Marxism Flashcards
Key assumptions
- They largely reject official statistics on crime, making them part of their subject of study. They see them as a social construction (police bias etc) and so underestimate crime (especially middle class crime).
- They believe that crime and deviance is structurally caused (focusing on the way society is organised, offenders social background, upbringing, social position) and socially constructed.
- They link crime and deviance strongly to the concept of power and social control.
- They favour qualitative secondary case studies.
Causes of crime- Criminogenic capitalism
Chambliss (1976) argues that capitalism creates economic inequalities as the powerless (working class) are exploited by the powerful ruling class.
- This exploitation results in poverty and unemployment which in turn explains working class utilitarian (money making) street crime
- Alienation (frustration and lack of control) results in non-utilitarian crime such as violence and vandalism.
- Chambliss (1976) also argues that capitalist values such as profit, wealth creation, competition, and self-interest create pressures on both the middle and working class to commit crime.
- The powerful tend to be drawn to white-collar crime and the powerless to street crimes.
- One example of a white collar crime driven by the desire to make money is the Bhopal Gas disaster. Union Carbide’s concern for profitability meant that profits were put before safety, resulting in a gas explosion in Bhopal killing over 5000 people.
The nature of deviance is socially constructed
- Unlike interactionists, classical Marxists such as Pearce (1976) explain subjective law creation by the state, and in doing so have a stronger view on the links between deviance and power.
- Classical Marxists maintain that most (although not all) laws are largely created by the state to protect the interests of the powerful ruling class.
- For example. Employment and trade union laws implemented by Mrs Thatcher in the 1980s undermined trade union power by limiting numbers on picket lines and requiring secret ballots before strikes.
- Laws which appear to benefit the working class such as workplace health & safety laws perform an ideological function by creating the belief that the law operates equally.
The extent of deviance is socially constructed
- Like interactionists Pearce (1976) suggests that the extent (amount) and distribution (who does it) of crime and deviance is socially constructed.
- He maintains that the law is selectively enforced so that powerless groups (e.g. working class) are more likely to be policed, arrested, and prosecuted than powerful groups.
- For example, the cost of tax fraud is 4 times the cost of dole fraud, yet there are 56 times more prosecutions for dole fraud than tax fraud.
- Unlike interactionists, classical Marxists explain why the law is selectively enforced, giving it a stronger view on the link between deviance and power.
- They argue that selective law enforcement serves to create the belief (an ideological function) that crime is a working class problem and therefore directs attention away from crimes committed by powerful groups For example, British MPs ‘fraudulent’ expenses claims revealed in 2009.
Extension
• It is also said to reduce working class solidarity (togetherness) by creating the belief (ideological function) that working class criminals are the ‘enemy’ rather than the ruling who exploit them on a daily basis.
New Criminology
Neo-Marxists Taylor, Walton and Young (1973) criticise classical Marxist approaches for their determinism (e.g. poverty/unemployment = crime) and ignoring the individual meanings behind crime.
Taylor et al. suggest that a fully social theory of deviance will recognise:
- The wider structural origins of deviant acts.
- The immediate origins of deviant acts.
- The deviant act itself and the meanings it offers.
- The immediate social reactions to acts of deviance.
- The wider social reactions to acts of deviance.
- The effects of labelling.
Toxteth riots
This theoretical proposal explains the Toxteth riots well. These were the result of:
- Long term unemployment amongst Toxteth residents, especially blacks.
- Racist policing strategies.
- The riots were political protest against economic inequality and discrimination.
- The media coverage was biased (behind the police lines), the police response was confrontational and Mrs Thatcher refused to accept allegations of police racism.
- Inappropriate regeneration schemes were created.
- Blacks remained under police suspicion and were more likely to be stopped and searched than whites.
Evaluation
Left Realists
- Left realists attack Marxists for too readily explaining away a lot of young, male, working class, black crime as a social construction.
- They argue that such groups do commit more crime and there are real wider external social/structural causes for it, which Marxists in part accept.
- However, they criticise classical Marxists crude deterministic explanations of crime (e.g. unemployment and poverty = crime). Left realists argue instead that young, male, working class, black crime can be understood as a response to marginalisation, relative deprivation and subcultures.
- Furthermore they suggest that Marxism lacks any practical social policy focus. Left realists put forward realistic solutions to try and reduce crime, for example restorative justice programmes.
Functionalism
Functionalists attack Marxists for too readily explaining away young, male, working class, black crime as a social construction.
- They argue that such groups do commit more crime and there are real wider external social/ structural causes for it, which Marxists in part accept.
- However, they criticise Marxist explanations of crime. Unlike Marxists they claim that young, male, working class, black crime can be understood as a wider response to anomie/blocked opportunities and subcultures.
- Functionalists also criticise Marxists for offering a conspiracy theory. They argue laws are created which reflect a value consensus (shared by everyone) and protect the interests of society as a whole, not just a ruling class.