Conservatism Flashcards

1
Q

Core conservative ideas

A

Pragmatism
Tradition
Human imperfection
Organic society or state
Paternalism
Libertarianism

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2
Q

What is Pragmatism and how does it like to the idea of human rationality?

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Pragmatism rejects theory and ideology in favour of practical experience - the approach to society should be flexible, with decisions made on the basis of what works. Oakeshott summarised that ‘to be a Conservative is to prefer the tried to the untried’. Pragmatism also implies a flexible approach to politics that considers what is in the best interests of the people, what is acceptable to the public and what will maintain social stability and cohesion. Conservatives’ preference for pragmatism is strongly linked to their view of human rationality. They contend that humans lack the intellectual ability and powers of reasoning to fully comprehend the complex realities of the world. As a result, conservatives tend to dismiss abstract ideas, theories and ideologies that claim to ‘explain’ or ‘improve” human life and development. Principles and ideas such as human rights, a classless society and equality are dangerous because they can promote a radical reordering of society (often through revolution) that leads to worse rather than better conditions. Conservatives try to avoid a rigid ideological approach to issues, preferring to act in a pragmatic way that emphasises caution, moderation and a sense of historical continuity.

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3
Q

What do critics of pragmatism argue?

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Critics argue that pragmatism reveals a lack of political principle and encourages politicians to follow rather than lead public opinion. In practice, political behaviour or action cannot be wholly separated from ideological or theoretical considerations.

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4
Q

Different branch views on pragmatism?

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Traditional and one-nation conservatism are the two strands of conservative thinking usually linked to pragmatism. For traditional conservatives, such as Edmund Burke, pragmatism was an essential element in facilitating ‘natural’ or inevitable change within a state or society. This type of change, he argued, should not be opposed because a state ‘without the means of some change is without the means of its conservation’ - for the state to keep going, it would have to adapt to some extent. Burke’s conservatism maintained that cautious pragmatism would bring about necessary change peacefully, through evolution, whereas the unbending pursuit of revolution or reaction would lead to conflict and chaos. The key features of society - such as order, property, tradition and established institutions - can only be preserved through a pragmatic policy that takes into account shifting circumstances and recognises occasions when it is necessary to change to conserve.
One-nation conservatives hold similar attitudes to social reform. However, more recently they have also adopted a pragmatic ‘middle way’ approach to the economy that combines market competition with government regulation. These conservatives argue that this moderate economic course promotes growth and social harmony by encouraging wealth creation through private enterprise and generating the funding for state welfare programmes.

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5
Q

Case study linking to pragmatism

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Conservative administrations 1951-64
Perhaps the clearest example of one-nation conservative pragmatism occurred in the years
1951-64 when a series of moderate Conservative administrations governed the UK. In opposition, the Conservative Party had opposed many aspects of the Labour government’s domestic reform programme between 1945 and 1951. However, once back in power the Conservatives made no concerted attempt to reverse Labour’s nationalisation of British industry or to dismantle the newly created welfare state. Aware that these initiatives were popular and, apparently, working well, successive Conservative governments took a pragmatic decision to retain Labour’s reforms.

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6
Q

What is the belief of tradition?

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Another important core value of conservatism is its attachment to tradition - the institutions, customs and practices of a society that have developed over time.

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7
Q

Religious Justification for tradition

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Originally, the conservative justification for tradition had religious roots. Conservatives who believed that the world was created by a divine being saw society’s institutions and practices of society as ‘God-given’. Humans who attempt to alter these longstanding social arrangements are challenging the will of God and consequently are likely to undermine society, rather than improve it.

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8
Q

How was the religious justification for tradition weakened

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Although religious fundamentalists still put forward this argument for tradition, this divine justification has been severely weakened by the impact of Enlightenment thinking (with its emphasis on rationalism and anti-clericalism) from the 18th century and the incorporation of obviously man-made innovations over time, such as representative democracy.

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9
Q

Secular arguments justifying tradition

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-First, drawing on the ideas of Edmund Burke and the writer G.K. Chesterton (1874-1936), conservatives maintain that tradition constitutes the accumulated wisdom of the past. According to this view, the institutions, customs and practices of the past (such as the monarchy, the constitution, the nuclear family and heterosexual marriage) have demonstrated their value to earlier societies as they have proved ‘fit for purpose’ over time and survived. For this reason, they should be preserved so that current and future generations can also benefit from them. For example, the monarchy has promoted a sense of national unity and pride over the centuries, seen most recently at the 2011 royal wedding. Thus, tradition establishes continuity and social stability This was Burke’s point when he famously stated that society was a ‘partnership not only between those who are living, but between those who are living, those who are dead and those who are to be born. Each generation has a solemn duty to safeguard and pass on the accumulated wisdom tradition to the next generation. This view of tradition clearly influences the conservative attitude to change.

-Secondly, conservatives champion tradition because, in their view, it provides society and the individual with a strong sense of identity. Long-established institutions, customs and practices are familiar and provide individuals with a historically based sense of belonging to a particular society.
Tradition fosters social cohesion and security because it offers humans a reassuring collective sense of who they are, and establishes powerful ties between people and specific societies. Conservatives claim that any attempt to implement radical, wide-ranging changes will cut people off from the
‘traditional basis of society and inevitably lead to instability, anxiety and insecurity.
Such arguments were used by Conservative opponents of the New Labour government’s constitutional changes in the late 1990s. They asserted that innovations such as devolved assemblies and House of Lords reform would undermine the constitutional stability of the UK and create a mood of public uncertainty.

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10
Q

When do conservatives believe change should be permitted

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According to conservatives, reform or change can only be justified if it evolves naturally in a peaceful, gradual way in order to strengthen existing institutions, customs and practices. Conservatives argue that, by seeking to destroy all traditional political and social institutions, the French in 1789 and the Bolsheviks in Russia in 1917 were cutting themselves off from their past and paving the way for regimes that were more tyrannical (such as the Terror of 1793-94, the Napoleonic Empire and the Stalinist dictatorship) than the ones they had toppled.

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11
Q

Conservative concept of human imperfection

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Conservatives have a pessimistic view of human nature, arguing that people are flawed and incapable of reaching a state of perfection. Conservatism also asserts that human nature is immutable (remains constant). Human imperfection has to be kept in check due to the human capacity for evil.

For conservatives, humans are flawed in three ways: psychologically, morally and intellectually.

These assumptions lead conservatives to endorse organicism - the idea of an organic society or state. This perspective views society as a living organism, with all its parts working together in harmony to ensure that the ‘body’ remains healthy.

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12
Q

Following from conservative view on human imperfection, they stress that:

A

•a tough stance on law and order is required, to deter criminal behaviour
• as human nature cannot be transformed, foreign policy has to be based on national security rather than ‘liberal’ notions of international co-operation and harmony
•human behaviour is competitive, so any successful political system will recognise that self-interest is a more powerful motivator than altruism.
•can’t comprehend complex realities of world, need tradition, pragmatism

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13
Q

Idea of organic society and state and freedom

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Given that conservatives regard humans as dependent and security-seeking, it follows that people cannot exist separately from society as a whole or from social groups, such as the family or the local community. Society and social groups provide individuals with a sense of security and purpose, and prevent the development of anomie - a condition of instability affecting individuals and societies, produced by a breakdown in social standards and values or by a lack of purpose or ideals.
In turn, humans accept the duties, responsibilities and bonds that go with belonging to society or social groups, such as being a caring parent, a considerate neighbour, or a respectful son or daughter. For conservatives, this represents true freedom - the willing acceptance of the value of social obligations and ties. If people did not acknowledge and act on these responsibilities and bonds, human society would lack social cohesion and descend into atomism

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14
Q

What is Atomism?

A

the idea that society is made up of self-interested and self-sufficient
individuals (also known as egoistical individualism). It can also describe increasing social breakdown and isolation.

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15
Q

How is man flawed psychologically ?

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Humans are limited and dependent.
People crave safety, familiarity and the security of knowing their designated place in society.
Such a view places a premium on social order rather than liberty because order provides humans with much-needed security, predictability and stability.
In contrast, liberty raises the unsettling prospect of choice, change and uncertainty.
For this reason, conservatives have frequently endorsed Thomas Hobbes’ argument that social order has to come before liberty.

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16
Q

How is man flawed morally?

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Humans are morally imperfect because they are naturally selfish and greedy. Anti-social or criminal behaviour is due to basic human nature and cannot be attributed to economic or social disadvantage.
A robust law and order system that imposes severe sanctions on such conduct is the only effective deterrent to combat the moral imperfections of humans.

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17
Q

How is man flawed intellectually?

A

The intellect and reasoning of humans are limited. Humans do not possess the mental faculties to make sense of a complex modern world.
Consequently, conservatives reject overarching theories or ideologies that claim to explain or predict the development of human society.
Instead humans need to draw on tradition, history and practical experience to understand their place in the world.

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18
Q

Beliefs about foundation and building of an organic society

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• The internal elements of an organic society or state cannot be randomly reconfigured. Like a living creature, an organic society is maintained by a delicate set of relationships between these elements. If this careful balance is disturbed, the society will be undermined and possibly destroyed. For this reason, an organic society represents more than a collection of individual elements.
• An organic society is based on natural needs and instincts such as affection, security and concern, rather than an ideological blueprint devised by political theorists. Such a view of society - where its component parts have been moulded by natural forces beyond human control - suggests that its members should sustain this careful balance of interacting elements In particular, long-standing institutions have played a key role in preserving the ‘health’ of society and should not be changed or removed.

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19
Q

Who is organic society belief underpinned by ideas about hierarchy and authority?

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Underpinning the idea of an organic society is the conservative belief in hierarchy and authority
Traditionally, conservatism has argued that society is naturally hierarchical - it is based on fixed social ranks and inequalities. This is partly to do with the fact that individuals vary in terms of the talents, intellect, skills and work rate. However, conservatism maintains that an organic society n rest on inequality, not just because of individual differences but also because different classes and groups (like different limbs and organs) have to perform specific roles. For example, some have to provide political leadership or manage commercial enterprises, while others have to perform roll manual or non-manual work, or raise children at home. Consequently, an organic society produces natural inequalities in terms of financial rewards and social status.

Such an arrangement, according to conservatives, can be justified because the most advantaged also bear the heaviest social responsibilities. Managers and employers enjoy higher living standards than their workers, but they carry the burden of protecting the jobs and economic well-being of their workforces. In this sense, a hierarchical organic society encourages paternalism as a means to ensure social cohesion.
For conservatives, the hierarchical structure of organic society is reinforced by authority.
Conservatism contends that authority develops naturally or organically in much the same way as society. This form of authority operates in a top-down manner, shapes relations between the different social groups and permeates all social institutions. Authority therefore resides with political leaders, employers, managers, teachers, parents and so on.
Conservatives argue that authority performs a vital and positive function by providing humans with security, direction and support. Authority also promotes social cohesion by giving people a clear sense of how they ‘fit in’ and what they are expected to do. The leadership exercised by those in authority not only offers discipline, but also an example to be admired, respected and accepted.
Most conservatives assert that the actions of people holding such authority are limited by the natural responsibilities that accompany their privileged position. Employers, for example, have authority over their workers but this does not give them the right to abuse employees.

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20
Q

Heirachy def

A

the conservative belief that society is naturally organised in fixed and unequal tiers, where one’s social position of status is not based on individual ability.

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21
Q

Authority def

A

for conservatives, the idea that people in higher positions in society are best able to make decisions on behalf of other people or society as a whole;
authority comes naturally from above and rests on an accepted obligation from below to obey.

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22
Q

Paternalism belief and argument

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In conservative thought, paternalism is the idea of government by people who are best equipped to lead by virtue of their birth, inheritance and upbringing. Conservatives’ belief in paternalism is inextricably linked to their views on hierarchy, order and the organic society. Traditional conservatives, such as Burke, argued that the ‘natural aristocracy’ presided over society much like a father did over his family; the social elite provides leadership because of its innate or hereditary abilities, just as a father exercises authority, ensures protection and provides guidance. Its skills and talents cannot be obtained by hard work or self-improvement. Those at the top of society have
a dutv to care for the lower social ranks In the 18th and early TOrn centuries. some conservative
aristocrats acted in a paternalistic fashion by improving material conditions for their tenants and employees, and by involving themselves in charitable and philanthropic works.

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23
Q

Examples of trad paternalism

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The wisdom and experience of paternalistic leaders confer natural authority, because they ‘know what is best’ for the rest of society. Traditionally, these leaders were drawn from the aristocratic elite that had been educated in the values of social obligation and public service, and had provided the senior political decision-makers for generations. The Cecil family (Marquesses of Salisbury) and the Stanley family (Earls of Derby) are good examples of high-born paternalistic conservative political leaders. More recently, one-nation paternalistic conservatism has relied on government regulation of the economy and social welfare measures to improve conditions for the poorest in society. UK Conservative Prime Minister David Cameron (2010-16) also drew on paternalism when he called for compassionate conservatism’

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24
Q

What are the two forms paternalism can take?

A

Paternalism can take two forms.
• soft - when those who are the recipients give their consent
• hard - when paternalism is imposed, regardless of consent or opposition, in a more
authoritarian manner.

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25
Q

Examples and origins of one-nation paternalism

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The origins of one-nation paternalistic conservatism are usually traced back to the works of Benjamin Disrael (4804-81), who served as Conservative prime minister from 1874 l0 1880. In his novels Coningsby (1844) and Sybil (1845), Disraeli warned that Britain was dividing into two nations - the rich and the poor - and that this increased the likelihood of social revolution. For Disraeli, such a situation could be averted only by the privileged in society recognising their social obligation and duty to look after the less fortunate. The well-off would preserve their advantages, but they would also alleviate the hardships faced by the lower orders and strengthen the social cohesion and stability of the nation. In this way, Disraeli’s one-nation paternalism blended self-interest with principle. As prime minister, Disraeli translated this idea of paternalism into practice to a certain extent by passing a series of limited social reforms.
By the mid-20th century, one-nation conservatism had added a ‘middle way’ economic approach to social reform in its pursuit of paternalistic policies. The moderate UK Conservative governments of the 1950s and 1960s steered a central course between free-market economics and state planning, on the grounds that the former led to social fragmentation and failed to protect the poorest, while the latter stifled individual initiative and entrepreneurial flair. Economic policy combined government regulation and market completion to produce, in the words of Harold Macmillan, Conservative prime minister in the UK between 1957 and 1963, ‘private enterprise without selfishness’. This effectively meant that one-nation conservatives fully accepted that the state had an obligation to intervene in the economy and maintain the welfare state to combat poverty and deprivation. Nevertheless, there were limits to paternalism, in the sense that improving conditions for poorer groups was principally motivated by a desire to strengthen the hierarchical nature of society by removing threats to the social order.

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26
Q

Which idea completely rejects paternalism?

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In contrast, neo-liberalism completely rejects the idea of paternalism. Based partly on free-market economics, neo-liberalism aims to reduce the size of the state so that the unregulated market can generate a more dynamic and efficient economy leading to increased growth and prosperity. From this perspective, government intervention in the economy (a key element of the one-nation conservative paternalistic approach) or state control undermines human initiative and enterprise, resulting in economic stagnation. Similarly, the neo-liberal faith in individualism also challenges conservative notions of paternalism. By stressing the importance of self-help, individual responsibility and personal initiative, neo-liberals view welfare programmes and social reforms negatively. In their view, they promote a dependency culture among poorer people and undermine the free market.

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27
Q

What is Libertarianism?

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Libertarianism is a political philosophy that emphasises the rights of individuals to liberty, advocating only minimal state intervention in the lives of citizens. The primary role of the state is to protect individual rights. Libertarianism, with its emphasis on maximum economic freedom and minimal government regulation in social affairs, provides a rival conservative core value to paternalism.

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28
Q

History of Libertarianism?

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This libertarian idea has been evident in conservative thinking since the late 18th century, influenced by Adam Smith’s arguments for economic liberalism. For example, Burke advocated free trade and a market economy on the grounds that such arrangements were efficient, just and ‘natural (due to the human desire for wealth). For conservatives, the operation of the capitalist free market represented a natural law that could not be altered without damaging prosperity and working conditions. In its modern form, libertarian conservatism is more commonly known as the liberal New Right or neo-liberalism. Associated with the policies of UK Conservative Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher
(1979-90) and US Republican President Ronald Reagan (1981-89), neo-liberalism rejects state intervention and champions the free-market economy. It fundamentally opposes Keynesian-style demand management and welfare programmes.

29
Q

What do Neo-liberals believe about the free market?

A

According to neo-liberal economists, the free market is the only mechanism that can efficiently supply goods and services on the basis of consumer demand. Only the market, not government intervention, can ultimately determine the ‘natural’ level of unemployment.

30
Q

What do Neo-liberals believe about inflation?

A

Neo-liberals consider inflation to be the biggest threat to the market economy. By undermining financial confidence, inflation inhibits all forms of economic and business activity. To combat inflation, neo-liberal thinkers call for government spending cuts to control the money supply. Both Thatcher and Reagan adopted this approach during the 1980s.

31
Q

What do Neo-liberals believe about the mixed economy and public ownership?

A

Neo-liberals also dismiss the mixed economy and public ownership on the grounds of expense and inefficiency, while endorsing ‘supply side’ economics as the path to growth and general prosperity. Government should focus on the ‘supply side’ to create the conditions to facilitate the highest possible levels of production. In practice, this means that producers’ access to key economic resources (including capital, labour and land) has to be unrestricted - so obstacles such as government regulation, high taxation and trade union influence over the labour market must be removed. Underlying this is the assumption that the innovative and dynamic qualities of entrepreneurs and wealth creators can only flourish when freed from these restraints.

32
Q

Neo-lib opposition to state intervention?

A

Neo-liberalism also justifies its opposition to state intervention by calling for individual liberty.
Personal freedom can only be guaranteed by ‘rolling back’ the state, particularly social welfare programmes. The neo-liberal objection to state welfare is partly economic (public services are inefficient and increasingly expensive, placing greater burdens on taxpayers) and partly moral.

33
Q

Two neo-lib moral arguments against State Welfare?

A

-State welfare programmes create a dependency culture’ by depriving people of self-respect and dignity, and undermining personal responsibility and initiative.
In 1944, Hayek maintained that dependency on the state would produce a ‘new serfdom’. By the 19805 neo-liberal commentators in the USA and UK were arguing that generations of people had become reliant on state benefits.
This dependency was eroding parental financial responsibility for children, thereby undermining the institution of the family, sapping the drive to create wealth and encouraging the growth of an underclass.

-Policies to provide welfare services and redistribute income undermine property rights. No legally acquired property (including income) can be transferred from one individual to another without consent. The taxation revenue taken from income earners to fund welfare programmes represents a form of legalised ‘state robbery’ Such a view is based on an extreme form of individualism - that the individual and society do not owe each other anything.

34
Q

History of the Cons middle-way economic approach

A

This ‘middle way’ approach tried to navigate a path between unbridled liberalism (free-market economics and individualism) and socialist collectivism (extensive state planning and control).
Harold Macmillan, the UK Conservative prime minister from 1957 to 1963, first coined the term ‘the middle way’ in 1938, in his book advocating a form of planned capitalism. For Macmillan, this was to be ‘a mixed system’ that combined ‘state ownership, regulation or control of certain aspects of economic activity with the drive and initiative of private enterprise. There was a clear link between the one-nation conservatism of mid-20th century Britain and Disraeli’s original thinking. Another
‘One-nation’ Conservative minister during the 1950s and 1960s, R.A. Butler, argued that government policy at that time was focused on ‘bringing together what Disraeli called the Two Nations into a single social entity”
In recent years, the one-nation approach has continued to influence aspects of Conservative Party thinking and policy. David Cameron, the former Conservative prime minister (2010-16), drew on this legacy when he argued that a new ‘compassionate conservatism’ would underpin his government.
His successor Theresa May did much the same thing in early 2017 when she called for the creation of a ‘shared society’ that would focus ‘rather more on the responsibilities we have to one another’ and respect ‘the bonds of family, community, citizenship and strong institutions that we share as a union of people and nations

35
Q

New Right thought and 2 main foundational principles

A

The New Right strand of conservatism gathered momentum from the mid-1970s as a rival to one-nation conservatism. New Right conservatism is founded on two distinct but, in certain respects, seemingly opposed ideological traditions:
• neo-liberalism or the liberal New Right - a modernised version of classical liberalism, based on a commitment to the free-market economy, the minimal state, and individual freedom and responsibility
• neo-conservatism or the conservative New Right - an updated form of traditional conservative social thinking, based on a commitment to order, traditional values and public morality.
By amalgamating these neo-liberal and neo-conservative ideas, the New Right contains radical, traditional and reactionary elements. Its determination to abandon government interventionism in economic and social affairs, and attack ‘permissive’ social attitudes (the belief that people should make their own moral choices) is clear evidence of the New Right’s radicalism. At the same time, neo-conservatives stress the benefits of traditional values. New Right conservatism also exhibits reactionary tendencies. Both neo-liberals and neo-conservatives often appear to want to turn the clock back to the 1800s, which they regard as a mythical age of economic liberty and moral responsibility.

36
Q

History of New-Right

A

During the mid-1970s, Western governments using orthodox interventionist policies (based on Keynesianism and welfarism) were unable to combat ‘stagflation’ in their economies - a mixture of persistent inflation combined with high unemployment and stagnating demand. New Right thinking exerted a powerful influence in the USA and the UK where it became popularly associated with President Ronald Reagan and Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. The terms ‘Reaganism’ and ‘Thatcherism’ became political labels for this New Right perspective, which also proved influentid in Australia and other parts of Europe.

37
Q

Neo-liberal features of Thatcherism

A

• Tight control of money supply through monetarist policies to control inflation and so encourage economic activity and investment
Privatisation of state-controlled industries (gas, electricity, water) on grounds of freedom, competition and efficiency Promotion of free market through policies of deregulation affecting London’s financial sector - the ‘Big Bang’ (1986)
. Belief that trade union power was endangering UK’s economic competitiveness led to anti-union legislation

38
Q

Neo-conservative features of Thatcherism

A

• Defence of traditional values including support for heterosexual marriage and the nuclear family
Strong law-and-order policies based on support for police and punitive criminal justice
• Opposition to permissive attitudes and ‘alternative’ lifestyles led to Section 28 (1988), a law prohibiting promotion of homosexuality
• Determination to protect public morality led to government regulation of the UK video market, following concerns about
‘video nasty’ horror films

39
Q

Neo-liberalism beliefs and economic ideas

A

The economic problems affecting the West in the 1970s appeared to discredit Keynesianism and helped create a more receptive environment for neo-liberal thinking. Liberal New Right ideas call for:
• a minimal state
self-reliant individuals capable of making rational decisions in their own interests
•the rejection of collectivism and
• the elimination of government intervention.
Neo-liberalism, promoted by the work of economists such as Milton Friedman and Fredrich Hayek,
principally champions the free-market economy. it sees the Tree market as the onty mechanism that can meet consumer demand for goods and services efficiently and widely, maximise the use of resources, and achieve the greatest overall prosperity. Neo-liberals argue that government intervention cannot solve economic problems (such as rising unemployment and inflation in the 1970s) or properly allocate resources within a developed economy. Government involvement merely causes these economic problems or makes them worse.

The liberal New Right regards government intervention in the economy as the most potent threat
to the free market. State planning, nationalisation and high taxation are all rejected on the grounds that they distort the market and contribute to, rather than alleviate, economic problems. Margaret Thatcher embarked on an extensive privatisation policy in the 1980s that transfered state-owned industrtes to the private sector. Thatcher’s ustification was that nationalised industries were

inefficient and lacked the dynamism associated with the private sector’s need to generate profits.
Similar neo-liberal reservations apply to state welfare provision. In this view, welfare and social programmes expand, irrespective of demand, due to the vested interests of the professionals concerned (such as doctors, teachers and administrators) and politicians (who promise increased government spending on these services in order to secure votes at election time). The end result is higher taxation, rising inflation, and increasingly inefficient and bloated state services artificially protected from free-market competition. Consequently, many neoliberals maintain that to improve efficiency, public services and other government agencies should be exposed to the competitive forces of the market economy.
Finally, neo-liberalism advocates atomistic individualism (the idea that individuals are rational, self-interested and self-sufficient), which is clearly linked to the liberal New Right belief in free-market economics. According to the liberal New Right, the freedom of the market is the guarantee of individual freedom. Neo-liberals view freedom in negative terms, stressing the need to remove external constraints or limitations on the individual. Individual freedom can only be preserved by opposing collectivism and rolling back the state. In this context, neo-liberals criticise state welfare policies for creating a dependency culture and infringing property rights by imposing high taxes on individuals to fund benefit payments. Such a system, in their view, actually institutionalises poverty and unemployment, and undermines atomistic individualism. If people no longer face government intervention and interference, they will be free to deal with each other without restrictions. These unhindered human interactions will create a ‘natural’ order vastly superior to any imposed model because it is based on everyone’s consent.
The liberal New Right concludes that although humans may be selfish, they are rational and entitled to pursue their own interests in their own way as long as they accept others can do the same. This approach to individualism, claim neoliberals, releases human potential and creates natural harmony through free relations between people.

40
Q

Threats neo-Libs believe the economy needs to be protected against?

A

The liberal New Right maintains that the operation of the free market has to be protected against three main threats: monopolies.
inflation and government intervention. Industrial or business
monopolies, in their view, reduce economic competition, leading to distorted prices and consumer choice. Neo-liberals also contend that inflation is the ‘great evil in the market economy because any fall in the value of money discourages economic activity and investment, and breaks the relationship between price level and demand. Overcoming inflation, they argue, is the one vital role
government can play in the economy.

41
Q

Neo-lib take on Keynesian economics

A

Friedman asserted that Keynesian policies to stimulate demand create inflation by encouraging governments to print too much money or provide too much credit. His solution, known as monetarism, is for the government to reduce inflation by controlling the money supply through cuts in public spending. Both Thatcher and Reagan pursued monetarist policies to tackle inflation in the 1980s, convinced that the market would address the problem of mounting unemployment.
The overall neo-liberal approach to economic policy is known as ‘supply-side’ economics, to distinguish it from the Kevnesian focus on demand.

42
Q

Neo conservatism beliefs

A

The other element of the New Right, known as neo-conservatism, can be seen as a mild type of authoritarianism. The development of neo-conservatism (or the conservative New Right) in the USA during the 1970s was a reaction against the reforms, ideas and permissive attitudes of the so-called
‘liberal’ 1960s. For neo-conservatives, these unwelcome changes threatened society with social fragmentation, which could only be stopped by strong political leadership and authority. Unlike the neo-liberals, the conservative New Right were driven primarily by political considerations.
Nevertheless, both components of the New Right agree on the necessity of reducing the state’s role in the economy. The neo-conservative stress on authority and the need to preserve society shows that the conservative New Right is influenced to some extent by traditional conservative notions of organicism. However, neo-conservatism is much more authoritarian than one-nation conservatism, because it seeks to strengthen society by reasserting authority and social discipline. rather than through social reform and welfare measures.
Neo-conservatives focus mainly on the need to uphold social order and protect public morality.
The conservative New Right maintains that since the 1960s authority and respect have declined in Western nations, leading to higher crime figures and increased rates of anti-social behaviour. Neo-conservatives have argued for the re-imposition of authority and discipline at every level of society, to restore the authority of traditional social structures such as the family with its ‘natural internal relationships based on hierarchy and patriarchy. In addition, the conservative New Right promotes the ‘strong state’ or state authoritarianism, with increased police powers and harsher punishments, to tackle crime and public disorder. Both Thatcher and Reagan adopted a tough stance on law and order in the 1980s, believing that prison sentences had to provide ‘hard lessons’ for those convicted of offences.

43
Q

Neo con belief about right and wrong

A

The neo-conservatives reject permissiveness suggesting there is no objective right and wrong. This anti-permissiveness and concern with public morality also stem from the emergence of a ‘free-for-all’or ‘anything goes’ culture in some Western countries during the 1960s. The ‘permissive society’ of that era was roundly condemned by politicians such as Margaret Thatcher who advocated victorian values’, and organisations such as the Moral Majority in the USA that campaigned for traditional values. From the conservative New Right standpoint, there are two problems if a person is free to adopt their own moral code or lifestyle.
The individual concerned may opt for an ‘immoral’ lifestyle - particularly unacceptable to religious elements within the neo-conservative ranks in the USA.
People should not be free to choose different moral positions because this prevents the development of common moral standards, undermining social cohesion. For similar reasons, the conservative New Right is critical of multiculturalism, which, in their view, threatens social and national unity by dividing society along ethnic, racial and religious lines.

44
Q

Differing branch beliefs about Human nature

A

Most conservatives are pessimistic about human nature and regard people as imperfect, insecure and limited.
Furthermore, from a conservative perspective, human nature is immutable, so it cannot be altered by changing economic, social or political conditions. This negative view of human beings shapes much of the conservative ideological outlook. Without firm government and a tough criminal justice system, argue conservatives, human behaviour would inevitably deteriorate. They also contend that idealistic or utopian political schemes
(for example, based on fraternity or equality) will never curb humans aggressive instincts. According to conservatives, capitalism is the only viable economic system because human nature is essentially competitive and self-interested. Neo-liberal conservatives, however, adopt atomistic individualism, maintaining that human beings can be self-reliant and rational in their decision-making

45
Q

Differing branch beliefs about The State

A

For one-nation conservatives, the state is a neutral agency and its primary role is to preserve social order through welfare programmes, economic interventionism and the defence of traditional institutions and values (such as the family and respect for authority). In contrast, the New Right exhibits both liberal and authoritarian attitudes towards the state. Neo-liberals call for the rolling back of the state on the grounds that state intervention stifles economic initiative and growth and creates a debilitating dependency culture. Neo-conservatives agree that the state’s role in the economy needs to be reduced. Nevertheless, neo-conservatives also call for a strong state (based on increased police powers, tougher punishments and anti-permissive policies) to combat crime
anti-social behaviour and ‘permissive’ attitudes.

46
Q

Differing branch beliefs about society

A

Traditional and one-nation conservatives have an organic view of society. All parts of this society, they argue, work together harmoniously to ensure a healthy ‘social body. Any change to internal elements of the organic society may jeopardise social stability by undermining tried and tested institutions. Such a society rests on the conservative belief in hierarchy and authority to give people the security of knowing their place and role in the social order, and the leaders”‘natural top-down control over the other social groups. For conservatives, the privileges of the elite are balanced by a strong sense of social responsibility or paternalism towards the less fortunate. Neo-liberal conservatives, in contrast, reject the assumptions underpinning the organic society such as a ‘natural hierarchy and paternalism. Instead, neo-liberals view society as composed of independent and rational individuals operating within a free market. From this perspective, society is based on an individualism that releases human potential and establishes harmonious free relations between people

47
Q

Differing branch beliefs about the economy

A

All conservatives favour private enterprise but their views on the economy vary. One-nation conservatives endorse limited interventionist economic management techniques to maintain high employment levels, a mixed economy of private and public concerns, and state welfare programmes. They adopt this approach to avoid the
perceived drawbacks of an unbridled free market and socialist collectivism, and prevent social instability. Both neo-conservatives and neo-liberals, in contrast, argue that the state’s role in the economy has to be reduced.
Neo-liberals, in particular, call for a free-market economy on the grounds that it is the best mechanism to meet consumer demand. maximise the use of resources and generate prosperity.

48
Q

Thomas Hobbes Key Ideas and Key Work

A

• An ordered society should balance the human need to lead a free life.
•Humans are needy, vulnerable and easily led astray in attempts to understand the world around them.

Thomas Hobbes, arguably the most celebrated English political philosopher, made important contributions to conservative thought. In his most famous work Leviathan (1651), he argued for almost total obedience to absolute government, as the only alternative was chaos. Hobbes concludes that the best people hope for is a peaceful life under strong government authority to guarantee order and security. The alternative is to accept the’natural condition of mankind’ with its violence, insecurity and constant threats.

49
Q

Hobbes’ view of society without authority

A

According to Hobbes, freedom without order and authority would have disastrous consequences for human society. He created a hypothetical situation known as the ‘state of nature where people were equal and free, and did not have to answer to any form of higher authority. Hobbes argued that under such circumstances, humans would exhibit a ‘restless desire’ for power, leading to conflict and turning the state of nature into a ‘war of every man against every man”. In his view, the state of nature would become a state of war and life would become ‘solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short’. Fearful, self-interested and rational people would choose to sacrifice many of their rights and freedoms in return for order and security.
They would enter into a social contract to establish political authority, surrendering all but one of their natural rights (the right to self-defence) to the individual or group to whom they grant authority. In this way, Hobbes argued, government is established by the consent of the people, who authorise those in power to do everything necessary to preserve order and peace. Thus, the people jointly submit to the absolute authority of the state (what Hobbes terms Leviathan’) which represents ‘a common power to keep them all in awe’.

50
Q

Hobbes’ views about Human Nature

A

Hobbes’ arguments about the state of nature and the need for political authority are clearly shaped by his views on human nature.
Humans are needy and vulnerable. People will compete violently to get the basic
necessities of life and other material gains, will challenge others and fight out of fear to ensure their personal safety, and will seek reputation, both for its own sake and so that others will be too afraid to challenge them.
•Humans are easily led astray in their attempts to understand the world around them.
The human capacity to reason is fragile, and people’s attempts to interpret the world around them tend to be distorted by self-interest and the concerns of the moment.

51
Q

Burke’s key ideas and key work

A

. Change has to be undertaken with great caution, mindful of the delicate balance inherent in an organic society.
.Tradition and empiricism should be respected because they represent practices passed down from one generation to the next.
The Irish-born politician and writer, Edmund Burke, is commonly regarded as a founder of modern conservatism. His reputation rests largely on his book Reflections on the Revolution in France
(1790) in which he criticised the French Revolution and developed a number of key conservative arguments.

52
Q

Burke’s problem with French Revolution

A

For Burke, the fundamental problem with the French Revolution was that it represented an
Edmund Burke: ‘It is with infinite caution that any man ought to venture upon pulling down an edifice which has answered in any tolerable degree for ages the common purposes of society, or on building it up again without having the model and patterns of approved utility before his eyes.
attempt to create a new society and system
of government based on abstract principles (such as liberty and equality) rather than the lessons of the past. Since these principles were not well established in France, he argued, such drastic changes could only end in chaos or tyranny. In Burke’s view, the state resembled a living organism like a plant that may be changed when necessary through gentle ‘pruning’ or
‘grafting’ to preserve the political stability and social harmony. Reform should be limited and cautious, take account of the past, and be based on empiricism and tradition. Revolutionary change threatened to cut off society’s ‘roots’ (such as its institutions and customs), leading to complete social and political breakdown.

53
Q

Burke’s argument for tradition

A

Burke’s endorsement of the value of tradition and empiricism is clearly linked to his attitude towards organic, gradual change. In his view, tradition and empiricism represent the accumulated and ‘tested’ wisdom of the past residing in society’s long-standing institutions, customs and practices, and so they should be respected. As he explained: ‘we procure reverence to our civil institutions on the principle which Nature teaches us to revere individual men: on account of their age, and on account of those from whom they are descended’ According to Burke, continuing respect for tradition and empiricism promotes social continuity and stability. It also establishes an obligation or duty for each generation to protect and pass on the accumulated wisdom of tradition and empiricism to their successors.
Furthermore, Burke advocated respect for tradition and empiricism on the grounds that they provide society and the individual with a strong sense of historical identity, offering people a sense of being ‘rooted’ in, and tied to, their particular society.

54
Q

Michael Oakeshott key ideas and key works

A

• People’s actions should be guided by pragmatism, rather than by ideology.
• Theories and ideologies oversimplify complex situations.

Michael Oakeshott, a British political philosopher, made a significant contribution to conservative thinking on human imperfection and pragmatism in works such as Rotionalism in Politics (1962) and On Human Conduct (1975).

55
Q

Oakeshott’s problem with modern society?

A

According to Oakeshott, modern society is both unpredictable and complex.
Consequently, it cannot be understood in terms of abstract principles or theories.
‘Rational’ attempts to make sense of society’s behaviour inevitably distort and simplify the facts - a problem compounded by human imperfection, as people do not have the mental faculties to make sense of a complex modern world. Also, the ‘rationalist’ political leader’s impulse is to act solely on the authority of his own reason’ rather than practical experience. This encourages the dangerous idea
that the leader fully understands society and knows how it should be changed. Oakeshott considered that the brutal fascist and communist regimes established in the 20th century were clear examples of this misguided human rationalism in politics.
He also concluded that parliamentary government in Britain had developed pragmatically over time, and had not followed a rationalist or ideological path.

56
Q

Oakeshott’s pragmatic approach?

A

Oakeshott maintained that politics can only be successfully conducted if it accommodates existing traditions, practices and prejudices. This pragmatic approach:
• can deliver what is in the best interests of the people without overstepping the limits of public acceptance
• maintains social stability and cohesion by emphasising moderation, cautious change where necessary, and a sense of historical continuity
• is flexible, reflecting complex and shifting social realities, unlike rigid theories and ideologies which encourage dogmatic decision-making.

57
Q

Oakeshott on pragmatism versus rationalism

A

Rationalist politics is based on abstract principles and systems of ideological thought.
Parliamentary institutions have existed for centuries and govern on the basis of history and experience.
Parliamentary institutions developed pragmatically due to the practical demands of governing.
Rationalist politics leads to destruction and the creation of a new political and social order.

58
Q

Ayn Rand key works and ideas

A

• People should pursue their own happiness as their highest moral aim.
•People should work hard to achieve a life of purpose and productiveness.
The rise of fascism and communism in the 20th century led many thinkers in the West to reconsider the role of the state in the lives of individuals.
The Russian-born American philosopher, novelist and conservative Ayn Rand was one of them.
Rand’s response was objectivism, a libertarian philosophical system that advocates the virtues of rational self-interest and maintains that individual freedom supports a pure, laissez-faire capitalist
economy. These ideas were publicised chiefly through Rand’s novels The Fountainheod (1943) and Atlas Shrugged (1957).

59
Q

Rand’s view of objectivism

A

Objectivism was Rand’s most important contribution to political thought. She claimed that it offered a set of principles covering all aspects of human life, including politics, economics, culture and human relationships. In her view, reason provided the fundamental basis of human life and this led her to endorse a form of ethical individualism that claimed that the rational pursuit of self-interest was morally right

60
Q

Rand’s opinion on trying to regulate or control an individual’s actions

A

Any attempt, said Rand, to control or regulate an individual’s actions corrupted the capacity of that person to work freely as a productive member of society, mainly by undermining his or her practical use of reason. For example, she rejected government welfare and wealth redistribution programmes because the state, in her view, relies on the implicit threat of force to ensure that people contribute to such schemes through taxation. Rand referred to this opposition to external coercion of the individual as the ‘non-aggression principle’. Rand also condemned all forms of personal altruism (the idea that an individual should put the well-being of others first) because such acts created an ‘artificial sense of obligation and expectation, and did not accord with an individual’s rational self-interest.

61
Q

Rand’s view of the free market

A

A self-proclaimed ‘radical for capitalism’, Rand argued that the unrestricted expression of human rationality was entirely compatible with the free market. She called for a full, pure, uncontrolled, unregulated laissez-faire’ economy, maintaining that this was morally superior to the rest because it fully respects the individual’s pursuit of rational self-interest and is fully consistent with the non-aggression principle. Under such economic arrangements, free individuals can use their time, money, and other resources as they see fit, and can interact and trade voluntarily with others to their mutual advantage. For these reasons, she concluded, libertarian conservatives ‘must fight for capitalism, not as a practical issue, not as an economic issue, but, with the most righteous pride, as a moral issue.

62
Q

Robert Nozick key ideas and works

A

• Individuals in society cannot be treated as a thing, or used against their will as a resource.
• Individuals own their bodies, talents, abilities and labour.
Robert Nozick, the US philosopher and right-wing libertarian, was one of the most important intellectual figures in the development of the New Right. In his major work Anarchy, State, and Utopia (1974), Nozick argued for a rights-based libertarian system and a minimal state.

63
Q

Nozick’ s libertarianism and link to Kant

A

Nozick’s libertarianism was partly based on Kant’s moral principle that humans should be treated ‘always as an end and never as a means only. By this, Kant meant that since humans are rational, self-aware beings with free will, they should not be treated as mere things, or used against their will as resources. The assumption that individuals are inviolable end in themselves, Nozick argued, gives them rights to their lives, liberty and the rewards resulting from their labour. According to Nozick, these rights act as ‘side-constraints’ on the actions of others by setting limits on how a person may be treated. For example, an individual cannot be forced against his or her will to work for another person’s purposes (even if those purposes are good).

From this, Nozick reached the radical conclusion that the taxes levied to fund state welfare programmes are immoral because:
• they amount to a type of forced labour imposed on the individual by the state
• they treat individuals as a means or resource to further the goals of equality and social justice and, in so doing, violate the principle that humans should be seen as better ends in themselves.

64
Q

Nozick thought taxes levied to fund state welfare programmes are immoral because?

A

• they amount to a type of forced labour imposed on the individual by the state
• they treat individuals as a means or resource to further the goals of equality and social justice and, in so doing, violate the principle that humans should be seen as better ends in themselves.

65
Q

Nozick’s view of self-ownership

A

Nozick also used the concept of self-ownership to support this right-wing libertarian position. Dating back at least to the liberal political philosopher John Locke (1632-1704), self-ownership is based on the idea that individuals own themselves - their bodies, talents, abilities and labour, and the rewards or products created by their talents, abilities and labour.
Nozick maintained that self-ownership gives the individual the right to determine what can be done with the ‘possession’ Self-ownership gives a person rights to the various elements that make up one’s self.
For these reasons, Nozick asserted, self-ownership also opposes taxation to fund welfare programmes and supports the minimal state. Viewed from this perspective, such taxation is a form of slavery - in effect, the state gives others an entitlement (in the form of welfare benefits) to part of the rewards of an individual’s labour. Citizens entitled to benefits become partial owners of the individual since they have partial property rights over his or her labour In this way, Nozick argued, the principle of self-ownership is undermined. Similarly, anything more extensive than the minimal state also compromises self-ownership. For example, a state that regulates what people eat, drink, or smoke interferes with their right to use their self-owned bodies as they want.

66
Q

Nozick’s view of only acceptable form of state

A

The only type of state that can be morally justified is a minimal or ‘night watchman’ state with powers limited to those necessary to protect people against violence, theft and fraud.

67
Q

Conservative key thinkers

A

Ayn Rand
Thomas Hobbes
Robert Nozick
Edmund Burke
Michael Oakeshott

68
Q

Conservatism Branches

A

One Nation
Traditional Conservatives
New Right?