ETVT conventions of IMR and CMR are both still important Flashcards
examples
examples of relaxation
recent free votes
breakdown due to weak pms
PM enforce discipline through POP examples
minksters resigning over disagreement
resignation examples
starmers revised ministerial code
who’s ind. advisor for starmer
Pm acts as
Weak IMR
minsters taking responsibility for dept
saved by PM
Referendums: 1975 EC Referendum (Wilson), 2016 Brexit Referendum (Cameron).
Coalition Government (2010-2015): Lib Dem ministers not bound on nuclear power, tax allowances, tuition fees, Trident.
Sunak (2023-2024): Free votes on Boris Johnson’s Privileges Committee report, Tobacco & Vapes Bill.
Starmer (2024): Free vote on assisted dying bill.
May (2016-2019): Boris Johnson briefed against her, but she was too weak to sack him.
Truss (2022): Penny Mordaunt & Robert Buckland opposed benefits policy publicly without resigning.
Sunak Sacking Braverman (Nov 2023):
Braverman’s unapproved Times article challenged Sunak’s authority.
She was sacked for violating the Ministerial Code.
Sunak as Chancellor (2020-2022):
Supported NI Protocol under Johnson despite potential private disagreement.
As PM, replaced it with Windsor Framework (Feb 2023), showing prior adherence to CMR.
Anneliese Dodds (Feb 2025):
Resigned as International Development Minister over Starmer’s 50% cut to aid budget.
Criticised policy in resignation letter instead of defending it publicly.
Matt Hancock (June 2021):
Resigned after video revealed extramarital affair & COVID rule breach.
Counterpoint: Delay in resignation & Johnson’s initial support suggest IMR was not the key factor—public/media pressure was.
Andrew Gwynne (Feb 2025):
Fired & lost Labour whip over offensive WhatsApp messages.
Labour upheld high standards in public office.
Tulip Siddiq (Jan 2025):
Resigned due to conflict of interest linked to an anti-corruption probe in Bangladesh.
Removed PM as sole authority on resignations.
Gave Independent Adviser Sir Laurie Magnus power to initiate investigations independently.
PM as “Judge, Jury, and Executioner
Boris Johnson’s Government – Partygate scandal & lying to Parliament didn’t force his resignation.
Weakened Ministerial Code (2022) – Johnson rewrote the rules so ministers could apologize or take a pay cut instead of resigning.
Starmer’s Reforms – Removed PM’s sole power over IMR decisions, but he can still protect allies if politically convenient.
IMR Often Political, Not Principle-Based
Louise Haigh (2024) – Starmer ignored her fraud conviction until media pressure forced action.
Priti Patel (2020) – Johnson let her stay despite bullying findings because of her political influence.
only fire f sufficient media and public pressure
department’s failures.
Estelle Morris (2002) – Resigned as Education Secretary after missing literacy/numeracy targets, admitting she was better suited to a lower role.
Ministers must give accurate information to Parliament.
Amber Rudd (2018) – Resigned as Home Secretary after misleading Parliament about deportation targets during the Windrush Scandal.
Gavin Williamson and gillian keegan RAAC schools
structure
CMR
IMR
IMR in relation to responsibility tp department
- against CMR
Convention in Ministerial Code, ensuring government unity.
Ministers can disagree privately but must publicly support government policies.
Ministers must resign before publicly criticising government policy.
Examples of Relaxation:
Referendums: 1975 EC Referendum (Wilson), 2016 Brexit Referendum (Cameron).
Coalition Government (2010-2015): Lib Dem ministers not bound on nuclear power, tax allowances, tuition fees, Trident.
Recent Free Votes:
Sunak (2023-2024): Free votes on Boris Johnson’s Privileges Committee report, Tobacco & Vapes Bill.
Starmer (2024): Free vote on assisted dying bill.
Breakdown Due to Weak PMs:
May (2016-2019): Boris Johnson briefed against her, but she was too weak to sack him.
Truss (2022): Penny Mordaunt & Robert Buckland opposed benefits policy publicly without resigning.
Evaluation:
Still important in strong governments.
Weak PMs or ideological divisions reduce its significance.
- CMR for
Importance in Strong Governments:
Ministers rarely criticise the government publicly.
Maintains unity while allowing private debates.
PMs can enforce discipline through powers of patronage.
Enforcement Examples:
Sunak Sacking Braverman (Nov 2023):
Braverman’s unapproved Times article challenged Sunak’s authority.
She was sacked for violating the Ministerial Code.
Sunak as Chancellor (2020-2022):
Supported NI Protocol under Johnson despite potential private disagreement.
As PM, replaced it with Windsor Framework (Feb 2023), showing prior adherence to CMR.
Ministers Resigning Over Disagreement:
Anneliese Dodds (Feb 2025):
Resigned as International Development Minister over Starmer’s 50% cut to aid budget.
Criticised policy in resignation letter instead of defending it publicly.
CMR Stronger Under Starmer:
Starmer faces fewer CMR issues than May or Truss.
Suggests it remains important in stable governments.
Flexibility as a Strength:
Occasionally relaxed for practical reasons but remains a core convention.
- for IMR
Personal Conduct & Professionalism:
Ministers must resign if their conduct falls below expected standards.
Common causes: bullying, discrimination, inappropriate behavior.
Resignation Examples:
Matt Hancock (June 2021):
Resigned after video revealed extramarital affair & COVID rule breach.
Counterpoint: Delay in resignation & Johnson’s initial support suggest IMR was not the key factor—public/media pressure was.
Andrew Gwynne (Feb 2025):
Fired & lost Labour whip over offensive WhatsApp messages.
Labour upheld high standards in public office.
Tulip Siddiq (Jan 2025):
Resigned due to conflict of interest linked to an anti-corruption probe in Bangladesh.
Ethics watchdog found no Ministerial Code breach, but she still stepped down.
Starmer’s Reforms Strengthening IMR:
Determined to hold ministers to high standards.
Revised Ministerial Code:
Removed PM as sole authority on resignations.
Gave Independent Adviser Sir Laurie Magnus power to initiate investigations independently.
LOA
depends on PM
- against IMR
PM as “Judge, Jury, and Executioner” – IMR depends entirely on the Prime Minister’s willingness to enforce it.
Boris Johnson’s Government – Partygate scandal & lying to Parliament didn’t force his resignation.
Weakened Ministerial Code (2022) – Johnson rewrote the rules so ministers could apologize or take a pay cut instead of resigning.
Starmer’s Reforms – Removed PM’s sole power over IMR decisions, but he can still protect allies if politically convenient.
IMR Often Political, Not Principle-Based
Louise Haigh (2024) – Starmer ignored her fraud conviction until media pressure forced action.
Priti Patel (2020) – Johnson let her stay despite bullying findings because of her political influence.
only fire f sufficient media and public pressure
- for IMR in relation to responsibility for department
Ministers must take responsibility for their department’s failures.
Estelle Morris (2002) – Resigned as Education Secretary after missing literacy/numeracy targets, admitting she was better suited to a lower role.
Ministers must give accurate information to Parliament.
Amber Rudd (2018) – Resigned as Home Secretary after misleading Parliament about deportation targets during the Windrush Scandal.
Resignations for departmental failures show IMR is still important, but enforcement depends on political pressure and the PM’s stance.
- against IMR in relation to department
Ministers often avoid resigning if it harms their career, relying on the PM’s protection.
Gavin Williamson (2020) – Stayed in office despite the exam algorithm scandal, while Ofqual head Sally Collier (civil servant) took the blame.
Civil servants are increasingly scapegoated for departmental failures.
Blurs accountability, weakening the traditional principle that ministers are responsible for their departments.
Key political allies of the PM are often shielded from IMR.
Gillian Keegan (2023) – Refused to resign over the RAAC school building crisis, instead blaming schools and local authorities.
Shows IMR is inconsistently applied, often ignored when politically inconvenient.
keegan:
School administrators of failing to complete government questionnaires about RAAC.
Local authorities for their supposed lack of urgency in dealing with the issue.
Previous Labour governments for not addressing the problem earlier.
LOA
dependent on the PM
