Attachment Flashcards
What is an attachment?
A close 2-way emotional tie or bond between 2 people in which each person sees the other as essential for their own emotional security. Attachment in humans takes a few months to develop.
What is a caregiver-infant interaction?
Dynamic interaction between the 2. From birth, babies and their caregiver (typically the mother) spend a lot of time in intense and pleasurable interaction. Caregivers typically pick up on and respond to infant alertness around 2/3 of the time. From around 3 months, this interaction tends to be increasingly frequent and involves close attention to each other’s verbal signs and facial expressions.
What is reciprocity?
A caregiver-infant interaction is reciprocal when each person responds to the other and elicits a response from them. Both caregiver and child can imitate interactions and they appear to take turns in doing so.
Brazleton et al (1975) described this interaction as a ‘dance’.
What is interactional synchrony?
When the caregiver and the infant carry out the same interaction at the same time.
Feldman (2007) defines it as the ‘temporal co-ordination of micro-level social behaviour’.
It takes place when the mother and infant interact in such a way that their actions and emotions mirror each other.
(+) Meltzoff and Moore (1977) research support for interactional synchrony.
Meltzoff and Moore (1977) observed interactional synchrony in infants as young as 2 weeks old. An adult displayed 1 of 3 facial expressions or 1 of 3 distinctive gestures. The child’s response was filmed and identified by independent observers. An association was found between the expression or gesture the adult had displayed and the actions of the babies. This demonstrates the existence of interactional synchrony between caregiver and infant.
(+) Isabella et al (1989) research support for interactional synchrony.
Interactional synchrony is important for the development of mother-infant attachment. Isabella et al (1989) observed 30 mothers and infants together and assessed the degree of synchrony. The researchers also assessed the quality of mother-infant attachment. They found that high levels of synchrony were associated with better quality mother-infant attachment.
(+) Large amounts of supporting research evaluation for caregiver-infant interaction.
Many studies of interactions between mothers and infants have shown the same patterns of interaction (Gratier, 2003). This large amount of consistent evidence makes the findings reliable and therefore more likely to be valid.
(+) Well-controlled studies evaluation for caregiver-infant interaction.
Observations of caregiver-infant interactions have generally well-controlled procedures, with both caregiver and infant being filmed, often from multiple angles. This ensures that fine details of behaviour can be recorded (and later analysed), giving lots of information and thus improving our understanding of caregiver-infant interactions.
(+) Good external validity evaluation for caregiver-infant interaction.
Babies don’t know that they’re being observed so their behaviour doesn’t change in response to being observed. This means that the behaviour observed and recorded will be their natural behaviour, so the findings about caregiver-infant interactions should generalise to real life.
(-/+) Feldman’s descriptive, not explanatory (2012) evaluation for caregiver-infant interaction.
(-) Feldman (2012) points out that synchrony (and by implication reciprocity) largely describes behaviours that occur at the same time, but this may not be particularly useful as it doesn’t tell us their full purpose. This limits our understanding of these processes and of caregiver-infant interaction in general. (+) However, there is some evidence that reciprocity and synchrony are helpful in the development of mother-infant attachment, as well as helpful in stress responses, empathy, language and moral development.
(-) Hard to know what’s happening when observing infants evaluation for caregiver-infant interaction.
It’s difficult to be certain, based on observations, what is taking place from an infant’s perspective. We cannot know for certain that behaviours seen in mother-infant interactions have any special meaning, so cannot be sure if these behaviours are important or not.
(-) Socially sensitive research evaluation for caregiver-infant interaction.
Research into mother-infant interactions suggests that children may be disadvantaged by particular child-rearing practices. This suggests that mothers shouldn’t return to work too soon and has socially sensitive implications as it implies that if they do return to work too soon, they may in some way be harming their bond with their child and/or the future development of their child.
What did Grossman’s study (2002) suggest about the role of the father?
He carried out a longitudinal study looking at both parents’ behaviour and its relationship to the quality of children’s attachments into their teens. Quality of infant attachment with mothers was related to children’s attachments in adolescence, suggesting that father attachment was less important. However, the quality of fathers’ play with infants was related to the quality of adolescent attachments. This suggests that fathers have a different role in attachment - one that is more to do with play and stimulation, and less to do with nurturing.
What did Field’s research (1978) suggest about fathers as primary carers?
There is some evidence to suggest that when fathers do take on the role of being the main caregiver, they adopt behaviours more typical of mothers. Field (1978) filmed 4-month-old babies in face-to-face interactions with primary caregiver mothers, secondary caregiver fathers and primary caregiver fathers. Primary caregiver fathers, like mothers, spent more time smiling, imitating and holding infants than secondary caregiver fathers. This behaviour appears to be important in building an attachment with the infant and thus it seems that fathers can be the more nurturing attachment figure. The key to attachment relationship is the level of responsiveness, not the gender.
(-) Differences between research into the role of the father evaluation for caregiver-infant attachment.
Research into the role of fathers in attachment is confusing because different researchers are interested in different research questions. Some psychologists are interested in understanding the role fathers have as secondary attachment figures and sees fathers behaving differently from mothers and having a distinct role. Other researchers are more concerned with the father as primary attachment figure and have found that fathers can take on a ‘maternal’ role. This is a problem as it means psychologists cannot easily answer the simple question, what is the role of the father?
(-) ‘If fathers have a distinct role, why aren’t children without fathers different?’ evaluation for caregiver-infant attachment.
Grossman found that fathers as secondary attachment figures had an important role in their children’s development. However, other studies such as MacCallum and Golombok (2004) have found that children growing up in single or same-sex parent families do not develop any differently from those in two-parent heterosexual families. This would seem to suggest that the father’s role as a secondary attachment figure is not important.
(-) ‘Why don’t fathers generally become primary attachments?’ evaluation for caregiver-infant attachment.
The fact that fathers tend not to become the primary attachment figure could simply be the result of traditional gender roles, in which women are expected to be more caring and nurturing than men. Therefore, fathers simply don’t feel they should act like that. On the other hand, it could be that female hormones, such as oestrogen, create higher levels of nurturing and therefore women are biologically pre-disposed to be the primary attachment figure.
What was Schaffer and Emerson’s aim (1964)?
They investigated the formation of early attachment and were particularly interested in the age at which they developed, their emotional intensity and who they were directed toward.
What was Schaffer and Emerson’s method (1964)?
60 babies and their mothers were visited at home every month for the first year and again at 18 months. There were 31 male and 29 female babies, all from Glasgow and the majority were from skilled working-class families. The researchers asked the mothers questions about the kind of protest their babies showed in seven everyday separations, eg. adult leaving the room (a measure of separation anxiety). This was designed to measure the infant’s attachment. The researchers also assessed stranger anxiety - the infant’s anxiety response to unfamiliar adults.
What were Schaffer and Emerson’s findings (1964)?
Between 25 and 32 weeks of age about 50% of the babies showed signs of separation anxiety towards a particular adult, usually the mother (this is called specific attachment). Attachment tended to be to the caregiver who was most interactive and sensitive to infant signals and facial expressions (ie. reciprocity). This was not necessarily the person with whom the infant spent most time. By the age of 40 weeks, 80% of the babies had a specific attachment and almost 30% displayed multiple attachments.
(+) Good external validity evaluation for Schaffer and Emerson’s study.
The study was carried out in the families’ own homes and most of the observation’ was done by parents during ordinary activities and reported to the researcher later. This means that the behaviour of the babies was unlikely to be affected by the presence of observers. As there was often no observer, participants are likely to have behaved naturally and so the findings about attachment should generalise to real life.
(+) Longitudinal study evaluation for Schaffer and Emerson’s study.
The same children were followed up and observed regularly over a long period of time. Longitudinal studies have higher internal validity because they do not have individual differences between participants which means results are more likely to be accurate.
(-) Limited sample evaluation for Schaffer and Emerson’s study.
All the families were from the same district in the same city and from the same social class. This means that the way they have raised their children may be different to other families from different districts, different cities or from different social classes. This means we cannot be sure that the results of the study can be generalised to others (ie. the stages of attachment may be different in other people).
(+) May lack temporal validity evaluation for Schaffer and Emerson’s study.
The study was conducted over 50 years ago and child-rearing practices are likely to have changed quite significantly since the 1960s. Therefore, the results may not be able to be generalised to today and may not tell us anything about the stages of attachment formation today.