EXAM The Road To War Flashcards

1
Q

What were the long term consequences of the peace treaties for Turkey?

A

t is important to remember that the Treaty of Versailles was not the only peace treaty concluded at the end of WWI. The Treaty of Sèvres with Turkey soon became unenforceable after the rise to power of the able leader Mustafa Kemal ‘Ataturk’, who was nationalistic and competently militaristic. It could be argued that the main long- term consequence of its having been drawn up in the first place was that Turkey was not tempted to side with Germany in WWII: the Turks remembered the high cost of losing in WWI

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2
Q

What were the long term consequences of the Peace Treaties for Austria, Hungary and Bulgaria?

A

The Treaties with Austria, Hungary and Bulgaria (which all involved loss of territory, de-militarisation and punitive reparations) had serious long-term consequences. They left a legacy of bitterness and resentment at perceived injustice that led to extreme nationalist movements in these countries in the 1930s, determined to ‘recover’ lands believed to have been lost. The name given to these movements, whether they were Fascist, Nazi or extreme nationalist in nature, is irredentist movements (i.e. movements which wanted to redeem – that is, recover – lost lands). The ultimate long-term consequence was that Austria, Hungary and Bulgaria all fought on the Nazi side in WWII. Austria had no choice, as it was incorporated into the Reich in 1938, but it could be argued that one consequence of the peace treaties was that there was significant support for Hitler and Anschluss in Austria. In Central Europe and the Balkans, therefore, one important consequence was lack of support for the League of Nations, the creation of which had been written into opening clauses of all the peace treaties.

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3
Q

What were the long term consequences of the peace Treaties for Germany?

A

Regarding Germany and the Treaty of Versailles, the long-term consequences of the Paris Peace Treaty can hardly be understated. The key clauses explain most of Hitler’s foreign policy between 1933 and 1939: he sought to reverse the terms of the Treaty one by one. Accomplishing this was basic to achieving his remaining foreign policy goals of expanding in Eastern Europe, gaining Lebensraum or ‘living space’ there, and destroying the USSR, which he was convinced was a Jewish- Communist menace to the survival of western civilisation. Promising to reverse the terms of the Treaty of Versailles had helped Hitler to win a degree of support before the Great Depression and mass support during it. One long term consequence of the Treaty therefore was the cross-party resentment they caused in Germany. Almost all Germans wanted rearmament, wanted the Anschluss, wanted the return of the Saar coalfields and the Anschluss. The military clauses of the Treaty were being broken in secret almost from the beginning in the 1920s – not by Hitler, but by the Weimar Republic. Hitler was able to take the concept of Anschluss a stage further with his concept of a greater ‘Reich’ (i.e. empire) incorporating all German-speakers, even those in the Sudetenland, who had never been part of Germany before.

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4
Q

What did the Western democracies think about the Treaty of Versailles?

A

Here, the most dangerous long-term consequence for the future of international peace was the residual guilt felt by public and politicians. Fuelled by books like Keynes’ on the negative economic consequences, this guilt contributed to dangerous sympathy for Hitler’s foreign policy demands at key moments where he might have been resisted successfully (e.g. over re-armament and the re- militarisation of the Rhineland).

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5
Q

Why was there resentment of the Treaty of Versailles from Italy and Japan?

A

Finally, another long-term consequence of the Treaty of Versailles was the resentment felt by powers like Italy and Japan, who – rightly or wrongly – arrived at the Paris Peace Conference with a sense of entitlement that was not fulfilled. This helps explain why these countries aligned with Germany during the critical decade of the 1930s, as seen in the Rome-Berlin Axis agreement of 1936 and the Anti-Comintern Pacts of 1936 and 1937. The fear that Italy and Japan might align with Germany, and then the knowledge that they had, were contributing factors to the British and French policy of appeasement, because Britain and France believed they could not fight against Germany in Western Europe and defend their Mediterranean and Far East empires against Italy and Japan at the same time.

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6
Q

Increasing Militarism in Japan?

A

The beliefs of the Japanese army commanders (who admired the Nazis and Fascists) were similar, in that war is the supreme test of a nation. The greatest glory for the individual citizen was to die for the fatherland in battle: to commit an act of military self-sacrifice for the nation. During the 1930s, Japanese society became increasingly militarised as a direct result of government policy. Japan used propaganda and control of education to try to change the way that society thought about war. Japan had left the LoN in February 1933. The philosophy of the League of Nations was to maintain international peace through collective security: any state leaving it had other views about how international relations should be conducted (i.e. that war instead of peace was the natural state of affairs). In Japan, where over-population and a lack of raw materials created a similar misplaced sense of Lebensraum-entitlement to that which existed in Germany and Italy, there was resentment at the presence of European empires in Asia: these white- ruled empires occupied the very lands where Japan could take what she needed to survive. Japanese General and Education Minister, Sadao Araki, a leading right- wing nationalist, made sure the army’s nationalist, warlike agenda was taught in schools during the 1930s. Japan increased military expenditure and capacity. No less dangerously, they also devoted significant resources and time to changing the way that their citizens thought about war, and increasing their willingness to fight as required. The extent to which they succeeded can be measured in the willingness of the younger generation who came through the educational system to kill without mercy and carry out atrocities,

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7
Q

Increasing militarism in Germany?

A

For most of the 1930s, Germany was ruled by Nazis, Nazism and Fascism are ideologies which exalt and glorify war, believing that war is the supreme test of a nation. The greatest glory for the individual citizen was to die for the fatherland in battle: to commit an act of military self-sacrifice for the nation.

In Germany, Hitler set up the Hitler Youth, which did live weapons training. The equivalent for girls (the League of German Maidens) stressed the importance of fitness for motherhood, to bear sons for the Reich to replace those killed in war.

During the 1930s, German, Italian and Japanese societies became increasingly militarised as a direct result of government policy. It isn’t just that the armies/navies/air forces increased significantly in size, though they did – for example, Hitler expanded the German Army in secret from 100,000 to 300,000 men and then declared it publicly in 1935, when he calculated his position was strong enough to allow him to do so, staging an open-air rally to celebrate the fact. He also increased Germany’s warships from 30 just before he came to power to 95 in 1939. Air power was crucial to ‘Blitzkrieg’ (lightning war) tactics, so he increased the Luftwaffe from 36 planes to over 8,000 war planes by 1939. This was made possible by a massive increase in military spending which distorted the economy (by 1939, over 23% of GDP was being spend on armaments). But weapons are useless if people are unwilling to carry them. Just as significant (arguably more significant) is the fact that the governments of Germany, Italy and Japan used propaganda and control of education to try to change the way that society thought about war. It is important when discussing increasing militarism not just to focus on the build-up of weaponry. Important as a statement of Hitler’s outlook and intent are the decisions he took in October 1933 to withdraw German delegates from the Disarmament Conference in Geneva and then from the League of Nations itself. The philosophy of the League of Nations was to maintain international peace through collective security: any state leaving it had other views about how international relations should be conducted (i.e. that war instead of peace was the natural state of affairs). Hitler gave as his reason for withdrawal the refusal of the Western powers to agree to Germany’s demands for military parity with the other major powers. But the deeper reason is that without military parity (by which he meant the freedom to acquire military superiority), Germany could not hope to wage war on the scale that the achievement of Nazi goals required. How else, for example, was Hitler to acquire Lebensraum in the East, or deliver western civilization from what he believed was the threat of the Jewish-Communist conspiracy to take over the world?
Italy, Germany and Japan increased military expenditure and capacity. No less dangerously, they also devoted significant resources and time to changing the way that their citizens thought about war, and increasing their willingness to fight as required.

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8
Q

Increasing militarism in Italy?

A

During the 1930s, German, Italian and Japanese societies became increasingly militarised as a direct result of government policy. the governments of Germany, Italy and Japan used propaganda and control of education to try to change the way that society thought about war. In Italy, Mussolini put militaristic slogans on huge billboards:
“It is better to live one day as a lion than a hundred years as a sheep.”
“Believe. Obey. Fight.”
These slogans reflect the Fascist belief that the nation should obey the orders of its leader-figure without question and fight for the fatherland when needed. The Italian people (and above all the youth of Italy) were being militarised as a matter of state policy.

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9
Q

What was the Saar?

A

Under the terms of the Treaty of Versailles, the Saar region of Germany was to be administered by the League of Nations for 15 years, after which a plebiscite (i.e. a vote) would be held among the people living there, to allow them to decide whether or not they wished to return to Germany. A major part of the reason for this term of the peace treaty was that France wanted compensation for her losses during WW1: making the German miners in the rich coalfields of the Saar work for them for fifteen years seemed a good way of getting it. During the 1920s, after Germany had defaulted on a reparations payment, France had sent troops into the Saar region. The German workers had hated working for the French, and strikes and violence had flared up. By 1935, there were two key changes to the situation:
• Hitler and the Nazis had come to power in Germany in 1933
• Since 1933, thousands of anti-Nazis had moved to the Saar, as it was
the only part of Germany still not ruled by the Nazis

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10
Q

What was the result of the Saar?

A

The election was scheduled for January 13th, 1935. It took place in an atmosphere of intimidation and violence. The Communists and Social Democrats in the Saar had formed a ‘united front’ campaign to try to retain League of Nations status. Saar Nazis, allied with the right-wing Saar Police and helped by the Gestapo, beat them up. Hitler was genuinely scared he might lose the vote.
The League of Nations knew this was going on, but it was afraid to stop the vote in case it led to Nazi-inspired riots. The Nazis grew bolder. Led by Spaniol, 17,000 Nazi Saarlanders who had gone back to Germany to join the SA threatened to invade the Saar and impose Nazi rule. Britain threatened to send troops to prevent this from happening and the British bluff was not called.
The plebiscite was held on the 13th January 1935. It was judged to be a fair vote by international observers. 90.8% of voters wished to be part of Germany. 8.8% voted to remain under a League of Nations mandate. Only 0.4% voted to become part of France. Hitler declared that “This is the first of the injustices of Versailles to be reversed.”

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11
Q

What was the significance of the Saar plebiscite?

A

• Hitler’s popularity increased in Germany.
• Hitler’s credibility was boosted: a hated term of the Treaty of Versailles
had been reversed and Hitler received the credit for it. The recovery of
the Saar region made him seem like a man who kept his promises.
• The achievement did not cost Germany in lives or money. It had the air of
a military achievement, without actually being one. This was perfect for Hitler in 1935, because he was still limited in what he could do by the military restrictions of the Treaty of Versailles.
• It could be argued that the Saar plebiscite provided further evidence of the weakness of the League of Nations, which did nothing to stop the intimidation of voters and violence against them. This was noted by the Nazis.

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12
Q

What was the Remilitarisation of the Rhineland?

A

Soon after coming to power in 1933, Hitler began breaking the terms of the Treaty of Versailles, moving cautiously each time to see what he could get away with. In secret, he tripled the size of Germany’s army (reduced at Versailles to 100,000 men) and then openly announced it in 1935. When nothing was done by Britain and France, he re- introduced conscription. As he got away with more, he gradually became bolder. Good at sensing fear, he was equally good at exploiting it. In 1935, he recovered the Saar. Next on his list was the re-occupation or re-militarisation of the Rhineland.
One of the most bitterly resented terms of the Treaty of Versailles was the term that forbade Germany to keep troops in the Rhineland. For the sake of French security, this zone on the Franco-German border was kept de-militarised. Hitler had originally thought he might have to wait until 1937 before he was strong enough to do this, as it was taking time to re-build the Germany army to a credible fighting force, but international events played into his hands:

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13
Q

What political events allowed Hitler to remilitarise the Rhineland?

A

In particular, Italy became involved in a controversial war in Abyssinia. This kept her occupied in Africa, and also worsened her relations with Britain and France. So Hitler suspected he could bring his plans forward in time, as he would not face a united front from Britain, France and Italy.
• Also, Britain and France had been hit by the Great Depression and wished to avoid war.
• Another key factor was Hitler’s awareness that most people in Britain did not see why Germany should not have troops in any part of her own country. Would Britain support military action by France if Hitler sent troops into the Rhineland? It might be worth gambling that she would not. And if Britain refused to help, would France do anything on her own?

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14
Q

What was the result of the Rhineland remilitarisation?

A

In April 1936, he sent a token force into the Rhineland, with strict orders to withdraw if it met with resistance. There was no resistance. Hitler, to his surprise and delight, realized that he had got away with it.

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15
Q

What were the consequences of the remilitarisation of the Rhineland?

A
  • Hitler achieved another major foreign policy triumph, boosting his popularity and credibility within Germany; again, as with the Saar crisis, he seemed to be a man who kept his word that he would reverse the hated terms of the Treaty of Versailles. This was a bigger success than the Saar Crisis, because France at least and Britain too could have been expected to use military force to resist the re-militarisation. It was also a bigger success than the Saar Crisis because the de-militarisation of the Rhineland was a term of the Treaty of Versailles that was more bitterly resented.
  • Hitler became bolder in his foreign policy. His contempt for western democracies increased. Britain and France had been too scared to oppose him when their own interests were directly at stake. Why should they oppose him as he moved gradually east, reversing the terms of the Treaty of Versailles as he went?
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16
Q

What was the build up to the Spanish civil war?

A

In 1936, a general election in Spain returned a coalition government (i.e. a government made up of many different parties). The groups which united to form the government were the liberals, the socialists, the communists and the anarchists. Extreme right- wingers in Spain refused to accept the result of the election. Later that year, the army rose in rebellion against the government. This revolt was supported by the landowning aristocracy of Spain and also by the Catholic Church. Three generals led the revolt, but the one who soon emerged as the overall leader was Francisco Franco, the commander of the Spanish Foreign legion, which was based in Africa. To make the revolt against the legally-elected government effective, Franco had to find a way of transporting his army from Africa to Spain. He could not go by sea, because the Spanish Navy had stayed loyal to the government. Therefore, he approached Hitler, requesting that the German Air Force (Luftwaffe) provide planes to transport over 15,000 troops. Hitler’s initial response was a cautious one. Yet he soon agreed to the request for aid.

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17
Q

Why did Hitler intervene in Spain?

A

• The Spanish Civil War offered Hitler a chance to try out new weapons and tactics and men: this made military sense, given that Germany was now rearming seriously
• Hitler calculated that fighting on the same side as Mussolini would bring the Italian dictator closer to himself and pull him further away from Britain and France. This was vital for the Anschluss because it had been Mussolini’s decision to move troops to the Italo-Austrian border which had prevented it happening in 1934
• Anti-Communism: Franco, like Hitler, was anti-communist. Fighting in Spain alongside Franco’s troops allowed Hitler to prove his boast that he was one of the world’s leading enemies of communism. It is important to bear in mind that it was not only Fascists and Nazis who were anti-communist in the 1930s. Many right-wing democrats were strongly opposed to communism, as was the Catholic Church. Sending aid to Franco won Hitler good publicity in some
circles, as well as bad publicity in other circles
• Useful future allies: Hitler was well aware of the fact that Spain had a border
with France. Being on the winning side in Spain could be of benefit later, if there was a general war in Europe, as Spain might fight on Hitler’s side, or at least allow German armies to operate from Spain in a war against France
• Raw materials: Hitler hoped to drive a hard bargain and force Franco to supply him with raw materials his re-armament programme lacked, such as iron, copper and mercury

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18
Q

What was the double game Hitler played in the Spanish civil war?

A

Hitler now played a double game. In public, he signed a Non-Intervention Agreement in September 1936, in which, together with Britain, France, Italy and the Soviet Union, he agreed not to get involved in the war. Behind the scenes, he smuggled military aid to the so-called ‘Nationalists’ via Portugal.

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19
Q

What help did Hitler provide in the Spanish Civil War?

A

Basically, Hitler provided quality in sufficient quantity. Mussolini, by contrast,
merely provided quantity.
• Transport planes: in July 1936, Hitler provided about 30 transport planes which took over 15,000 troops of the Spanish Foreign Legion from Africa to Spain. This was of fundamental importance, as it made the revolt a military reality.
• Once it became clear that Franco was not going to win a quick victory (due to the timely arrival of the ‘International Brigades’ to prevent the capital city, Madrid, from falling), Hitler provided the ‘Condor Legion’ (below), an integrated fighting force (i.e. a force which had its own planes, tanks and men – this made it easier to co-ordinate attacks). During the three years of the war, about 20,000 German soldiers served in Spain in the Condor Legion. Mussolini sent 60,000 men, but they were poor in quality.
• The German contribution was vital to Franco’s success, as it helped him to control the skies for much (though not all) of the conflict. Also, German troops fought in all the major offensives, including the last great Republican attack of the war, the Ebro River offensive of 1938, which the German helped to halt.
• As prototype planes were produced by major German companies like Heinkel, Junkers and Messerschmitt, they were immediately sent out to Spain to be tested and refined. This helped to counteract the effect of the new Soviet planes that Stalin was sending to help the Republican government. A total of 16,953,700 kilos of bombs was dropped by the Condor Legion, which shows just how much help was given.
• The Condor Legion embarrassed Franco by carrying out an experiment in ‘terror bombing’ at the small market-town of Guernica. The outrage led to the Republican government commissioning the artist Pablo Picasso – then living in Paris - to do his famous painting (see separate sheet).

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20
Q

What did Hitler gain from involvement in the Spanish Civil War?

A
  • Invaluable military practice and knowledge: the tactics which the Condor Legion tried out in Spain were refined into the Blitzkrieg=’Lightning War’ tactics which Hitler used to overrun Western Europe in World War II and to achieve spectacular early success on the Eastern Front during the invasion of the Soviet Union in 1941.
  • Military prestige: this boosted Hitler’s standing, as he had been on the winning side, and his help had been one of the main reasons for Franco’s victory.
  • This military prestige had important political and diplomatic consequences. Images of the bombing of Guernica were shown all over the world and helped to reinforce the widespread belief that ‘the bomber will always get through’. During the negotiations which led to the ‘Munich Agreement’ to give the Sudetenland in Czechoslovakia to Hitler, the British Prime Minister, Neville Chamberlain, was conscious (too conscious?) of the damage that Hitler’s bombers could do to British cities.
  • Raw materials: Franco drove a hard bargain (Hitler once said that he would rather have four teeth extracted than face another meeting with the Spanish general) but Hitler’s rearmament programme benefited from raw materials he would otherwise have lacked.
  • Hitler’s credibility as an opponent of communism received a major boost: from 1936 until the Nazi-Soviet Pact in 1939, Hitler seemed to practice what he preached when it came to fighting communism. This seemed crucial to anti- communists the world over, as Stalin was helping the Republic.
  • As Hitler had foreseen, Mussolini’s involvement in Spain brought him closer to Hitler and further away from Britain and France. This made it easier for Hitler to re-militarise the Rhineland in 1936, and also to achieve the Anschluss at the second attempt in 1938.
  • Strategic gains: final victory for Franco in March 1939 meant that France had three Fascist/Nazi/Extreme Right-Wing regimes on her borders: Italy, Germany, and Spain.
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21
Q

What was the Anschluss?

A

Anschluss is a German word which can mean either ‘union’ or ‘annexation’. Both senses of the term have been used to describe what happened between Germany and Austria in 1938. The Nazis (and their sympathisers) claimed it was a ‘union’, but opponents, pointing to the ways in which force was applied between 1934 and 1938, argue that ‘annexation’ is the more appropriate sense of the term.

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22
Q

Why did Hitler attempt Anschluss?

A

Hitler first attempted the Anschluss in 1934, when he ordered the Austrian Nazis to de-stabilise the country. The Austrian Chancellor, Dollfuss, was murdered, but Hitler’s attempted coup failed because (1) the Austrian army stayed loyal to the government, and (2) Mussolini moved troops to the Italo-Austrian border, honouring an earlier agreement with the Austrian government that he would support it against a foreign invader. By 1938, Hitler, partly by exploiting Germany’s and Italy’s joint- participation in the Spanish Civil War on Franco’s side, had signed the Axis pact with Mussolini and detached him from Austria and the Western democracies. Hitler had also bullied the Austrian Chancellor, Schuschnigg, into allowing Nazis to hold office in Austria, and into signing an agreement which, while it ‘guaranteed’ Austrian independence, also compelled Austria to align its foreign policy with Germany.

23
Q

What was the context for Anschluss?

A

Under the terms of the Treaty of Versailles, Germany and Austria were forbidden to unite. Hitler (who had himself been born in Austria), had written in Mein Kampf in 1925 that “The reunion of Germany and Austria is our life task, to be carried out by every means possible at our disposal.” Vital in itself to Hitler, the Anschluss was also a stepping-stone to Czechoslovakia: Hitler wanted to incorporate the Sudeten Germans into the Reich, and Austria bordered the Sudetenland.

24
Q

What did Hitler do when attempting Anschluss in 1938?

A

In 1938, certain that Mussolini would not oppose him, Hitler ‘invited’ (effectively, he summoned) Schuschnigg to Germany, and demanded that Nazis be appointed to the cabinet. Shocked by Hitler’s aggressive manner, Schuschnigg appeased him: the Nazi Seyss-Inquart was made Minister of the Interior. Recovering his nerve, Schuschnigg then announced a referendum, phrasing the question of Austrian independence in a very clever way, so as to present it as the patriotic, true German choice: “Are you for a free, German, independent and social, Christian and united Austria, for peace and work, for the equality of all those who affirm themselves for the people and Fatherland?” Yes or No?
Hitler ordered the German Army to prepare for an invasion, and forced Schuschnigg to call off the referendum and resign, which he did in a radio broadcast. Seyss-Inquart replaced him and, on Hitler’s instructions, asked the German Army to ‘restore order’ in Austria (the Nazis had themselves created the disorder, as in 1934). The German Army entered Austria unopposed. Hitler then staged a referendum which, though rigged, reflected the reality that by then, most Austrians favoured Anschluss.

25
Q

How did the world react to Anschluss?

A
  • Opinion varied within governments and among peoples. Chamberlain, speaking in the House of Commons, voiced British opposition to what had been done, but pointed out that only force could have prevented it and there was not the stomach for using force in the western democracies.
  • In Britain, public opinion was similar to the attitude that most of the public had taken towards the re-occupation of the Rhineland (i.e. that ‘Germany was only re-entering its own backyard’). Most people felt that Hitler was only correcting a foolish mistake that the peacemakers at Versailles had made, in not allowing fellow-Germans to be united.
  • Some people in Britain (e.g. Churchill) took the opposite view, arguing that Germany and Austria had never been united anyway, and that Hitler had used force to get what he wanted and would now become bolder in his foreign policy, because the western democracies had let him get away with it.
  • Soviet cartoons of the time (reflecting the official Soviet view) took a similar line, mocking Italy for having fallen into Hitler’s trap since her initial opposition to Anschluss in 1934.
  • The Vatican opposed the Anschluss and condemned it in a radio broadcast (Austria had a large Catholic population)
26
Q

What were the consequences of Anschluss?

A

• Austria ceased to be an independent country. Instead, it became part of the Third Reich. It was re-named Ostmark (i.e. eastern border territory) and run by Seyss- Inquart as governor. Schuschnigg was arrested and put in a concentration camp.
• Hitler’s Third Reich increased its population by several million and gained access to reserves of iron ore vital for production of war materials, and also to the foreign exchange reserves of the Austrian National Bank. This was vital, as Germany had a serious balance of payments problem.
• Hitler also acquired Austria’s army of 100,000 men.
• The Anschluss was very popular in Germany, and also in much of Austria, and
having reversed this term of the hated Treaty of Versailles, Hitler could point to his triumph as another promise he had kept to the German people.
• Encouraged by his success, Hitler became still bolder in his foreign policy (the US response was no bolder than the British and French: FDR was preoccupied with the Great Depression, and there were millions of German-Americans who would have opposed military action.
• The Anschluss meant that the Reich now bordered the Sudetenland in Czechoslovakia on three sides. 3 million Germans lived in the Sudetenland, and incorporating them into the Reich was Hitler’s next aim, which he also pursued in 1938. So the Anschluss led directly to the Munich Crisis.
• The balance of power in Central Europe shifted in favour of Germany, which was now in a position to exert pressure on the Balkan region, too.

27
Q

What was the background for the policy of Appeasement?

A

For most people, the policy of ‘Appeasement’ is symbolized by the footage of the British Prime Minister, Neville Chamberlain, waving a piece of paper at the British Press on his return from the Munich Conference in 1938. Chamberlain claimed it was ‘peace in our time’; Hitler dismissed it as a ‘worthless scrap of paper’. Posterity remembers it as the lowest point of a policy of Appeasement that was in itself low.
But as history students we cannot ourselves that luxury: people forget or do not know in the first place that Chamberlain was cheered to the echo for his ‘achievement’ at Munich. FDR sent him a telegram of congratulation from the White House. So Appeasement needs to be understood before it can be dismissed, because from 1935 to 1938 at the earliest, it was not a dirty word in the British political lexicon. True, Appeasement had its critics (like Winston Churchill) but they were in the minority from 1937 until 1939.
Appeasement is so discredited that, if we are not careful, we may lose our ability to understand it in its historical context. But it is important to remember that while Chamberlain and his ‘scrap of paper’ may symbolize weakness and cowardice, most people in Britain supported him during the Munich Crisis, and what we do not see and hear in the infamous ‘scrap of paper’ photograph are the cheering crowds that greeted him when he returned home. As historians, we have to understand before we can judge.

28
Q

What was “Appeasement”?

A

Appeasement is a term which connotes more than it denotes and that makes it dangerous for historians. We need to ask ourselves what it meant at the time to those who advocated it as a policy. Historian Paul Kennedy has come up with a definition which has won wide acceptance among historians:
(appeasement is) the policy of settling international quarrels by admitting and satisfying grievances through rational negotiation and compromise, thereby avoiding the resort to an armed conflict which would be expensive, bloody, and possibly dangerous.
In other words, to those who advocated it as a policy, it made complete sense in context.

29
Q

When di the policy of Appeasement begin?

A

It is very important to ask this question, because although appeasement has always been closely associated with Chamberlain, and although he followed this policy during the most high-profile crises, such as Munich, appeasement did not begin with Chamberlain. In fact, the British government had been appeasing aggressors for years before Chamberlain came to power in 1937. What Chamberlain did was to continue to pursue the policy, and – depending on your perspective –take it to new heights/depths.

30
Q

Can you think of any crises which happened before Chamberlain came to power where Britain could be said to have followed a policy of appeasement?

A

We need to factor this into our assessment of the policy and of Chamberlain. It could be argued that if Britain and France had stood up to Japan/Germany/Italy over several crises before 1937 (Manchuria, Abyssinia, the re-militarisation of the Rhineland), Chamberlain would not have had to pursue the policy of appeasement from 1937 onwards. So the political context for the policy of appeasement was the failure of League of Nations and the policy of collective security. When the League failed, those in power in western democracies (i.e. men like Chamberlain) had to ask themselves the hard question: what do we try now?

31
Q

What was Chamberlain’s background and personality?

A

Chamberlain was born in 1869, the son of the British politician, Joseph Chamberlain. Joseph Chamberlain had been concerned with social reform and spending money to improve the lives of the poor. Chamberlain was very influenced by his ideas and sense of duty to those less well off than himself. In World War 1, Chamberlain was too old to fight. He served in the Cabinet as Director General of National Service. WW1 was crucial in Chamberlain’s thinking. Before he became Prime Minister, he said:
War wins nothing, cures nothing, ends nothing. When I think of the
7 million young men who were cut off in their prime, the 13 million who were maimed or mutilated, the misery and suffering of all the mothers and fathers…in war there are no winners, but all are losers.
Chamberlain’s own brother had been killed in WW1. He did not want to see another war like it in his lifetime.

32
Q

Did Chamberlain’s views on war make him too willing to agree to Hitler’s demands and give him what he wanted?

A

The Treaty of Versailles at the end of World War 1 was also an important influence on Chamberlain’s thinking. Chamberlain believed that the Treaty had been too harsh on Germany, and that many German grievances were justified.

When Chamberlain became Prime Minister in 1937, he had little experience of foreign affairs. He believed that face-to-face talks and reasonable discussion could solve problems, even with dictators like Hitler. Was he too inclined to take men like Hitler at face value and trust what they said? Here is an extract from the British Cabinet records on what Chamberlain told his colleagues after he came back from Munich:
In his view, Hitler had certain standards. He had a narrow mind and was violently prejudiced on certain subjects; but he would not deliberately deceive a man whom he respected. He was sure that Hitler now felt some respect for him…Hitler had said that once the present situation had been settled he had no more territorial ambitions in Europe. To miss all this would be a great tragedy…
People who knew Chamberlain well said that he was not good at taking advice.

33
Q

Might Chamberlin’s attitude to war have affected his ability to deal with Hitler?

A

To an extent, this question is also asking what factors influenced the appeasers before Chamberlain. Both the –re-Chamberlain appeasers and Chamberlain himself were influenced by the following major factors:
• Britain’s perceived military strength (during the 1930s, British politicians were conscious of British weakness, both in real terms and relative to the power of the dictators).
• The security of the British Empire (especially in the Far East, against Japan, which threatened India, the ‘Jewel in the imperial crown’)
• The need to play for time (to re-arm)
• A final factor influencing Chamberlain’s thinking was his hatred of
communism and his deep distrust of the Soviet Union: this led him to think that an alliance with the Soviet Union against Hitler was neither possible nor desirable.

34
Q

What was the Munich Crisis about?

A

As always, the roots of the crisis lay in the terms of the peace treaties that concluded WW1. The new state of Czechoslovakia contained 3 million Germans, mostly in the border regions, which came to be known as the Sudetenland (literally, the South land – this was a new term). These Germans had made no protests about living in Czechoslovakia until Hitler came to power. From 1935 onwards, Nazis in the Sudetenland, led by Konrad Heinlein and backed by money from Nazi Germany, began to complain about their treatment by the Czechs. This was to create a pretext for Hitler’s demand that the Sudetenland be ‘returned’ to Germany.
Once more, Hitler was taking a tremendous gamble. The Czechs had a strong army and a mountain chain to defend them. They also had the Skoda armaments factories to produce high-quality weapons. Hitler’s generals thought a war too risky, particularly if – as might be expected – Britain and France supported the Czechs. Even the Soviet Union, concerned about Poland, might ally with the Czechs. One group of generals was so sure Germany would be defeated in such a war that they planned to overthrow Hitler if he attacked Czechoslovakia.

35
Q

How did the Crisis develop? 1st meeting:

A

The first took place at Berchtesgaden on 15th September, 1938. Hitler threatened to invade Czechoslovakia unless Chamberlain supported his demand that the Sudetenland be ‘returned’ to Germany. Chamberlain believed that if Hitler got what he wanted this time, he would make no more demands. On 19th September, Chamberlain and the French Premier, Daladier, tried to pressurize the Czech President, Benes, to give Hitler parts of the Sudetenland and so avoid war.

36
Q

How did the crisis develop? 2nd meeting:

A

But on 22nd September, at Bad Godesberg, Hitler raised the stakes: he now demanded all the Sudetenland. At this stage, British, French and Czechs stood firm: Hitler was told his demands were unacceptable. War seemed unavoidable. The British navy was mobilized and 38 million gas-masks were on the point of being issued. Mussolini then suggested to Hitler that he propose a four-power conference to settle the issue peacefully. This was a clever move: (1) the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia were not among the four powers, and could not influence the outcome (2) holding out the possibility of peace tempted the fearful British and French to accept Mussolini’s suggestion. Hitler thought Mussolini’s idea was a good one.

37
Q

How did the crisis develop? 3rd Meeting:

A

The third of Chamberlain’s meetings with Hitler took place at Munich, on 29th September. ‘Conference’ is not really an accurate term for Munich, because there was no real conferring: Britain and France gave in to Hitler’s demands. The USSR was not consulted. Neither were the Czechs. When they protested at the decision, they were told that they could fight alone against Germany if they wanted. On 1st October, German troops entered the Sudetenland. Once more, Hitler had got what he wanted without a shot being fired.

38
Q

Why did the British and French ‘Appease’ Hitler at Munich?

A

The extract below is from advice given by the British military leader, General Ismay, to Chamberlain at the time of the Munich Crisis:
From the military point of view, time is in our favour. If war has to come, it would be better to fight her in say 6-12 months than to accept the present challenge.
In other words, Chamberlain, who was not a soldier, asked for expert military advice during the crisis was informed by the senior soldier in the British Army that the country was not ready for war. Had Chamberlain committed the country to war over Munich, he would have been putting the country and the empire at stake in the teeth of military advice not to do so. Is it reasonable to expect him to have done this? If Britain could not fight in 1938, what else could she do?

39
Q

How influential were the other factors which helped to shape the policy of appeasement?

A
  • Britain’s perceived military strength (during the 1930s, British politicians were conscious of British weakness, both in real terms and relative to the power of the dictators).
  • The security of the British Empire (especially in the Far East, against Japan, which threatened India, the ‘Jewel in the imperial crown’) This was a really important factor in 1938, and it is easy to forget it because the Munich Crisis took place in Europe. But its implications were global, and Chamberlain, being the King-Emperor’s Prime Minister’s of an imperial power, was required to think in global terms.
  • The need to play for time (to re-arm) This was apparent to Chamberlain anyway, but its importance was hammered home to him by his meeting with General Ismay.
  • A final factor influencing Chamberlain’s thinking was his hatred of communism and his deep distrust of the Soviet Union: this led him to think that an alliance with the Soviet Union against Hitler was neither possible nor desirable.
40
Q

How did the rest of the world act during the Munich Crisis?

A

• Hitler and Mussolini colluded to play successfully on the western democracies’ fear of another world war. Perhaps the masterstroke was the eleventh-hour invitation to a four-power conference at Munich. Fearful
Britain and France, in which ordinary citizens were trying on gas masks, jumped at the chance – exactly as they were meant to – of avoiding war, and agreed to a conference which excluded the Czechs (an interested power to say the least) and the Soviet Union.
• Chamberlain’s naivety is also a factor: inexperienced in international affairs, he did not see Hitler for what he was – a leader who respected force alone.

41
Q

Was the policy of appeasement justified? AGREE

A
  • Early appeasement (e.g. from 1935 onwards, when Stanley Baldwin was the British Prime Minister) relates to Mussolini’s invasion of Abyssinia and Hitler’s re-militarisation of the Rhineland). This could be justified on the grounds that Britain and France regarded good relations with Mussolini as a vital deterrent against Hitler’s aggression (in 1934, Mussolini had prevented Anschluss by moving troops to the Italo-Austrian border). Britain and France feared that applying full economic sanctions through the League of Nations machinery would alienate Mussolini and drive him into an alliance with the more dangerous Hitler. Therefore, they attempted to appease Mussolini with the Hoare-Laval Pact.
  • In 1936, when Hitler re-militarised the Rhineland, Britain effectively appeased Hitler by not acting with France to oppose the re-militarisation. British inaction could be justified on the grounds of lack of public support for military intervention. The views of most British cabinet ministers were identical to those of the British public: why shouldn’t Germany be allowed to put troops in her own backyard?
  • In 1938, at Munich, ‘late’ appeasement could be justified with reference to the public’s lack of enthusiasm for war and the army’s honest assessment that Britain was incapable of fighting a war. Chamberlain asked for the advice of the senior soldier in the British Army and it would have been foolish of him to overrule it, especially as he had no military experience himself.
42
Q

Was the policy of Appeasement justified? DISAGREE

A
  • There is strong evidence to suggest that British and French military strength (and even the willingness to begin to deploy it) would have been sufficient to cause Hitler and Mussolini to back down. Had Britain closed the Suez Canal and deprived Mussolini of oil supplies for his invasion of Abyssinia, his campaign would have ground to a halt in a week. Also, we know for certain that Hitler would have ordered his troops back out of the Rhineland at the first sign of resistance. This resistance never came, and so the dictators grew bolder.
  • Secondly, the positive consequences of denying the dictators what they wanted instead of appeasing them would not necessarily have stopped at the thwarting of their plans: the political consequences within the dictators’ own countries might have involved their actual removal from power. The best example of this is Munich: we know for certain that the German Army commanders had decided to overthrow Hitler if war broke out over the Sudetenland Crisis, as they were certain that Hitler was leading Germany to defeat and destruction.
  • Thirdly, it could be argued that a British Prime Minister more suited to the times (e.g. Churchill) would have seen the bigger picture more clearly, and would have been capable of the grand gesture of an alliance with the Soviet Union, which was an interested power over the Czech Crisis, and which was willing to fight.
43
Q

What was the Nazi-Soviet Pact?

A

• The Nazi-Soviet Pact (also known as the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact after the two foreign ministers who represented the Soviet Union and Germany at the negotiations), was a notorious diplomatic agreement signed in Moscow on 23rd August, 1939.

44
Q

What were the key terms of the Nazi Soviet Pact?

A
  • The treaty stated that both states would remain neutral in the event of a war.
  • It meant that if Hitler invaded Poland (which he planned to do), Stalin would not declare war on him and seek an alliance with the French/British, thus confronting Hitler with the war on two fronts which had ruined Germany in WW1.
  • There was a secret codicil (sometimes referred to as the ‘secret protocol’), which divided much of Eastern Europe into German and Soviet spheres of influence.
  • Regarding Poland, the important part of the codicil agreed that the Soviet Union could take Polish territory on the eastern border, while Germany took western Poland.
  • Hitler allowed Stalin to occupy part of Rumania and the Baltic states of Latvia, Estonia and Lithuania. Russia had ruled these states in the days of the Tsars, before the revolution, so in a sense, getting them back through the deal with Hitler was a continuation of Russian foreign policy.
45
Q

What did Britain and France offer Stalin?

A

If Hitler invaded Poland, Stalin would go to war. Britain and France would fight Hitler, too. Stalin would gain no territory.

46
Q

What did Hitler offer Stalin?

A

Hitler and Stalin would not fight each other over Poland. Stalin would get part of Poland and control of part of Rumania and the Baltic States

47
Q

Why did Stalin choose to sign a pact with Hitler rather than Britain and France?

A

• Stalin chose Hitler’s offer because he needed time to prepare for a future German attack (he had just purged the Soviet Army and liquidated most of its command structure, so he could not afford to have Hitler invade when there were not enough experienced officers to lead the Red Army). Secondly, he stood to gain a lot of territory from the deal with Hitler that he would not get from the deal with Britain and France.

48
Q

How did the world react to the Nazi-Soviet Pact?

A

• All over the world, governments and the general public were stunned. Naively, they had thought that an alliance between two such ideologically-opposed states as Nazi Germany and Communist Soviet Union was impossible. Individual Communists and Nazis across Europe were also stunned, as it seemed that their own side was getting into bed with its sworn enemy.

49
Q

How important was the Nazi–Soviet Pact? Part 1

A
  • The Nazi-Soviet Pact of August 1939 was a crucial late stage in the collapse of international peace by 1939 because the practical implication of its terms (both those openly stated in the text of the treaty and also the secret codicil or ‘protocol’) was that Hitler could invade Poland in September 1939 (the very next month) secure in the knowledge that he would not face the two-front war he regarded as the cause of Germany’s defeat in WWI. He now believed that there was nothing to stop him.
  • Even if (which he did not think likely) Britain and France declared war to defend Poland, his ten year non-aggression pact with Stalin would meant that he would not have a major eastern front against the USSR to worry about – only a western front against the democracies. Thus, Hitler believed he had avoided the Kaiser’s great mistake in WWI.
  • Furthermore, Britain and France too had been trying to negotiate an alliance with the Soviet Union during the summer of 1939, so the Nazi-Soviet Pact is important because it symbolises the failure of longstanding attempts to construct an alliance of Western democracies and the communist USSR against the Fascist dictators. • In a secret codicil, Hitler offered Stalin territory in eastern Poland and in part of Rumania and Latvia, Estonia and Lithuania, which Russia had once ruled: Britain and France offered nothing by comparison. Stalin, who desperately needed time to prepare for war against Hitler (partly because he had wiped out the officer corps of his army between 1937 and 1939), took the deal which gave him more of what he needed.
50
Q

How important was the Nazi–Soviet Pact? Part 2

A
  • The secret codicil guaranteed that Stalin would supply Hitler with vital raw materials that Germany lacked (Hitler was conscious of the fact that this lack of raw materials was another reason Germany lost in WWI, especially in the context of the British naval blockade): the materials Stalin provided would fuel the German war machine for years, making international peace highly unlikely.
  • Stalin had succeeded in buying time for the Soviet Union to recover from the purge of the Red Army and also to transfer much of the USSRs heavy industry behind the Ural mountains, thus placing it out of reach of the German bombers. He had also negotiated back some of the territory that Russia had lost as a result of WW1. Lenin had once said (when persuading his colleagues to accept the harsh treaty of Brest-Litovsk that the Germans imposed on Russia in 1917), that the Communists would just have to accept it and try to get the land back at some point in the future, when their position was strong enough. Stalin was now beginning to do that.
  • Hitler believed that there was now nothing to stop him attacking Poland. He had secured an agreement from the Soviet Union that she would do nothing, and he did not believe that the British and French would honour their guarantees to Poland. Why should they fight for Poland, when they had neither resisted the re-militarisation of the Rhineland nor prevented the Anschluss, when they had not prevented the dismantling of Czechoslovakia at Munich?
51
Q

The Polish Crisis 1934- March 1939

A

Immediately after Munich, Hitler’s foreign minister, Ribbentrop, demanded that the territory known as the ‘Free City of Danzig’ be ceded to Germany. This demand related to another hated term of the Treaty of Versailles: there were 1 million German- speakers in Danzig (known in Poland as Gdansk) and Hitler wished to incorporate them into the Reich.
When Hitler came to power, he was wary of the Poles, because he had an army of only 100,000 men and he feared a Franco-Polish alliance would lead to the dreaded war on two fronts. In 1934, he had signed a 10-year non-aggression pact with Poland to make sure this would not happen. Four years later, he was confident he could be more aggressive and play his usual game of forcing frightened powers to appease him.
The Poles refused to give up Danzig. Negotiations began in March 1939 and to strengthen the Polish hand in the negotiations Britain and France guaranteed to defend Poland if Hitler invaded. It is important to keep in mind the real reason for these guarantees: they were intended to prevent war and should not be taken as proof that the western democracies were definitely willing to fight at this stage.

52
Q

The Polish Crisis April 1939 - September 1939

A

In April, the Poles made it clear that they would fight to keep Danzig. During the months that followed, Hitler employed his usual tactic of complaining that Poles were attacking German citizens in Danzig and committing “outrages” against them. This was unlikely in Danzig, as 95% of the population was German, and the figure may have been even higher by this stage, because many Poles - especially Jewish ones - had fled in terror. However, there is no doubt that Germans had been treated badly in other parts of Poland, and that German-speaking newspapers had been banned.
At the end of August, Hitler played a trick he had played before successfully: he told Britain that Germany would not go to war if Poland ceded Danzig and a small part of the Polish Corridor and Poland allowed a plebiscite to take place in the rest of the Polish Corridor in the near future. The British Ambassador in Germany, Henderson, told Hitler Britain could not accept this, but behind the scenes, he tried to persuade the Poles to make concessions.
In Germany, the Nazis dressed a group of concentration camp inmates in Polish uniforms, shot them, and placed them just inside the German border. Hitler then claimed that Poland had “invaded” Germany. On 1st September, within a week of the signing of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact, he launched a full-scale invasion of Poland. When he did not withdraw his troops as requested by Britain and France, Chamberlain reluctantly declared war on 3rd September and the French declared war the next day.
Note: even on the eve of invasion, the British were trying to contact the Poles to urge them to negotiate. This policy stopped only when it was no longer possible to contact the Poles by telephone. Therefore, it could be argued that the policy of appeasement was followed right up to the invasion of Poland. On the other hand, after Munich, the British stepped up rearmament, using the time to put themselves in a position whereby if they had to abandon the policy of appeasement, they could do so with a chance of defending themselves and the empire successfully.

53
Q

Why did Britain and France declare war on Germany in September 1939?

A

• The less heroic truth was that Britain was fighting in defence of her already- declining status in the world and in defence of her empire. She was fighting for these at what her military experts had told the political leaders was the earliest possible time Britain could fight and have any chance of success.
• Britain was also fighting because her credibility (which had been damaged almost to the point of no repair by a succession of humiliating acts of hypocrisy and appeasement during the 1930s) was at stake, given the repeated empty guarantees she had made to powers threatened by the
dictators, for example at Munich).
• Britain declared war because her Prime Minister, Neville Chamberlain,
who abhorred war and had tried every peaceful alternative to the international crises Hitler had forced on him, was now convinced in his own mind of two things: (1) there really was now no alternative but to fight in defence of Britain, the British Empire, and democracy (2) Hitler was a leader who respected nothing other than the willingness and capacity to use force.
• France, too, had exhausted every alternative to war. France had appeased during the 1930s partly because she could not be sure of British support for a more aggressive policy, but also because the French had suffered so much more heavily than the British in WWI: the fighting had been on French soil for four and a quarter years and had cost so many French lives. Another reason for French foreign policy during this period was that France had a strong element of extreme right-wingers in politics, and successive French governments feared a civil war along Spanish lines if the French government grew too close to the Soviet Union. But after Munich and Hitler’s occupation of the Sudetenland, attitudes hardened, though not to the point where war over Poland became a formality. To an extent, France had no alternative but to follow the British declaration of war on September 3rd 1939, with a declaration on the 4th September. Like Britain, France fought for herself, her empire in Africa and Asia, and her democratic way of life.