exam Flashcards

1
Q

Lenin, “Two Tactics of Social Democracy in the
Democratic Revolution,” July 1905 - 5 main ideas

A

against ‘populist’ (Narodnik) idea
that no need for the ‘bourgeois’
political liberties
- against anarchism rejecting all
participation of the proletariat in
bourgeois politics
- the revolution needs first liberties
and progress of capitalism
- Russia rousing Europe that will then
support the socialist Revolution in
Russia
- but the proletarian revolution must
go further, as the bourgeoisie “will
inevitably turn to the reaction.”

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2
Q

main new idea of lenin in the 1910s

A

-Don’t be satisfied with bourgeois leadership of the
bourgeois revolution because the liberals will not
push the revolution to achieve its maximum gains
(cf. 1905).
- Don’t be satisfied with the meagre liberties provided
by the Stolypin regime (1906-10).
- Search for the most radically democratic allies
among the non-elite classes.
- Preserve at all costs a party base in the illegal
underground that is the only space in Russia for
truly free speech.

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3
Q

3 major changes in 20th century communism/new version of class narrative

A

1) the sense of betrayal by Western Social Democracy
2) the apocalyptic world war
3) the Bolshevik experience as a ruling party, Oct 1917-1922

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4
Q

Pons on the impact of WW1 on Bolshevik rethoric

A

Brutalisation of society creates a war mentality that pushes Bolshevik mentality to be ultraviolent and radical. WW1 is an opportunity to radicalise the masses, life is so awful and apocalyptic they are more likely to accept political radicality and revolutionary ideas

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5
Q

April theses of Lenin (1917)

A

-not a parliamentary republic, but a bottom-up representation (counclis everywhere to tell the gov. what to do)
-abolition of army, police and bureaucracy
-A new International: We must take the initiative in creating a Revolutionary international, an international against the social-chauvinists [socialists, such as the Menshevik, Georgii Plekhanov, who enthusiastically supported the war against Germany] and against the ‘Centre’.” […]

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6
Q

Pons and commintern

A

Socio-traitors”, “socio-chauvinists” and “Centrists” are enemies of the Socialist cause and to join, Communist parties must be made of reliable radicals who won’t fold under pressure
> These communist parties aren’t equal members, but subordinate to the head commie party in Moscow (French or Italian communist must follow the way dictated by Moscow, even if it goes against their national interests), other commie parties are politically and financially subordinate to the chad Russians, only Commies who actually have done revolution and therefore are allowed to give orders
- Bolshevization of CP

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7
Q

2 stages of soviet FP after WW1

A
  1. 1924-5 “Partial stabilization”: normalization of relations with capitalist europe
  2. 1925-27: FROM “CAPITALIST ENCIRCLEMENT” (LENIN) TO “SOCIALISM IN ONE COUNTRY” (STALIN), less about fighting capitalism in one country and more about protecting communism in USSR
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8
Q

Stalin’s views presented at the 1927 party congress

A

> The interests of the USSR and those of the world revolution are two sides of the same coin
With the world on the verge of crisis and war, and a “fascisticisation of bourgeois govts” Communism has to radicalise. Bukharin’s idea of “peaceful coexistence” with European capitalists is obsolete, communists must radicalise and support the USSR, reject any alliance with moderate leftist Social Democrats who will betray the cause if war breaks out.
Soc Dems also annoy Commies because, by being moderate, they tend to take over bigger swaths of the leftwing electorate. Commies see Soc-Dems as the main enemy in their political fight for power, because they dilute the votes and can’t be trusted.
At the Congress, Stalin also says the Commie party must put on hold any plans to support national liberation in other countries, and put first the defence of the USSR

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9
Q

Decision taken in FP after Lenin’s death motivated by

A
  • the understanding by the Soviet leaders, of the security of the revolutionary state
  • purely domestic developments: 1) Lenin’s succession fight; 2) Stalin’s brutal policies
    after 1928
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10
Q

2 U turns before WW2

A
  1. Litinov (jewish), join LON, multilateral org, tries to secure a collective defense pact with France or UK
  2. Soviet-germano pact and its secret clauses, better to have a deal with the devil than no deal at all
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11
Q

S. Dullin

A

She shows that russian diplomats weren’t just Stalin’s puppets but very professional and smart, analysing what the West was tolerating and how to act accordingly, and acted on their own accord in a pragmatic way (until Stalin’s 1936 authoritarian turn)

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12
Q

KhlevnYuk

A

led a deep investigation into Stalin’s archives to understand what motivated him to lead the Great Purge, and prves Stalin’s growing fear of war and that this war would start from inside his country because of a corrupted “fifth column”.

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13
Q

KhlevnIuk

A

-Stalin’s modernization was only aimed at buildinding the military
-underscores how the regime was centred around repression, by focusing on pointing at the many (now) known cases of popular resistance to it, as well as at the unprecedented scope of repressions.
-Insists that the formal distinction between ‘political’ sentences and ‘common law’ sentences does not make much sense as the Stalinist system criminalized so many actions (infractions to work discipline, f.i.) and punished them so harshly that those condemned are also victims of the regime. (There were two courts of law in Soviet Russia, you could be condemned for crimes against society (rape/murder etc) by common courts, but also of crimes against the Party by the Party courts. However, because the Party controlled everything, if a Party court blacklisted you forex, in effect, the condemnation spanned further than you “just” being fired from the Party/your job, you became blacklisted from everywhere. KHLEVNIUK argues that condemnations from both courts were equal in repercussion)
-Stalin actively chose a more radical and repressive approach out of a sense of “political adventurism”

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14
Q

Harris

A

-Stalin continually misread the intelligence he received&raquo_space; believed in the
threat of invasion from coalitions of anti-Soviet capitalist powers, though no
such threat existed before the late 1930s
-Reasons for that misinterpretation: ideology (Lenin’s theory of imperialism /
war / antagonism socialist vs capitalist worlds); actual experience of foreign
‘intervention’ in 1918-20; bias in the way info was collected; disposition of
Soviet leaders to discount counter-evidence.

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15
Q

Zdhanov doctrine

A

capitalist countries are imperialists devil, rejection of anything Western friendly

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16
Q

Stalin’s post-war plan

A
  • rearmament
  • autarky (only trading with communist countries)
  • Zhdanov doctrine
    this leads to economic austerity
17
Q

1947 turning point

A

Truman doctrine
Containment
Marshall plan
Cominform

18
Q

Stalin is dead! all potential new leaders agree that:

A

reduce the international tension,
▪ reach a peaceful solution for Korea,
▪ relax the Soviet Union’s domestic regime by commencing the rehabilitation of the
purged and the slow dismantlement of the Gulag,
▪ reduce the pressure on the member states of the Soviet bloc by mitigating the
more extreme consequences of its militarization

19
Q

Budapest repression

A

1956, Nagy, end of CP monopoly, repression

20
Q

auto-editing

A

samizdat, consequence of budapest repression

21
Q

publishig book abroad

22
Q

crumbling of “peaceful coexistence”

A

Eisenhower doctrine (1957) : rollback on communism
Castro
missile crisis
2nd Berlin crisis

23
Q

Sino-soviet split

A

Begins with Khrushchev’s policies (1955-6)
- Gets worse with the 22° Congress of the CPSU in Oct 1961 (new phase of
destalinization)
- China/Taiwan incidents (1962)
- Tacheng incident and repatriation of Soviet citizens from Xinjiang (1962)
- Breznev doctrine is seen as a potential justification for interference in China
- Beijing calls the URSS “revisionist” (1964)
- Border disputes and clash (1968)

24
Q

Pons reason for communism being the broadest it has been in the 60s, but super internally divided

A

the raison
d’être of Soviet communism was to be “an
antagonist of world politics” offering “its own
modernizing project.” That why “The
epiphany of the crisis of communism in the
last decade of its existence arose from a
gradual but irreparable loss of cohesion,
influence, and credibility.

25
Legalist dissenter
A. Esenin-Volpin
26
Prague spring
1965, failure of reforms under communist lines people are mad Dubcek takes power and wants to reform economy and censorship (socialism with a human face) moscow and hardliners in satelites are scared - Breznev doctrine Operation Danube in 1968
27
Consequences of Prague spring
Generational fracture "new left" Cuba and China Left in the west dissociates with moscow (pacifism, women's rights, civil rightsw, ...) Discreditation of soviet communism + dissent in SU (ex. Nizhni-Novgorod "Progress, Peaceful Coexistence, and Intellectual Freedom")
28
Gorbatchev's revolution
1985-86: first phase of the perestroika ▪ 1987-88: Glasnost ▪ 1989: Congress of People’s Deputies elections, first Parliament (in part) freely elected – several candidates for each seat, no systematic privileging of one Party favorite ▪ 1989-90: dissolution of the Eastern bloc, claims for independence in several Soviet republics ▪ 1991: last crisis, the conservatives attacking Gorbachev, and Eltsin ‘rescuing’ him (August coup)
29
Sakwa
In 1990s, after the collapse of the commie block, the main geopolitical question is “how do we integrate Russia and the European post-Soviet states (Ukraine, Belarus, Baltic states…) in a post CW Europe ?” The two main voices at the time were : > We extend the “Historical West” entirely eastward, basically force EastEur and Russia to “westernise” (comply to all political and cultural principles of the West) > We compromise, doing more trade and diplomacy (no more iron curtain etc, Russia and EastEur are partner countries now, maybe even allies) while allowing Russia to keep some agency and independence. > This second option (nicknamed “Greater West”, the West does grow its influence but not to an excessive point) is more what was adopted > It was crucial for Russia to see some return on the concessions made by Gorbachev in the 1980s. SAKWA says that it was only thanks to the USSR and its unilateral lowering of tensions in Europe that the Cold War ended (An interpretation of the end of CW close to that of Putin and other hairline Russians, basically we (through Gorbachev’s leniency) sacrificed ourselves to end the CW, but we won’t be taken advantage of now and need concessions from the West as a response to our concessions) > Important to remember that Gorbachev didn’t just “give up” on Russian influence and foreign policy. He believed in “New Thinking”, a new view of International Relations, away from CW antagonism and closer to multipolar debates. > Gorbach believed in this new, freer/more equal system, he didn’t just want to accept the rules of the West and cave in to their demands. > In the end, the West did spread its influence to Eastern Europe, with successive waves between 1990 and 2020 of ex-commie countries joining NATO (on their own demand, because they want to be protected from Russia who is a toxic ex who they know might invade its old possessions at any time)
30
Sakwa's peer review
In majority very good except for Fitzsimmons who criticizes some “absurd” conclusions (about the USA I chapter 8) and more generally finds the author inclined to ascribe the responsibilities of all the failures to the West, brushing away Russia’s own agency
31
Sarotte 2022
1995: shift in Clinton’s policy o the brutal invasion of breakaway Chechnya in late 1994 (I add: and the ensuing genocidal war) o the effect of eastern Europeans o domestic political situation in the RF: surge of the “Communists” and far right (LDPR), and (I add) how Eltsin solved the pb – with the oligarchs possessing the media o Balkan wars: new frictions between Washington and Moscow o in the USA, victory of the Republicans in 1994 midterm congressional elections (largely due to a program demanding a swifter NATO enlargement) o continual pressure on Ukraine to denuclearize had brought its fruits ▪ Enlargement of NATO instead of deepening the PfP ▪ Putin felt a weakening in the West in the recent years (Brexit, Trump, surge of far right in France, Germany, Hungary, Slovakia…)
32
Sarotte 2023
The 4 NATO-related events on which Putin insists: o Moscow, in exchange for permitting German unification in 1990 — by ceding its rights from Nazi Germany’s unconditional surrender of 1945, and by removing Soviet troops still in East Germany — received a binding promise that Nato would not expand eastwar (press conference on December 23 2021: “‘Not one inch [of Nato enlargement] to the east’ they told us in the ’90s. So what? They cheated, just brazenly tricked us!”) o the Atlantic alliance reaffirmed this promise with the Nato-Russia Founding Act of May 27 1997; in one of the December 2021 “treaties”, Putin specifically demanded that Nato forces return to their positions as of that date. o the alliance showed its true colours when it bombed Serbia in the 1999 Kosovo conflict o the 2008 Bucharest summit declaration — stating that “Nato welcomes Ukraine’s and Georgia’s Euro-Atlantic aspirations for membership” and that “these countries will become members of Nato” — created intolerable risk for Russia
33