Midterm Flashcards

1
Q

Lost Worlds/New Possibilities (Katznelson)

A

Abilities to analyze urban politics hindered by available tools. “Systems of meaning” inadequate in explaining the full story of how cities developed

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2
Q

Economic Place of the city (Katznelson)

A

Cities were hubs for manufacturing by the 1840s after the advent of “railroad towns”. Now cities remain economic monoliths with immediate access to branch managers, execs, etc.

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3
Q

Dependent Politics (Katznelson)

A

Most of the social problems of contemporary cities are the result of uneven development of American capitalism. The relationship between city and suburb has made the former the repository for many problems - relying on federal/statutory aid. (Urban Politics is a politics of dependency)

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4
Q

Buffers (Katznelson)

A

Control apparatus of society may be viewed as a set of coercive, institutional. and symbolic buffers that induce or compel people to act against their interests (usually by just doing nothing). Many residents of cities (minorities)have developed a corporate group consciousness that opposes the dominant meaning system that makes people comply in their subordination.

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5
Q

Social Control (Katznelson)

A

Employs Marxist political-economic concepts to describe major trends in urban affairs. Function of social control is management of consequences of making capitalism work –> a management, not overcoming of the flaws in capitalism.

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6
Q

Urban Struggle and Mimetic Responses (Katznelson)

A

Urban authorities respond
to crisis of control by (1) utilizing the available mech-
anisms of bureaucratic control (including
police repression) and by (2) attempting to create functional substitutes for the largely defunct political machines

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7
Q

Defining the City Interest (Peterson)

A

Policies and programs that maintain or enhance economic position, social prestige, or political city taken as a whole. A policy is in a city’s interest, when it can impact social relationships structured by their taking place within the city’s boundaries.

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8
Q

Economic Interests (Peterson)

A

It is in the city’s interest to help sustain a high quality local infrastructure that attracts all commerce and industry. (Land, Labor, Capital - 1st most important). Urban politics is the politics of land use, so land is the factor of production over which cities exercise the greatest control.

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9
Q

National Development and the Cities (2: Hinze, Judd)

A

US was initially very agrarian and rural. Industrial labor needed a workforce that was cheap and efficient which is where the Irish and many other immigrants came in. Immigration and divergence in culture led to graft and hostility and these dynamics still shape Urban Politics today. Waves of foreign immigration stoked conflict - in fact, the creation of the suburbs was a thing because many were afraid of the “morally dubious minorities” in cities.

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10
Q

Inter-Urban Rivalries (2: Hinze, Judd)

A

“Place luck” and constant fighting for railroad access, turnpikes, canals, et. Many fledgling cities went into debt trying to get these things done in the hopes of paying off with increased revenue. Many cities succeed but many more failed.

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11
Q

Industrialization and Community (2: Hinze, Judd)

A

Transition from aristocratic mercantilism to the industrial city with the advent of navigable waterways, harbors, and a necessity to expand an exclusive economy. There also was a transformation of small businesses to large conglomerates that attracted/spawned many wealthy businessmen who were not shy to display their affluence. This caused an increasing disparage in rapport between the employer and employee.

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12
Q

Immigrant Tide (2: Hinze, Judd)

A

Immigrants offered cheaper labor; between 1820-1919, 35.5 million foreign immigrants came to the U.S. (mostly Irish)

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13
Q

The Capacity to Govern (2: Hinze, Judd)

A

Growing cities required growing governments who could adequately represent the desires of the people. There were many complaints with the current system with a lacking police force, no promotion of local economies, etc. Municipal services were just not enough to keep up with the diverse and urgent needs of the city proper.

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14
Q

Limited Powers of Cities (2: Hinze, Judd)

A

National government was distant and indifferent to city issues. Cities left to their own devices

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15
Q

Machines and Machine-Style Politics (3: Hinze, Judd)

A

Style of politics that relied on material incentive to engender loyalty among any particular bloc of voters (in this case, specifically immigrant voters) It was viewed as a patronage job led by a boss in an incredibly hierarchical system - expended great energy to mobilize voters Burt maintained influence through internal systems of command, coordination, and control.

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16
Q

Origins of Machine Politics (3: Hinze, Judd)

A

Urban machines were made possible by the emergence of a mass electorate and industrialization. POC were disenfranchised, but Jacksonian Democracy allowed many common white people to vote. Combined with the explosive growth of cities, ethnic incumbents could consolidate power relatively easily.

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17
Q

Pyramid Model Incentive (3: Hinze, Judd)

A

Boss, Business Elite, Party Faithful, Upwardly Mobile Ethnic, Working Class, Ethnic Voters.

18
Q

Chicago Pyramid System Machine (3: Hinze, Judd)

A

Boss, Big Boys, Ward Committeemen, Ward Aldermen, Precinct Captains

19
Q

Did Machines “Get the Job Done”? (3: Hinze, Judd)

A

Pros
Enhanced accountability: centralized decision-
making power
Facilitated economic growth: served needs of
business
Promoted political incorporation: avenue of
political and economic mobility for the ethnic elite
Mediated effects of industrial revolution: service
provider for lower class ethnics regarding jobs,
food, housing, law enforcement

Cons
Individual mobility at price of group advancement:
limited upward mobility
Promoted ethnic exclusion: ethnic and racial bias
Economic development also exclusive: left out
business interests not politically connected
Alienation of segments of citizenry: “native”
middle class left out
Misuse of public resources: corruption, graft,
mismanagement

20
Q

The Reformers’ Aims (4: Hinze, Judd)

A

There were problems inherent to the machine system such as mismanagement, graft, etc. But the rhetoric used to combat this ill was very racist and aimed at immigrants. The reformers wanted to make elections more egalitarian, but essentially disenfranchised minorities.

21
Q

Structural Reformers and Their Interests (Fraga PPTX)

A

Middle-class theory of reform: average citizens
Social class theory of reform: business interests
Legacies of the Post-Reconstruction South

(also reform was not initially successful in problem regions since bosses could still hold onto power for some time)

22
Q

Commission and Manager Government (4: Hinze, Judd)

A

Galveston plan laid the foundation for this model - essentially there was a creation of a 5-member commission that exercised the legislative powers previously assigned to the city council with each member having an area of expertise.

23
Q

Reform Legacy (4: Hinze, Judd)

A

Rules governing elections and representations are still debated to this day. What is voter suppression and what is egalitarian voting? Research shows that at-large systems reduce the influence of racial and ethnic minorities.

24
Q

Variation in Party Activity (Bledsoe, Welch)

A

Examination of city size, community education level, and political structure affect strength of urban political parties and how party politics function in cities.

25
Q

Regional Differences (Bledsoe, Welch)

A

South has weaker parties; urban party activity mostly associated with Northeast and Midwest cities. Party activity will be less in cities of the South and West and great in the Midwest.

26
Q

Education Levels (Bledsoe, Welch)

A

Largest factor in determining party strength and alignment due to awareness of the value of social organization to net desired outcomes. Higher level of education in a community = lower level of political party activity.

27
Q

Party Activity and Political Participation (Bledsoe, Welch)

A

Impact of party activity:
Party activity with voters benefits the party. It encourages political participation from a stat standpoint.

28
Q

19th Century Southern White Promises to Respect Black Voting Rights (Kousser)

A

Though whites were at first against reconstruction, and actually ended up letting blacks participate in the voting process (from a legal standpoint) but would physically intimidate them from actually doing it.

29
Q

4 Stages of the Attack on Black Voting Rights after 1st Reconstruction (Kousser)

A

Klan stage, dilution stage, disenfranchisement stage, lily-white stage. Physical intimidation to stop voting, reducing black political power to prevent federal intervention, passing of literacy and property tests that prevented blacks from voting altogether, crushing model that did not let blacks even be able to run for office or represent themselves in any manner (unfair partitions of districts, ballot opportunities, etc.)

30
Q

19th Century Dilution (Kousser)

A

Black votes were diluted by minimizing office holding positions, instilling registration acts, poll taxes, secret ballots, gerrymandering, and even deannexation of territory. (i.e. in 1877, Montgomery deannexed a predominantly black section though the area contained enough valuable industrial property that the process reduced the city’s base tax)

31
Q

Municipal “Reform” and the “Lily-White Stage” (Kousser)

A

Negative effects of the at-large system feeds into the political impossibility of consolidating power for blacks under the at -large system. Making sure that poor people couldn’t participate by extension meant that people could not as well - as the reformers made sure that the government remained “lily-white” (created white primary as well)

32
Q

Municipal Reform Movement and Nonpartisan Slating Groups (Fraga)

A

Organizations that recruit, nominate, finance, and campaign on behalf of a slate of candidates in a system of effective nonpartisanship. Worked to the systematic disadvantage of minorities.

33
Q

Citizens Charter Association (Fraga)

A

CCA (Dallas) established 9 members elected at-large, by place system with a majority requirement. 6 members needed residency, and mayor chosen from the council members. Annual salary was $1040. Certain demographic best able to fill this role.

34
Q

Chamber of Commerce (Hays)

A

A chamber of commerce is an organization of business owners and entrepreneurs who promote the interests of their local business community.
Businesses could exercise more dominance as cities grew with their economies. After mid-1890s, there was widespread organization of chambers of commerce that provided a base for political action to reform municipal government. They essentially structured the votes to their liking. (Tend to nominate white incumbents with a business background. Working class and minority populations were disproportionately underrepresented and were not enthusiastic about white GGL candidates; Good Government League)

35
Q

Information Hypothesis (Hajnal)

A

Black political representation will improve white attitudes toward African Americans and increase the likelihood that whites will vote or black incumbents in elections should they run against white challengers.

36
Q

The Racial Prejudice Hypothesis:
Enduring Racial Stereotypes (Hajnal)

A

It can be arguedthat black representation,no matter
how positive its effect on the white community,will
have no influence on white attitudes toward African Americans or white behavior toward black incumbents.
If racial prejudice is the primary factor behind white
opposition to black empowerment,as many suggest,
then there is little reason to suspect that white views or behavior will change

37
Q

White Backlash (Hajnal)

A

Election of black incumbents may lead to increased hostility between whites and blacks as they would “disrupt traditional balances of power”

38
Q

Dominant Coalition (Browning, Marshall)

A

Minority participation in a coalition able to dominate the city council and secure repeated reelection (response to municipal reform)

39
Q

Demand-Protest (Browning, Marshall)

A

Pattern of minority mobilization (that is self-explanatory) shaped by group size and political support from white liberals

40
Q

Electoral Mobilization (Browning, Marshall)

A

Pattern of minority mobilization not as dependent on sheer numbers. Electoral victory depended on the support of liberal whites as well (creation of electoral coalitions crucial)

41
Q

Patterns of Coalition and Political Incorporation (Browning, Marshall)

A

Weak mobilization/exclusion, protest and exclusion, co-optation and partial incorporation, biracial electoral alliance and strong incorporation.