democracy and participation Flashcards
what is representative democracy.
A form of
democracy in which voters
elect representatives to
make political decisions
on their behalf. These
representatives are then
held accountable to the
public in regular elections.
In a representative democracy, elected politicians are made accountable to the
electorate in regular elections. This means that the voters retain sovereignty because
they decide whether or not to renew the mandate of their representatives.
a politician should not be a delegate simply carrying out the will of others. Instead, when making decisions, they should weigh up the feelings of the people they represent with their party’s manifesto and their wider understanding of an issue. In
other words, representatives should act according to their best judgement rather than only following the voters’ wishes.
advantages of representative democracy.
The main advantage of representative democracy is that government is carried out by
professional politicians who are required to be well informed about political issues.
They are more likely to make politically educated decisions than most members
of the public, who may be swayed by emotion and may not fully understand the
complexities of a question. For example, before a parliamentary bill is enacted, it
will have been drawn up by ministers and civil servants, been debated in both
the House of Commons and the House of Lords, and been further analysed in
committee stage when amendments may be added to it.
who is edmand burke
In his speech to the electors of Bristol in 1774, Edmund
Burke (1729–97) explained, ‘Your representative owes you,
not his industry only, but his judgement and he betrays
instead of serving you if he sacrifices it to your opinion.’
Given that Burke was a known opponent of slavery, and
the wealth of Bristol’s merchant class was founded on
the slave trade, this was a courageous statement that,
if elected, Burke would act according to his conscience
rather than do what his electors would like him to do. His
support of the American revolutionaries similarly put him
at odds with most of his constituents. His justification
of his right to choose his own position is often used
to underpin the principles on which representative
democracy is based.
Disadvantages of representative democracy.
Critics of representative democracy, as it operates in the UK, argue that MPs
represent a metropolitan elite that does not represent the more traditional values
of the population. This can mean that MPs can be disengaged from the public
and so do not adequately represent their interests. For example, in the 2016 EU
membership referendum 52% of the public voted to leave the European Union,
whereas 74% of MPs had been in favour of remaining.
. In 2021, Owen Paterson resigned as an
MP after he was criticised by the Commissioner for Parliamentary Standards for
lobbying on behalf of companies that employed him. The same year Sir Geoffrey
Cox MP, the former Attorney General, was also criticised for earning £900,000
for legal work he undertook in addition to his MP’s salary. Although no conflict of
interest was found, some suggested that this was an excessive amount to earn when
his primary job was to represent his constituents.
Critics also claim that the Westminster Parliament is highly unrepresentative because
it is elected through first-past-the-post (FPTP). As a result the Conservative and
How unrepresentative is the Westminster Parliament?
Female
Minority ethnic
LGBTQ+
34%
10%
7%
Privately educated 29%
51%
14%
2.7% (estimated)
7
The social background of MPs is much more middle class than it was in the
parliament elected in 1945. Eighty-five per cent of MPs also attended university
and 19% graduated from either Oxford or Cambridge. Some argue that MPs do
not need to share the same characteristics as a group to represent their interests. For
example, legislation advancing LGBTQ+ rights has been passed by predominantly
heterosexual parliaments.
A powerful criticism of UK representative democracy is that it is least likely to
engage the poorest and most marginalised in society. In 2018, the Hansard Society
estimated that 83% of higher (A/B) social groups were prepared to participate in
politics, compared with 41% for less prosperous (D/E) social groups. Only 2% of
homeless people were registered to vote in 2018.
what is direct democracy.
A form
of democracy in which
citizens themselves, rather
than their representatives,
make political decisions.
The most significant
modern example of direct
democracy is a referendum.
types of direct democracy - referendums
Referendums - Referendums enable the public to directly express their views on single issues. In 2014, in
the Scottish independence referendum, 55.3% voted in favour of Scotland remaining in the UK and 44.7% voted in favour of independence. In the EU referendum in 2016, 52% voted in favour of leaving the EU and 48% voted in favour of remaining
Providing the public with a direct choice can
help to settle controversial issues. Since the
public have voted directly, the result can claim greater legitimacy than a decision reached by their representatives. However, critics note that referendums require a detailed understanding of issues, which the public may lack. The ongoing debate over Scottish independence and the UK’s relationship with the EU also suggests that referendums do not conclusively resolve contentious issues
types of direct democracy - electronic petitions
If a petition on the government website reaches 100,000 signatures it will be considered for debate either in Westminster Hall or the chamber of the House of Commons. This does not mean
that legislation will have to be forthcoming.
However, it does mean that Parliament has to engage with issues the public feel strongly about. In 2021 several important issues were raised by e-petitions such as making it a legal requirement for night clubs to search guests on entry
In 2020, England footballer Marcus Rashford’s #EndChildFoodPoverty gained over 1.1 million signatures, generating huge public enthusiasm and persuading the government to commit to free school meals for low-income families during school holidays However, e-petitions can also raise false expectations and consume parliamentary time. There are issues on which Parliament cannot
legislate (an e-petition to revoke Sir Tony Blair’s knighthood gained more than 1 million signatures but was rejected because knighthoods are bestowed by the monarch) or will not legislate (a petition demanding Article 50 be revoked so that the UK would remain in the EU gained 6.1 million
signatures in 2019). The publicity e-petitions
generate is nonetheless important in informing and progressing public debate
types of direct democracy - election of the leaderhsip of ploitical partys.
All the main political parties now allow their
members to decide who the leader of their party will be. This is a significant power since it may determine who the prime minister will be. In 2022, Liz Truss defeated Rishi Sunak for the leadership of the Conservative Party by 57% to 43%. In 2020, Sir Keir Starmer was elected leader of the Labour Party with 56% of the vote of party members
Supporters argue that this makes the leadership accountable to the whole party. This is an especially powerful argument in the Labour Party, which sees itself both as a political party and as a popular movement. Critics claim it gives too much influence to party activists, who are generally more radical than the electorate. For example, Labour Party members re-elected
Jeremy Corbyn as leader in 2016 by 61.8% even though Labour MPs had previously passed a vote of no confidence in him by a staggering 172/40 votes. Although Liz Truss’ policies proved very popular with Conservative Party members they were hugely divisive among Conservative MPs, leading to political chaos and her resignation after only 45 days in office
types of direct democracy - recall of mps act 2015
If an MP has been imprisoned, suspended from the House by the Committee on Standards or convicted of making false expenses claims then a recall petition signed by a minimum of 10% of
their constituents can trigger a by-election.
In 2019 the Peterborough MP Fiona Onasanya was sentenced to a three-month jail term for perverting the course of justice. 25% of registered voters demanded her recall and she did not contest the subsequent by-election.
In 2019 Chris Davies was convicted of making fraudulent expenses claims. 19% of the registered electors of Brecon and Radnorshire signed a recall petition. Davies contested the subsequent by-election, which he lost
Power of recall makes MPs accountable to their constituents in matters of serious misconduct or illegal behaviour. However, the circumstances in which it can be activated are so extreme that
critics argue its impact has been negligible
advanatages of direct democracy
Supporters of direct democracy argue that it engages the public and makes politicians
more responsive to what people really think. This creates a closer connection
between the public and political decision making. By providing the public with more opportunities to make decisions it creates greater engagement in the political process, encouraging a more politically educated and civically involved citizenry. A greater use of direct democracy ensures that our representatives are kept better informed of developing public attitudes through referendums, consultative exercises
and electronic petitions.
Disadvantages of direct democracy
Critics of direct democracy respond that referendums dangerously simplify
questions to a binary ‘yes/no’ when the issues are much more complex than that.
For example, the UK’s departure from the EU raised highly complicated issues such
as the UK’s relationship with the EU customs union and the EU single market, and the border status of Northern Ireland. None of these issues was addressed in the 2016 referendum, which posed only this question: ‘Should the United Kingdom remain a member of the European Union or leave the European Union?’
A direct democracy can challenge the Burkean principle that representatives should act according to their conscience, not the wishes of their constituents. A high-profile example of this is Theresa May, who supported Remain in the 2016 referendum but went on to lead a government committed to withdrawing from the EU.
Direct democracy does not balance conflicting interests or protect the rights of
minorities. This is why Clement Attlee referred to referendums as ‘a device of
demagogues and dictators’. Direct democracy can also encourage the public to vote on issues on which they are not sufficiently knowledgeable to make well-informed decisions.
is the uk suffering a participation crisis? - public trust in mps.
When Neil Kinnock became an MP, his father told him, ‘Remember, Neil, MP stands
not just for Member of Parliament but also for Man of Principle.’ Unfortunately,
over the years a number of MPs have not lived up to these high standards.
In 2009, MPs collectively were held up to contempt and ridicule over allegations that they were overclaiming on their expenses. A perennial criticism is that MPs can exploit
their public position for private gain.
In 2010, a former Labour minister, Stephen
Byers, was secretly filmed telling a consultancy firm that he was like ‘a cab for hire’.
In 2021, Conservative minister Owen Paterson resigned as an MP after the House
of Commons Standards Committee suspended him for 30 days for ‘an egregious case of paid advocacy’.
Media interest in such stories has done much to damage the credibility of Westminster and fuel voter disengagement. In 2021, according to a YouGov poll, 80% of those surveyed believed there was a fair or significant amount of corruption in UK politics, with just 1% saying there was no corruption.
is the uk suffering a participation crisis? - voting turnout.
Voting is one of the most obvious and important ways of engaging in politics.
Between 1964 and 1997 the average turnout in general elections was 74.5%.
- Voter turnout dramatically decreased to just 59.4% in 2001 when the Blair
government seemed almost certain of being re-elected given its strong record
on governing competence and William Hague’s uninspiring leadership of the
Conservative Party. - In the next four general elections more pressing issues were at stake and so voting
steadily increased, reaching a high point of 68.7% in 2017. - However, the average turnout in general elections from 2005 to 2019 was
65.7%, which was 8.8% less than from 1964 to 1997. This suggests a concerning
downward trend.
Significantly, political engagement is least likely from the most socially disadvantaged.
For example, in the 2019 general election, 68% of A/B voters voted, but only 53% of
D/E voters.
Three of the five constituencies with the lowest turnout in that election were in Kingston upon Hull, where 45% of neighbourhoods are among the most
deprived 10% in England. This suggests a crisis of engagement among the most
marginalised social groupings.
Historically, the turnout in national elections in the UK has been considerably
higher than that in US presidential elections. However, in the 2020 US presidential election the turnout was 67%, which was equivalent to the UK general election in 2019. Voter turnout in recent UK general elections has also been noticeably lower than in several other European democracies where voting is not compulsory and yet turnout is consistently high. This suggests that UK politicians should not be complacent about voter participation (Table 1.4).
Devolved governments, elected mayors and elected crime and police commissioners
provide the public with greater opportunities to engage with the political process at a regional or local level. However, recent voter turnout at such elections indicates that the problem of voter engagement is not confined to Westminster. For example, turnout in elections for the devolved parliaments is no higher than for the Westminster Parliament and in the case of the Welsh Parliament (Senedd Cymru) is significantly lower.
turnout in welsh parliment - 2021 46.5
turnout in scottish parliment. 2021
63.5
Although there has been a slight increase in voter turnout for elected mayors, they
have not succeeded in generating significant enthusiasm from the electorate (Table
1.6).
Police and crime commissioners were elected in 2021 with, on average, a
turnout of just 33.2%, although that was considerably higher than the 15.1% turnout
in 2012 when they were introduced.
Table 1.6 Turnout in mayoral elections
Election
2021 London
2021 Bristol
2021 West Midlands
2021 Greater Manchester
Turnout (%)
42.2
41.2
31.2
34.7
is the uk suffering a particpaton crisis? - party membership.
The membership of political parties (Table 1.7) is also significantly lower than it was in the 1950s. In 1953, for example, the membership of the Conservative Party was 2,806,000 and the Labour Party 1,005,000. This does not necessarily indicate a participation crisis, since voters are less likely to fully identify with one party because of partisan dealignment and therefore have less motivation to join one.
Party
Labour
Conservative
Liberal Democrat
Scottish National Party
Membership
430,000
200,000
98,000
119,000
is the uk suffering from particpation crisis? how it is not
However, other evidence suggests claims of a participation crisis are exaggerated.
When issues are sufficiently important to the public they can still vote in very
large numbers.
The Scottish independence referendum in 2014 recorded an 84.6% turnout. There was also an increase of 7.6% in voting from the first to the second referendums on the UK’s membership of the EEC/EU (Table 1.8).
Referendum Turnout (%)
1975 EEC
referendum
64.6
2016 EU
referendum
72.2
The public may also be choosing to participate in politics in different ways.
Parliamentary e-petitions can generate huge support, as evidenced by the 6.1 million people who signed the Revoke Article 50 and Remain in the EU petition in
2019.
Given that voters are increasingly disengaged from traditional party politics,
e-petitions provide a fresh way of public participation.
For example, in 2021, Parliament debated a variety of e-petitions ranging from the protection of hedgehogs to revoking the television licence.
The hundreds of thousands who marched in London in 2019 to demand that the
UK remain in the EU, and the 100,000 who joined protests in Glasgow during
the COP26 climate change conference in November 2021, further demonstrate the
strength of political activism. Black Lives Matter has stimulated a powerful debate
about racism in the UK, highlighting how social movements can encourage intense
political dialogue, especially among young people.
Pressure groups such as Amnesty International, which campaigns on behalf of political prisoners, and the environmental pressure groups Friends of the Earth
and Greenpeace continue to engage large numbers of the public. Online pressure groups such as 38 Degrees and Change.org further encourage participation by
presenting an accessible mechanism to create and sign online petitions.
The public also has a significant online engagement with politics. The biggest Twitter account in the UK in 2021
was BBC Breaking News, with 10 million followers more than the singer/songwriter Harry Styles. In 2022, the UK prime minister Twitter account had 5.8 million followers,
and politicians with radical agendas generate considerable enthusiasm. Former Labour leader Jeremy Corbyn had
2.4 million followers and former UKIP/Brexit Party leader Nigel Farage had 1.6
million followers on Twitter.
It should be acknowledged that in a democracy the legitimacy of government derives from the vote of the public. Others forms of political activism and engagement are important but should not be seen as a replacement for voting.
In what ways is UK democracy in need of reform?
Critics of the UK’s system of representative democracy argue that radical steps need
to be taken to re-inspire enthusiasm for the democratic process. Trust in politicians
and political party membership has declined and the turnout in general elections has substantially decreased (Table 1.3). New ways need to be found to make
politics relevant to the public. This is vital because if voting trends remain low,
the legitimacy that elected politicians can claim will be significantly reduced. For
example, in 2021, no mayoral election gained more than a 50% turnout, while the
Welsh Parliament (Senedd Cymru) was elected on just a 46.5% turnout.
How convincing are proposals for the reform of
UK democracy?
Critics suggest that there are several ways in which politicians could be made more
responsive to the public. The USA has a tradition of initiatives whereby voters can
exert influence over the direction of public policy, and a related model could enhance
the participatory nature of UK democracy. Various proposals could encourage
greater accountability and address claims of a democratic deficit and so lead to an
increase in participation. All are controversial, however.
How convincing are proposals for the reform of
UK democracy? - poeples referendums
Claims that politicians are insufficiently accountable to the public could be addressed by greater use of direct democracy so that the people themselves are able to make choices. These could include more referendums. Currently, referendums are called by the government when it decides that the people need to legitimise an important decision
such as whether the UK should leave the EU (2016). Consequently, critics claim that
the public are being asked to vote on issues only when the government wants them to.
Other ways of determining when a referendum is called might engage the public more.
For example, according to the constitution of the Republic of Ireland (1937), any
proposed constitutional change has to be endorsed by the public in a referendum.
Therefore, the legalisation of same-sex marriage (2015) and abortion (2018) were
both endorsed by the public in a referendum. However, this model can lead to
democratic overload. From 2000 to 2022, Ireland has had 19 referendums. The
average turnout has been only 48.4% (compared with the 67.3% turnout in the
2019 UK general election), which hardly suggests that referendums have energised
democracy. Equally, some of the referendums, such as whether the age limit for
presidential candidates should be reduced to 21 (2015), could be seen as insufficiently
pressing for a public debate.
In Switzerland, if 100,000 citizens sign a petition demanding a new law then this
must lead to a referendum. A referendum on whether to accept a law that the
legislature has passed can also be held if 50,000 signatures are secured. Supporters
claim that this gives Swiss voters unparalleled influence over their lives and in turn could provide a powerful way of reinvigorating UK democracy. However, critics warn that this model could create a conflict between the immediate priorities of the public and the long-term objectives of government. In 2021, Swiss voters rejected
the government’s proposals for new green taxes to help it meet its Paris Treaty carbon
commitments, leaving its environmental policies in disarray. Referendums are also
a majoritarian form of democracy with no safeguards for the rights of minorities.
In 2009, the building of minarets in Switzerland was legally banned as a result of a referendum, and in 2021, a ban on face coverings in public was endorsed in another
referendum, which then became law. We need to be cautious about extending the
use of referendums since they have the potential to be used in a divisive and populist fashion that could undermine rather than enhance liberal democracy.
How convincing are proposals for the reform of UK democracy? - electronic petitions.
The introduction of electronic petitions means that the Westminster Parliament now includes an element of direct democracy enabling the public to raise issues that they believe need resolving. The Scottish and Welsh parliaments also use electronic petitions as a way of keeping the public engaged with their representatives. As a result, parliamentary debate is now more focused on issues important to the public.
This is firmly within the tradition that Parliament should provide all citizens with the opportunity for redress of grievance whereby wrongs done to the individual may be resolved. Some critics suggest that electronic petitions could be more powerful if they automatically trigger a parliamentary vote. However, this would provide the government with much less time to fulfil the legislative programme on which it has a mandate to govern. It could also bog Parliament down further, debating and voting upon issues that our representatives have already decided upon. For example, in 2021 electronic petitions demanded, among other things, that work on HS2 be stopped immediately and that student tuition fees be reduced from £9,250 to £3,000. Although e-petitions can be important in encouraging redress of grievance, it is also important that they not be used to try to reopen issues on which our representatives have already legislated or decided
How convincing are proposals for the reform of
UK democracy? - power of recall
The Recall of MPs Act 2015 enables voters to trigger a by-election if 10% of them sign
a petition. However, the circumstances when this can happen are quite extreme —
an MP would need to have been sentenced to prison, suspended from the House of
Commons for at least 10 days or convicted of making false parliamentary allowance
claims by the parliamentary committee on standards. Broadening the criteria on which power of recall could be demanded to include issues connected with policy
making would weaken the influence of party whips and make representatives more
responsive to their constituents. In the USA, for example, 19 states have policy-
based recall provisions. In 2003 the governor of California, Gray Davis, was recalled over his failure to balance the budget. In 2021, Gavin Newsom, another Democrat governor of California, survived Republican attempts to recall him over claims he had mishandled the state’s response to the Covid-19 pandemic.
Critics point out that ‘policy recall’ could be used for political advantage by opposition
parties as some suggest has been the case in California. Providing voters with an
opportunity to dismiss representatives whom they believe have not represented their interests would also undermine the Burkean principle that MPs should act according to their conscience. If MPs could be recalled because their decision conflicted with their constituents’ wishes, then Parliament could be deprived of independent- thinking MPs and replaced by mere mouthpieces of their constituents. This could undermine the reputation and authority of Parliament.
How convincing are proposals for the reform of
UK democracy? - Further devolution
In order to encourage greater democratic participation, it has been suggested that
more power should be devolved from Westminster, thereby giving people greater
self-determination. The Scottish Parliament, the Welsh Parliament (Senedd Cymru)
and elected mayors show how decision making can be brought closer to the public.
However, turnout in these elections suggests that providing another layer of
government is not that effective a way of energising political involvement. There
is also little enthusiasm for an English Parliament and when, in 2004, voters in the
North East were given the opportunity to elect their own regional assembly, only
22% voted in favour of it.
How convincing are proposals for the reform of
UK democracy? - house of lords reform
The House of Lords is unelected and unaccountable. Its membership is appointed and there are claims that this can encourage political cronyism. For example, during
his premiership (2019–22), Boris Johnson appointed 86 new life peers, the majority
of whom were Conservatives, including the former Conservative Party treasurer
Peter Cruddas, who is a major donor to the Conservative Party (Table 1.9). In one of
his last appointments as prime minister he controversially appointed Harry Mount,
author of The Wit and Wisdom of Boris Johnson, to the House of Lords Appointments Commission (HOLAC), which vets all nominations. Making the Lords an elected chamber would make Westminster fully democratically accountable. The danger is that an elected Lords could become a rival to the Commons, potentially creating constitutional gridlock, which would be unlikely to make representative government more popular. Given public lack of trust in MPs and concerns about low electoral turnout for elections to the House of Commons, it is also difficult to see how providing another elected chamber at Westminster would encourage greater voter participation.
Conservative
Crossbench
Labour
42 (51%)
17 (20%)
13 (16%)
Non-affiliated 11 (13%)
