Labour in the inter-war period Flashcards
1
Q
Thorpe
A
- There was nothing inevitable about the ‘forward march’ of Labour
- Labour remained little more than a trade union pressure group before 1914 – was not about to displace the Liberals as the main anti-Conservative party
- WW1 dramatically enhanced the legitimacy of collectivism and Trade Unions, but this was no immediately translated into electoral success for Labour. (Nb collectivism of trade and industry).
- Labour had poor organisation outside its industrial heartland in the 1920s. Limited appeal in the 1923 election. Only in 1945 did Labour make significant advances in working-class areas of Birmingham, Liverpool and London. G
- The collapse of the Ramsay MacDonald government in 1931 exaggerated, rather than caused, the precariousness of Labour’s electoral position
- The vagueness of Labour’s policies were responsible for the failure of the second government
- Women’s movement was ‘marginalised’.
- MacDonald ‘tired easily, [showed] poor judgement, and [was] rather aloof and difficult with colleagues’
- Labour was unfortunate to win the 1929 election.
2
Q
Griffiths
A
- Labour fared badly in rural areas
- A substantial section of the Labour party regarded the rural areas as politically backward (Marx: ‘the idiocy of rural life’)
- Between 1918 and 1939 most of the old Liberal urban areas went to Labour, but hardly any of the rural ones did.
- Core of book is on following conflict: there was no ‘natural’ link between the rural and Conservatism, so Labour must have in some way failed to gain the support of the countryside.
- Small successes and progress; by 1935-9 the Labour party had real success in rural areas. E.g. there were hardly any rural constituencies without a Divisional Labour Party (big contrast to 1918). By 1939 Labour had doubled its number of rural seats (but this was still less than 20)
- Although still based on land nationalisation and a living wage in agriculture, Labour policy towards rural areas moved to a real policy for the whole of agriculture and the countryside.
- We must not forget the successes of Labour’s short times in government; 1924 government reinstated the Wages Board, encouraging rural house building. Introduced the sugar beet subsidy – key element of the survival of many arable farms. 1929-31- introduction of marketing schemes, crucial to the recovery of sections of agriculture in the 1930s.
- BUT there were many difficulties in maintaining support over a large geograophical area without unionised workforce.
- The unevenness of the countryside was a problem; distinctive economies and social geographies.
3
Q
Owen
A
- Tests the claim that certain Labour MPs and ministers in the 1920s succumbed to an ‘aristocratic embrace’.
- Examines 1924 dispute over the wearing of the Court Dress by some Labour ministers. Participation in Parliamentary rituals was always acceptable because Parliament was regarded as a class-neutral arena. The issue split the party because it could not decide whether it conveyed social superiority – as ‘incorruptibles’ thought – or equal status – as MacDonald claimed.
- Assesses the usefulness of the idea of ‘aristocratic embrace’ in explaining MacDonald’s defection from the Labour Party in 1931.
4
Q
Miliband
A
- Throughout the early history of the Labour party, the ideals of socialism were blasted by the ‘Establishment’.
- Triumph of Labourism over Socialism – crucial question is whether the Labour Party is concerned with attempts at a more humane administration of a capitalist society, or the creation of a socialist one.
- The history of the 1930s could have been very different but for Labour’s failure to provide effective opposition outside Parliament.
- Brings to light the authoritarian bias of Labour’s left fringe.
- Miliband sees British society as heavily divided by class – Labour’s leaders failed to defent the interests of the working class.
5
Q
Worley
A
• The inter-war years were a watershed for the Labour party.
• Rise until 1931:
- Labour took advantage of conditions after WW1 (divided Liberals…). Labour was successful because it managed to adapt to different political cultures through versatile and undogmatic approach to politics. Vision of social reform went beyond the workplace (in particular to do with housing).
• Labour’s relationship with the Trade Unions provided the backbone of the party in many parts of the UK
• Main aim of 1924 and 1929 governments was to demonstrate that the Labour party could govern effectively. Limited achievements, because of a focus on moderation.
• Internal critics of Parliamentary Socialism – ILP and CPGP (Communist Party of Great Britain).
• Electoral disaster of 1931 should not detract from the fact that the party survived. The party was not split – the majority of leaders did not follow MacDonald. Personal issue?? Paved the way for a younger generation of Labour leaders.
• One of the most important programmatic reorganisations in this period was a turn towards national policies and away from previous commitment to municipal socialism (local government-led social reform).
• The Labour party looked very different in different parts of the British Isles.
• In the second half of the 30s Labour was unable to challenge the political hegemony of the Conservatives.
• Labour’s identity shifted at a national and local level, driving the Attlee government into power.
6
Q
Macintyre
A
- During the 1920s Socialism was thought to be inevitable
- During the 1920s only a minority of British voters committed themselves to socialism/voting for the Labour party.
- The working class lacked class consciousness in the 1920s. Why? Labour party not established, fear of Communism. Situation started to change when it became clear that Labour was not a passing phenomenon.
- Defines working class as ‘those who earned their livelihood by selling their Labour power’.
- After electoral defeat in October 1924, Labour claimed that the Tories had won because of their ‘possession of a huge press able to broadcast their lies’.
7
Q
Beers
A
- The Conservative Party and the Conservative press were relentless in their smearing of the democratic Labour party as being the same as the Bolsheviks in Russia. E.g. in one Conservative publication, under ‘Socialist politics’, the activities of the Labour Party were mixed with reports of the Communist Party of Great Britain and the Russia Bolsheviks.
- ‘Zinoviev letter’ was a forgery used to damage Labour in the 1924 election. Follows on from earlier smears.
- As a result of the smearing Labour avoided the ‘capitalist press’, which was detrimental to their campaign.
- As the 1920s progressed, Labour figures tried to cultivate the Conservative press. E.g. Ellen Wilkinson (MP for Jarrow) wrote articles for Conservative-supporting Daily Express.
- Post-1931 Bevin was a major force for realism post-31; E.g. he promoted the mass circulation of the socialist Daily Herald; in 1933 it became the first British newspaper to secure 2m readers.
- MacDonald was lazy and hopeless in preparing for the first political broadcasts of 1924, but Philip Snowden was seen as excellent.
- Labour party’s propaganda was directed skilfully at different groups of electors.
8
Q
Caterall
A
- Liberals were the traditional allies of the free churches
- Whilst attitudes towards the Labour party changed within free church institutions during the inter-war years they did not become important supporters of the party, or greatly influence it.
- However, a considerable number of nonconformists were active and influential within the party.
- Labour MPs became main carriers of nonconformist conscience on issues such as drink and gambling. Development of the ideals of the Labour party also shaped by non-conformism.
9
Q
Lawrence
A
- Britain was heavily divided by class, even if there is contention over where we drew the lines.
- Class feeling intensified amidst the social and industrial turmoil of the immediate post-war years. As a result, Labour and the unions gained in popularity; diffused hostility to industrial militancy e.g. 8-hour day. Won a publicity with the government over the national rail strike of September 1919.
- As the economy turned in 1920, clamour of the radical right against waste and socialism increased.
- The war accentuated class polarisation; this politicisation of class feeling accounted for Labour’s post-war breakthrough. It retained a core of support despite attacks against socialism and 1931 crisis
- BUT Labour leaders saw class feeling as a problem to overcome, not an opportunity to exploit; distanced themselves from the languages of class.
- The Labour party’ construction of politics which transcended class feeling in the inter-war years was crucial for their victory in 1945. Even though Conservatives dominated the inter-war period, there were long-term implications of Labour’s strategy.
- Labour argued the more communitarian politics was the antithesis of strikes and class enmity (this would appease middle-class voters).
10
Q
Thorpe: The Failure of Political Extremism in inter-war Britain.
A
- Britain was not as badly hit by economic dislocation as other countries which succumbed to extremism. E.g. high inflation in Germany. ‘the relative flatness of Britain’s inter-war economic performance helped relatively flat politicians like Baldwin and MacDonald retain control’.
- Inter-war migration trends not so dramatic for Britain
- Britain’s population deficit from the Great War was relatively light
Macintyre: Little Moscows: Communism and working-class militancy in inter-
11
Q
Macintyre: Little Moscows:
A
- In some areas working-class communities became so militant that they were dubbed ‘Little Moscows’.
- Spirited response to pressures of unemployment grew from places largely composed of manual workers, and with high degrees of integration in terms of family ties, friendships and recreation. Contrast to other areas, such as Lancashire, where reaction to depression was muted.
- Above feelings coloured by local nationalist feelings – none of the places mentioned my Macintyre are English.
