become so used to the Two-Party system that they cannot imagine democracy without it. It is no good telling them that when a group of a hundred people have sat together as equals and talked until they agreed … they have practiced democracy.

A

Julius Nyerere

87
Q

Who said this? At worst, precisely when they become aware of how much is to be done, the leaders are like an executive who frantically pushes the battery of buttons on his desk only to discover that the wiring is nonexistent” and
“ African nationalists knew their countries were poor. Now, however, they acquire great piles of statistical reports issued by international organizations which demonstrate, according to the cruel yardstick of per capita income and other quantitative indexes, that they are at or near the bottom of the universal scale of sovereign states”

A

Aristide Zolberg

88
Q

Who said this? “De-ethnicization and Rwandanicity have become cornerstones of a broader project of building a ‘New Rwanda’ and a re-imagined ‘ideal’ Rwandan citizen”

A

Andrea Purdeková, David Mwambari,

Identity was a construction in some sense

89
Q

Who said this?- the current situation is having the perverse effect of encouraging some African politicians cynically to exploit the image of Africa as a helpless and miserable continent in order to prompt the involvement of NGOs, from which funding and assistance are expected

A

Patrick Chabal and Jean-Pascal Daloz-