lecture 3 - domestic politics (winners and losers) Flashcards
recap last class
Global organizations (WTO) are being replaced by a network of regional and preferential trade agreements.
Trade’s distributional consequences + two frameworks of the consequences
in the short run not everyone benefits from trade, free trade produces winners and losers
- GDP increases, but not everyone better-off, there are some losers
frameworks of distributional consequences: who wins, who loses?
models that predict who are the losers and winners = gonna be on exam
- Stolper-Samuelson Theorem = factor based model/approach
= emphasizes factors of production (i.e. labor (high/low), capital and land) - Ricardo-Viner Model = sector based model/approach
= emphasizes industries/sectors
!there are more theories, explaining diff elements of trade (e.g. factor approach hard to explain why Japan and EU trade (similar factors))
trade policy is shaped by:
- distribution of winners and losers
- government’s response to winners and losers
- institutions that constrain the gov’s response
- international interaction
factors of production
(factor based approach distributional consequences)
stuff needed to produce anything
- skilled labor (uni prof, high tech workers)
- unskilled labor (factory workers, farmers)
- land (natural resources, growing crops etc.)
- capital (necessary for investment)
(diff skilled and unskilled = years of education = NOT value-based)
pareto optimum
no potential agreement that can make someone better off without making someone else worse off
Heckscher-Ohlin trade theory
makes prediction on what a country exports
country:
- export goods that make intensive use of resources the country has in abundance
- imports goods that make intensive use of the resources in which the country is scarce
industrial countries = rich in capital and skilled labor
-> export goods that are capital-intensive and require skills
developing countries = rich in land, raw materials or unskilled labor
-> export goods that are land-intensive, resource intensive or require unskilled labor
!abundance RELATIVE to other factors in other countries, focus on global supply not national supply
Stolper-Samuelson Theorem
= factor based approach
trade benefits owners of factors of production used to produce exported goods
- get higher wages bc demand increases while aanbod does not change bc export
- usually the abundant factor (Heckscher-Ohlin)
- artificially restricting trade hurts owners of abundant factors
- natural comparative advantage if you have abundance and others don’t (not on slide, she said smth like this)
e.g. Africa land is abundant relative to capital and skilled labor -> free trade: export agriculture + returns to land would increase -> landowners in African countries are econ worse off if dev. countries protect their agricultural markets
trade hurts owners of factors of production used to produce imported goods
- usually the scarce factor
- artificially restricting trade raises the income of owners of scarce factors
- less demand bc imports are cheaper -> lower wages
e.g. Germany: abundance of capital, little unskilled labor -> imports unskilled labor-intensive goods -> less-skilled Germans income decreases when trade is liberalized (import competition + les sproduction) -> German unskilled workers benefit from tariffs/quotas/NTBs
example Stolper-Samuelson
focus on: capital and unskilled labor
China = labor abundant (unskilled labor abundant, capital scarce)
-> labor/workers wins from trade liberalization
Netherlands = capital abundant (scarce in unskilled labor)
-> trade liberalization capital owners win
ABUNDANCE -> wins, so e.g. capital wins, labor wins
summary Stopler-Samuelson + assumption + prediction
- owners of the scarce factors always lose from liberalization
- owners of the abundant factor always win
- assumes factors (capital, labor and land) are perfectly mobile within the country
factor-wide wage, return to capital effects can only occur when people switch between sectors
(rewatch lecture?) - predicts that trade policy generates class conflict
core assumption = factor mobility
- factor mobility = the ease with which factors can move from one industry to another (within the country)
- assumes tht capital and labor are perfectly mobile: investment in A is the same as investment in B, unskilled labor can easily switched to skilled labor or vice versa
- if factors are immobile, i.e. cannot move between industries
- usually presume they are mobile on the medium run (not short run)
!is heroic assumption (at least on the short term: switch to make diff product, switch career)
Ricardo-Viner Approach
= sector approach/framework of distributional consequences
no focus on owners of factors of production, but on industry or sector of the economy that employs an indiviual
two types of industries:
- import-competing = sectors that produce stuff that is also imported
- export-oriented = sectors that export
!types are still determined by factor endowments and relative factor intensity
- capital-intensive sectors in capital abundant countries will be export oriented (e.g. German cars)
- labor-intensive sectors in labor-scarce countries will be import oriented (e.g. German apparel sector)
example:
restriction automobile imports helps both capital holders (executives/shareholders) + workers (employees) in the automative sector
what matters = does your sector grow or contract? not focus on your own factor, but the sector as a whole
-> sector based conflict rather than class-based (owners and workers are on the same side of an issue)
factor mobility
Ricardo-Viner and Stolper-Samuelson assume that factors are immobile across border
- labor, capital and land dont move between countries
BUT: capital can be mobile through international investment + labor can be mobile through migration
-> factor endowments can change across borders (which is not what these models assume)
do public preferences align with our frameworks?
predictions
Stolper-Samuelson would predict:
- people with abundant factor should support free trade
- people with scarce factor should oppose free trade
Ricardo-Viner would predict:
- people employed in exporting sectors should support free trade
- people employed in importing sectors should oppose free trade
empirical evidence
2021 US:
- factor endowments: prediction = higher skill -> less support for trade restrictions
- occupational sector: prediction = working in more competitive sector -> less support for trade restrictions
do public preferences align with our frameworks?
US 2021
Scheve and Slaughter
factor endowments: high-skill level, measured by:
- occupation wage: higher skill -> higher wage
- education years
prediction = higher skill -> less support for trade restriction
occupational sector:
- industry’s tariff rate (more comparative disadvantage more protection)
- sector net export share of respondents’ industry (more export than import = export oriented)
prediction (rewatch) =
higher wage = less in favor of trade restrictions = pro-trade = in line with factor model prediction
education years = more education = less favorable of trade restrictions = pro-trade = in line with factor model prediction
sector tariff -> higher tariff, more likely to be import-competing -> support more trade restrictions
!with control variables this changes
sector net-export share = negative effects in line with the sector model
!this is also not very statistically significant and changes with control variables
-> clear support factor model, not so clear support for the sector model
do public preferences align with our frameworks?
Tunisia 2019
Jamal and Milner
Tunisia = abundant in low-skilled labor
occupational sector:
- exporting sector vs import-competing/non-traders/public
- prediction: working in an export sector => more support for free trade
include an experiment where they tell people about Ricardo-Viner Model predictions
model 1 = no information -> coefficients not that diff from each others = no support for sector model
model 2 = give info on what sector people are in -> exporters less positive about free trade than import-competing
model 3 = effects info -> proof
people don’t know their interests
!also look at factor endowments, measured through skill level education, don’t find anything (may be bc measurement error)
do public preferences align with our frameworks?
a critique of this whole enterprise
- individuals don’t know much about trade or how it affects them (don’t know what their interests are)
- preferences are not purely individualistic or economic:
- national security concerns: citizens may support trade agreements with friends, not rivals
- socio-tropic preferences: people don’t think of themselves but think out what’s good for the country - beyond calculating rationality:
- psychological approach to trade preferences: idnividuals want to reward ‘friends’ with trade and punish enemies
- people care about what is fair
- ideational leaders and the media shape how people perceive their trade interests
Mansfield and Mutz: people are not only self-interested + people are sensitive to party cues + preferences as isolationalism and ethnocentrism
party cues: e.g. Trump saying trade is terrible for the US -> from 2016 Republicans against trade (they were positive before)