Articles

Question 1

What are the main points of Schmidt’s 2004 article on democratic legitimacy in the EU?

Answer 1

• EU systems are more compound than those of MS
• A government “by and for the people” is not possible on an EU level at the moment because there is no collective identity or will of “the people”–> Democracy vs Demoicracy
• EU does safeguard minority rights while responding to majority will:
• decisions subject to unanimity can be vetoed by MS
• consensus rule: issues with high political saliency cannot be forced on MS
• If we define democratic legitimacy according to a traditional definitions of sovereignty that have been constructed with regards to nation-states, then one could argue that the EU has a democratic deficit

Question 2

According to Schmidt 2004 how do 4 types of traditional sovereignty translate at the EU level and can suggest a democratic deficiency?

Answer 2

1. intl. recognition from other states: economic interests are represented by EU Trade Commissioner
2. autonomy from external authority: MS ceded authority to ECB
3. control of activities across and within borders: gave up individual control over internal activities in the context of the single market
4. exclusive power to organize authority: MS have given up their exclusive organizational authority by accepting the precedence of EU institutions in setting policy and in judging compliance in increasing array of domains

Question 3

What are the main points of Norris’ 1997 article on electoral systems?

Answer 3

• there is no single “best” system: these arguments represent irresolvable value conflicts.
• For societies that are riven by deep-rooted ethnic, religious, or ethnic divisions, like Mali, Russia, or Israel, the proportional system may prove more inclusive but it may also reinforce rather than ameliorate these cleavages.
• For states which are already highly centralized, like Britain or New Zealand, majoritarian systems can insulate the government from the need for broader consultation and democratic checks and balances.

Question 4

What are the main points of Treib’s 2014 article on euroscepticism?

Answer 4

• Eurosceptic parties made up 28% of seats in EP in 2014
  (Note: In 2019 that figure was estimated to be 31%)
• Left parties concerned with austerity measures imposed in the context of the eurozone crisis were a major source of discontent
• Right parties concerned over the financial risks of credit guarantees for crisis countries and economic anxieties resulting from Eastern European immigrants
• populist appeal of Eurosceptic parties made them attractive to voters who feel profoundly alienated from the political processes

Question 5

What are the main points of Zakaria’s 1997 article on illiberal democracy?

Answer 5

• Illiberal democracies gain legitimacy, and thus strength, from the fact that they are reasonably democratic.
• the greatest danger that illiberal democracy poses other than to its own people is that it will discredit liberal democracy itself
• Every wave of democracy has been followed by a set
  back in which the system was seen as inadequate and new alternatives were sought by ambitious leaders and restless masses.
• the most useful role that the international community, and most importantly the United States, can play is, to consolidate democracy where it has taken root and to encourage the gradual development of constitutional liberalism

Question 6

What are the main points of Plattner’s 2014 article on liberal democracy?

Answer 6

• liberal democracy persists due to sources of internal opposition: populism and radical pluralism –> they cancel each other out
• the liberal-democratic system ensures that there will be dissatisfaction both on the part of the majority and on the part of individuals and minorities
• this “balance” is not a long-term fix and cannot substitute for citizens that understand/internalize advantages of liberal democracy

Question 7

What are the main points of Schmidt’s 2012 article on democratic legitimacy in the EU?

Answer 7

• The normative criteria for democratic legitimacy consist of institutional and constructive throughput processes as well as of input participation and output policy
• more (and better) throughput does not make up for problems with either input or output while less (and worse) throughput can delegitimate both input and output
• The multi-level nature of the EU complicates this further, since more EU-level input or output can negatively affect national-level input legitimacy
• The EU’s answer to this problem has been to improve throughput processes of converting input into output (through efficacy, accountability, transparency, openness and inclusiveness) to make up for loss of national-level input and for national problems with EU output
  • BUT no amount of throughput can make up for a lack of input or harmful output.

Question 8

Schmidt’s (2012) core concepts

Answer 8

• ‘output-oriented’ legitimization: centering on the ability of EU institutions to govern effectively for the people
• ‘input-oriented’ legitimization: involving political participation by the people.
• ‘through-out’ legitimization: encompasses not only the internal processes and practices of EU governance but also interest intermediation with the people