Lecture 8: Social Cognition Flashcards

1
Q

(wasn’t here for this lecture so may be missing some things)

The story so far with communication

A

Communication occurs when one person intentionally sends another person a signal and it is processed
Although it is not clear if infants intentionally send other people signals from birth, attachment research suggests they are (cumulatively) affected by the signals they receive
From around 12 months, the production of points (together with gaze alternation) offer clearer evidence for intentional signal sending
Moreover, 12 month olds act appropriately on other peoples’ referential signals, giving the impression that they see the other person as a communicative agent

Behaviourally 12-month-olds show explicit awareness of other people (sending and receiving signals), but does this evidence suggest that infants infer that other people have minds like their own?

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2
Q

Why does communication occur?

-mostly questions

A

How do infants profit from exchanging signals?

Why is this profit potentially important for communication debate?
If communication is built through reinforcement or innate learning rules, we might question the level of intentionality involved
Communication COULD function on an automatic basis

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3
Q

Social Cognition

A

Regardless of communication debate, when children become aware of their own and other people’s minds (intentions, desires, beliefs) is an important social development

Today: How can we tell when children begin to REASON about other people’s minds?
Evidence of thinking about other’s intentions and desires from referential communication
Evidence of thinking about other’s beliefs

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4
Q

Can referential communication tell us when children become ‘mind readers’?

A

Referential communication definitely makes > 12-month-olds LOOK like mind readers (they can engage with other people and follow their signals) but are they frauds?

Recall communication session, D’Entremont, Hains & Muir (1997) 3 to 6-month-olds follow adult head turns to look at puppet

Seems they are tracking other’s visual attention (communicative intent?)

BUT infants may automatically orient in same direction as social partners……this would be an evolutionarily adaptive mechanism (either learnt or innate)

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5
Q

Can referential communication tell us when children become ‘mind readers’?

  • Any evidence that infants responses to other’s signals function on an automatic basis?
  • Caron et al 2002
  • other studies
A

Caron et al (2002) compare gaze following when eyes open and closed………

Younger infants follow head turns even when the adults eyes are closed.

Older infants understand that head turns are only a valuable signal if the adults eyes are open (12 months vs 14 months)

They distinguish between communicative and non communicative signals

Problem with this study?
-Caron et al’s (2002) study lacks ecological validity, people with their eyes closed are usually still, not turning their head.

-Studies which introduce more ecologically valid barriers to vision in the context of communication may give more valid results

Recall communication session,

  • Moll and Tomasello (2004) 12-month-olds orient behind barriers to find what adults are looking at
  • Behne, Carpenter & Tomasello (2005) 14- to 24-month-olds can follow adult’s points and looks to find toys hidden in boxes
  • Csibra & Volien (2008) 8- to 12-month-old infants expect adults to look at referents behind barrier (violation of expectation when don’t)

These studies imply that, at least by 12 months, infants understand that there is a link between where other people look and interesting events
The infants don’t simply track the adults point/line of sight to the boring barrier (an automatic orienting system) they reason that something interesting is likely to lie behind it

12-month-old infants expect adults to be looking at or communicating about interesting referents, and they will search in the salient area to find them

Including a natural barrier to vision is meant to allow us to infer that infants EXPLICITLY expect a referent to be associated with overt communicative signals like points and/or gaze alternation, they aren’t just orienting automatically

This would imply that they understand the adult has communicative intent

BUT is automatic or learnt behaviour REALLY ruled out?
Might infants have learnt over time that adults points/gaze alternation are usually associated with a nearby interesting referent?
Might the innate (evolutionarily adaptive) rule be follow others signals, and terminate search only when interesting referent found?

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6
Q

Can referential communication tell us when children become ‘mind readers’?

  • How could we decide if children are really reasoning about communicative intent?
  • Behne, Carpenter and Tomasello 2005
A

How could we decide if children are really reasoning about communicative intent?

From communication session: Behne, Carpenter & Tomasello (2005) Study 1, 14- to 24-month-olds can follow adults looks and points to find toys hidden in boxes.

Study 2, What happens when the adult doesn’t overtly try to help the infant, but gazes absent mindedly between target box and infant, or points but looks at their hand rather than the box?

  • 14, 18 and 24 months
  • on both pointing and looking trials when intentional greater percentage look at correct location versus incorrect, when unintentional, looks are same for correct and incorrect locations

-It seems 14-month-olds aren’t simply using a basic orienting system, leading Behne, Carpenter & Tomasello (2005) to claim they understand other’s communicative intent (have TOM)

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7
Q

Can referential communication tell us when children become ‘mind readers’?

  • same in normal social interations
  • hypothesis suggested
A

However, in normal social interactions there are a host of external cues which could become associated with whether a signal is worth following (Behne, Carpenter & Tomasello’s (2005) study makes use of this fact)

This had led to lean interpretations of early social interaction such as the “orienting and engagement hypothesis” (See D’Entremont and Seamans (2002) for discussion)
An innate orienting function directs infants’ attention to the location that the adult is looking toward
Later, a learnt engagement function allows infants to determine whether adults are engaged and so can be expected to act meaningfully. For example, the evidence we have covered suggests by 14-months infants have learned that adults are more likely to be engaged with them if their eyes are open or if they do not appear distracted
From this point onwards, the engagement function determines whether the infant will act on the signal to find an interesting referent. The idea is that signal following in certain situations has been extinguished over time

According to orienting and engagement hypothesis 14-month-olds don’t have a mentalistic understanding that seeing = knowing. They have simply learnt that closed eyes cancel out signal value

Evidence that mentalistic understanding comes later?

Moll and Tomasello (2006) Adult enters room “Where is it?” Two objects, one out in open, other visible for the child but behind a barrier from the adult’s perspective

Which object should the child infer the adult is searching for?
Hidden object. Adult most likely to be searching for object can’t see because if adult can SEE it, they KNOW where it is (seeing = knowing)
24-month-old children, but not 18-month-old children, handed adult the hidden object more often than the visible one
Suggests young children don’t appreciate the link between seeing and knowing

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8
Q

Can referential communication tell us when children become ‘mind readers’?
-counter evidence of the orienting and engagement hypothesis

A

Counterevidence?

Tomasello and Haberl (2003) 12- and 18-month-old infants engaged in interaction with experimenters 1 and 2, experimenter 1 leaves room, so misses play session with object 1, but returns for play with objects 2 and 3. At the end of the session, all three objects are put on the table. Experimenter 1 exclaims “wow!!! Look at that!! Give it to me please!”

Which of the three test objects should the infant infer experimenter 1 wants in the experimental condition?
Adult most likely to be interested in seeing an object novel to them (object 1)
Children as young as 12-months hand over object 1 more than other objects

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9
Q

Can referential communication tell us when children become ‘mind readers’?

  • past two experiments
  • how can we explain the conflicting evidence?
A

These paradigms look very similar, how can we explain the conflicting evidence?

Moll and Tomasello (2007)
Joint engagement condition= infant, experimenter 1, and experimenter 2 play with objects together (as in Tomasello and Haberl (2003))
Onlooking = Experimenter 1 takes on role of observer
In both conditions Experimenter 1 leaves room during presentation of one object, later sees all objects on table, and says “wow!!!Look at that!! Give it to me please!”
14- and 18-month-olds above chance in joint engagement condition only!!

Younger infants may equate joint or overt engagement with knowing, rather than seeing (only later realising seeing is the minimum condition)

Nevertheless, they appear to be understand something about other minds…..

It is difficult to see how the infants would be able to ‘predict’ what the adult was looking for in these situations without a representation of their mental state
Hypothetically, I may have learnt over time to respond to your communicative overtures by handing you an object I had never seen you engage with
BUT the opposite situation, where you WANT an object I have previously seen you engage with, would occur just as often………

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10
Q

Can referential communication tell us when children become ‘mind readers’?

  • Liszkowski et al 2006
  • and summary of results from all experiments on this
A

Recall from communication session: Liszkowski et al (2006; Exp 2)
Experimenter used object (e.g. hole punch) in front of infant, distracter object also present
These objects were then displaced (dropped by accident or moved by E2)
E1 looked around for the object and said, where is it?

Children as young as 12-months pointed more often to target (used object) than distracter (e.g. paper)

In this context, 12-month-olds infer adult is likely to be looking for object previously shown interest in – a familiar object

It seems that children as young as 12-months show evidence of REASONING about other’s communicative intentions

This is damaging for the orienting and engagement hypothesis, and supports the claim that early communication is intentional
If the communicative signals I send cannot be explained by automatic, learnt responses, it is reasonable to assume that I am sending them intentionally
If I act on other’s intentions, and this cannot be explained by automatic learnt responses, it is reasonable to assume that I understand that other people have communicative intent

If I understand that other people have communicative INTENT then I understand at least one type of intention (have theory of mind)

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11
Q

Can referential communication tell us when children become ‘mind readers’?
-need more evidence that young infants understand intentions?

A

Need more evidence that young infants understand intentions? Warneken & Tomasello (2006):

eg. out of reach (eg cloths pin), physical object (eg can’t open cabinet), wrong result (eg. books in stack), wrong means (eg flap)
-(However, the chimpanzees did not help the
human reliably in the other types of tasks—that
is, in those involving physical obstacles, wrong
results, or wrong means.)

When the same actions were performed in an intentional way (no referential signals of problem) 18-month-olds didn’t bother to help

We’ll consider WHY children may have been motivated to help in session four
And if other species do this in session five…..

  • > look article
  • > look videos
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12
Q

Can we use referential communication to tell us when children become emotional ‘mind readers’?
- Repacholi (1998)

A

It seems that as early as 12-months infants not only try to share their own goals with other people (see communication session), but begin to understand that other people have goals (this session)

Does that mean they understand other people’s emotional desires?
Emotional cues minimal in the studies discussed so far

Can we use referential communication to tell us when children become emotional ‘mind readers’?

Recall from communication session: Repacholi (1998) 14- to 18-month-olds
Visual task adult signaled happiness or disgust on opening a box (contents hidden to infant)
Tactile task adult signaled happiness or disgust when putting hand in closed box.
Infants then allowed to interact with boxes

Does this imply they EXPLICTLY understood that the adult was happy and disgusted about the contents of the box?
May have learnt overtime to avoid things other’s react to negatively, approach things other’s react to positively

Need situation where infant and adult reactions are mismatched to rule out this explanation…..

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13
Q

Can we use referential communication to tell us when children become emotional ‘mind readers’?
-Repacholi and Gopnik (1997)

A

Repacholi and Gopnik (1997) desire experiment.
Ask 14- and 18-month-old infants, which food item do you prefer?
In the mismatch condition the experimenter uses strong emotional expressions to express disgust for food item the child prefers (animal crackers) and liking towards the other item (broccoli)
In the match condition the experimenter uses strong emotional expressions to express liking for food item the child prefers (animal crackers) and disgust toward the other item (broccoli).
The experimenter then asks the infant for ‘food’………

14-month-olds hand over the animal crackers (their preference) regardless of the adults preference

18-month-olds take into account the adults preference, delivering broccoli when it is desired.

Suggests that by 18-months infants age are beginning to reason non egocentrically about other peoples desires (and communicative intent)

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14
Q

Summary of experiments

Can referential communication tell us when children become ‘mind readers’?

A

Provided you use an ambiguous situation where the infant has to PREDICT what a persons referential signals are about (rather than simply following their line of sight/point straight to an object) you CAN use referential communication to tell you when children become mind readers

Exact age of onset varies with methodology, but evidence from these studies suggests that children begin to reason about other peoples’ knowledge, intentions and desires from between 12- and 18- months of age

What about other people’s beliefs? And what makes these special?

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15
Q

When do children start to ‘mind read’ other’s beliefs?

-What makes beliefs special?

A

What makes beliefs special?
Intentions and desires are subjective, they have no basis in the onlookers reality and so cannot be disproved
Only beliefs make claims about current reality, and so their content can be disproved

If you are to successfully predict my behaviour, you will have to understand that my beliefs may be contrary to reality
This is the traditional way to measure theory of mind
It’s a good way to measure theory of mind because behaviours which run contrary to reality are relatively rare
If you PREDICT an uncommon pattern of behaviour, it is likely that you used reasoning rather than automatic/learnt response

eg I want to marry George Clooney

I intend to marry George Clooney

I am married to George Clooney

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16
Q

When do children start to ‘mind read’ other’s beliefs? (TOM)

  • Wimmer and Perner 1983
  • Gopnik and Astington 1988
A

Unexpected transfer task (Wimmer and Perner, 1983).
4-year-olds: Sally will look where she last saw it (in the basket).
3-year-olds: Sally will look where it is (in the box).

Only 4-year-olds predict that others will act contrary to reality, based on their false belief/ignorance

See Wellman et al (2001) for various refinements/evidence of robustness. Can you think of any important controls?

  • Memory checks
  • Videos/real life rather story
  • Where will Sally look FIRST?

Unexpected contents task (Gopnik & Astington, 1988). What do you think is in this smartie tube? Contents revealed to be crayons. What did you think was inside? What would your friend think?
4-year-olds: I thought it was sweets, they will think it was sweets.
3-year-olds: I thought it was crayons, they will think it was crayons.

4-year-olds acknowledge false belief. What is the 3-year-olds answer based on?
Reality (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8icVEznB6zs&feature=youtu.be)

Just a memory problem?
Saltmarsh, Mitchell & Robinson (1991) box loaded with unexpected contents twice. Stage 1 contents revealed to be toothbrush, Stage 2 contents revealed to be pencils. Asked 3-year-olds, when you first saw the box what was inside? A. toothbrush. When you first saw the box what did you think was inside? A. pencils

17
Q

When do children start to ‘mind read’ other’s beliefs?

  • more natural setting
  • Carlson et al. 1998
A

More natural setting? Intentional deception (Carlson et al, 1998)

Exp 1, 2 and child play game involving hiding toy in boxes. Exp 2 leaves room. Child encouraged by Exp 1 to play a trick on Exp 2 by pointing where the toy isn’t. Child enthusiastically agrees. Exp 2 returns to the room and asks “where is the toy?”
4-year-olds point to box where toy isn’t hidden (instilling false belief)
3-year-olds point to box where it is (instilling true belief)

What do 3-year-old’s responses seem to based on?
Reality

What might 3-year-old’s problem be?
Inhibition, reality has a big pull!
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=I4PRJwJr_eo&feature=youtu.be
eg “Mommy says” younger still does even when don’t say “mommy says”

I want you to deceive me…

18
Q

When do children start to ‘mind read’ other’s beliefs?

-might 3-year olds be being underestimated?

A

Might 3-year-olds be being underestimated?

  • Passing the false belief task is positively associated with inhibition skills (e.g. Carlson & Moses, 2001)
  • But, longitudinal studies show that inhibition tasks are ‘passed’ BEFORE false belief tasks are passed.
  • Does this confirm that something else (such as a development in false belief understanding) is required to pass the false belief task (Flynn et al., 2004)?
  • The false belief task has an IMPLICIT requirement for inhibition. It may be a harder test of inhibition than tasks where inhibition is the EXPLICIT requirement (e.g. Bear/dragon task)

The above based on circumstantial evidence/theoretical reasoning. Experimental evidence underestimation?
-Clements and Perner’s (1994) analysis of eye gaze during unexpected transfer false belief task. Where will Sally look for the ball?
-younger children might not name (explicit) but look (implicit)
eg 2:11 -3:2: naming 20%, looking 80%
->looking and naming increase as get older

-Garnham and Ruffman (2001) maybe children look to correct location, not due to an understanding of false belief, but due to a visual association they have made between that character and that location?

How could we test this?
What if Sally is also associated with another location? If visual association looking should be 50-50

Garnham and Ruffman (2001) three locations, Sally visits two.
72% of 3- to 4-year-olds looked longer to correct (false belief) location, only 19% gave correct answer

19
Q

When do children start to ‘mind read’ other’s beliefs?

  • VOE false belief
  • Onishi & Baillergeon (2005)
A

Onishi & Baillergeon (2005) if understanding of beliefs, infants (now 15-month-olds!) should show violation of expectation effect
True belief condition – adult placed object in box, infant and adult watched object move, adult returned and searched
False belief condition - adult placed object in box, adult absent whilst infant watched object move, adult returned and searched
-true belief: incorrect search more than correct
-false belief: correct search more than incorrect

-Replication Southgate et al (2007) 2-year-olds eye tracker, Surian et al (2007) 13-month-olds. Seems reliable. Surian & Geraci (2011) works even when not people but shapes!
This evidence suggests that infants can use true and false beliefs to make predictions about behaviour at the same time as intention and desire……

Heyes (2014) for a comprehensive rebuttal of VOE false belief evidence!
-I argue that their results can be explained by the operation of domain-general processes and in terms of ‘low-level novelty’. This hypothesis suggests that the infants’ looking behaviour is a function of the degree to which the observed (perceptual novelty) and remembered or expected (imaginal novelty) low-level properties of the test stimuli – their colours, shapes and movements – are novel with respect to events encoded by the infants earlier in the experiment.
-However, I suggest that the use of two experimental strategies – inanimate control procedures, and self-informed belief induction – could be used in combination with existing methods to bring us much closer to understanding the evolutionary and
developmental origins of theory of mind.

20
Q

When do children start to ‘mind read’ other’s beliefs?
Small differences in looking time ambiguous expression of complex understanding. Any EXPLICIT evidence
-Carpenter et al 2002

A

Small differences in looking time ambiguous expression of complex understanding. Any EXPLICIT evidence?

Carpenter et al (2002) tested 2- to 3-year-olds on traditional false belief task and on a communication version
True Belief condition: Exp 1 observes exp 2 put novel object in a box, then leaves the room. Exp 2 then takes novel object out of the box, looks at it, and puts it back in. Exp 1 returns, announces her attention to get the ‘dax’ and tries to open the box.
False Belief condition: Exp 1 observes exp 2 put novel object in a box, then leaves the room. Exp 2 then takes novel object out of the box and swaps it with another. Exp 1 returns, announces her attention to get the ‘dax’ and tries to open the box.
Exp 1 can’t get container open, so goes to play with other toys, in the meantime Exp 2 puts the target object on the table, along with the other novel object. Exp 1 turns round and says, oh good, the dax! And to the child: Can you get me the dax?

-In both conditions the child should fetch the object that was inside the box first, despite having witnessed the experimenter apparently trying to get to a different toy in the false belief condition

The majority of children select the correct object in the true belief condition, but only 50% succeed in the false belief condition
Modification to remove ‘pull of the real’. In false belief condition Exp 1 saw object being swapped, then left room, and while away box emptied (target now whatever was in box second)
This modification also removes potential confound = exp 1 only seen/associated with one of the objects

21
Q

When do children start to ‘mind read’ other’s beliefs?

-Hala and Russel 2001

A

Modifications to remove the pull of the real have also proven successful in deception experiments.

Hala and Russell (2001) modification of windows task
Windows task : child can see contents of two boxes (as they have windows cut out on one side), competitor can’t see. Point to the box you want your opponent to open, he will get the contents
Despite high motivation to get treat for self (and understanding task) 3-year-old’s usually point to the box with the treat

anarchic hand syndrome?

Point naturally related to objects (particularly desired ones). Why?
Reach

Hala and Russell (2001) relieved inhibitory demands by having children place a marker on the box…………
-marker condition more participants correct than in delay and standard conditions

22
Q

When do children start to ‘mind read’ other’s beliefs?

-summary of evidence so far

A

3-year-olds fail ‘traditional’ false belief tasks if passing based on explicit response (point or verbal). This may be due to the need for them to inhibit ‘the pull of the real’

When we sidestep inhibitory demands by ‘reading’ children’s implicit responses (in anticipatory looking or violation of expectation studies) we find infants as young as 13-months appear to make predictions based on false beliefs
But this involves some mind-reading on our part!

When we reduce inhibitory demands and test theory of mind in social contexts where children are MOTIVATED to understand false belief (language learning and deception) we find that performance improves on traditional tasks and 3-year-olds pass
But can we adapt these tasks for use with still younger children?

23
Q

When do children start to ‘mind read’ other’s beliefs?

-tranditional vs new evidence

A

Evidence from communication tasks which require infants to predict others knowledge, intentions and desires suggests that theory of mind begins to develop between the ages of 12 and 18-months

Traditional evidence from narrative based belief tasks suggest that an understanding of beliefs (ideas that can be correct or incorrect i.e. at odds with reality) onsets suddenly at 4 years.

New evidence is emerging to suggest that development more continuous.

Perfect example mode of measurement matters…

Feeds into debate on HOW children become mind readers
Abrupt change at age 4 years lead some to suggest innate (but delayed) neurological ‘module’ for false belief understanding (modulation theory)
Others suggest TOM works exactly like a theory, we build up representations of typical behaviour, and begin to draw inferences about mental states (theory-theory)
Others suggest we compute TOM by analogy, by thinking about how we would explain or predict our own behaviour in the situation (simulation theory)